Title: An Egyptian In Ireland [Electronic Edition]
Author: Rashad, Ibrahim
Statement of responsibility: Creation of machine-readable version:
TechBooks,
Creation of digital images:
Digital Media Center, Fondren Library, Rice University,
Conversion to TEI.2-conformant markup:
TechBooks,
Parsing and proofing:
Digital Media Center, Fondren Library, Rice University,
Distributor:
Rice University
Funding from: Funding for the creation of this electronic text provided by the Institute
for Museum and Library Services (IMLS), Fondren Library, and the Enriching Rice
through Information Technology (ERIT) program sponsored by the Computer and
Information Technology Institute (CITI), Rice University.
File size or extent: ca. 786 Kilobytes
Publisher: Rice University
Place of publication: Houston, Tx
Publication date: 2005
Identifier: TIMEA, RasEgyp
Availability:
Publicly available via the Travelers in the Middle East Archive (TIMEA)
through the following Creative Commons attribution license: "You are free:
to copy, distribute, display, and perform the work; to make derivative
works; to make commercial use of the work. Under the following conditions:
By Attribution. You must give the original author credit. For any reuse or
distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work.
Any of these conditions can be waived if you get permission from the
copyright holder. Your fair use and other rights are in no way affected by
the above."
(Status: unknown)
Source(s):
Title: An Egyptian In Ireland
Author: Ibrahim Rashad
File size or extent: xii, 316 p. map. 23 cm.
Publisher: [N.p.] Priv. Print. for the Author
Place of publication:
Publication date: 1920
Identifier: From the collection of Dr. Paula Sanders, Rice University.
Description of the project:
This electronic text is part of the Travelers in the Middle East Archive (TIMEA),
developed by Rice University.
Origin/composition of the text:
Languages used in the text:
English (eng)
Arabic (ara)
Revision/change:
December 2005
Statement of responsibility: LMS ed.
Spellchecked, corrected tagging errors, moved supplement from front to back, verified and enhanced metadata.
Ibrahim Rashad has written of what he found in Ireland in a spirit of true
understanding. It is rarely that a visitor comes to our country and departs
with so true a picture of what is essential and fundamental in our
life. The journalist who comes for a week or fortnight confines himself to
political issues, and when he has interviewed a few leaders he goes away
thinking he understands the Irish question. The more philosophic mind
realises that politics depend largely on economics, and that it is the
social order and the average daily life of men that we must examine if
we would understand the national being and the ideals of a people.
Ibrahim Rashad has gone to fundamentals.
To the cultural movement, one of the most powerful influences in the Irish
national revival, he would, I know, have liked to have given more
consideration, but that would have involved extending his work beyond
its original purpose. In this prefatory note, I shall be only complying
with his wishes if I indicate the character of that movement and its
relation to the other forces at work in Irish life.
Those movements in Irish life chronicled so ably by the Author of An Egyptian in Ireland developed out of the
contact of Ireland with her own past, her own language and her own culture.
The English domination in Ireland won its greatest triumph when it
succeeded in cutting off the majority of the Irish people from their
national language. By an anglicised education, by a social boycott, by
every means in its power, it tried to belittle the tongue that had kept the
sense of nationhood alive in Ireland since the English invasion of the
twelfth century. Gaelic ceased to be the language
x
of the cultivated classes only after a long
struggle, and after a more desperate struggle still it lost its hold
on the “common” people. By the nineteenth century
it had ceased to produce a literature, and as a spoken language it was
going fast. At the very moment of its extinction, however, a new life came
to it. Douglas Hyde, a Roscommon man, a Protestant, from the very
stronghold of the Ascendancy, Trinity College, with a violence that might
almost be called personal, restored the suspended animation of his native
tongue, and his voice, the voice of an eloquent Connaught man, sent it
ringing once more through the four provinces of Ireland in a wild call that
brought into being the Gaelic League. A little earlier than Hyde a young
man, called Standish O'Grady, by accident was brought into
contact with the ancient Irish Bardic literature. The discovery that
his country had a heroic past sent him back to the sources of its story,
and in his Irish History, Heroic Period, published
in 1878, the Gaelic soul that had striven earlier to express itself in the
works of Davis, Mangan, Ferguson, re-incarnated completely in
Anglo-Irish literature—a literature written in English by
Irish people, and that had up to this time been written in the English
style and tradition—that literature from
O'Grady's time, became revitalised, transformed. The
stronghold of the enemy, the English language, was taken from within. The
Gaelic literature, as old as the Greek, full of energy and exuberant in
imagination, was brought into contact once more with Irish minds,
powerfully affecting the young writers of English. The movement for the
revival of the Gaelic language went steadily forward by means of the Gaelic
League, and side by side with it the Gaelic imagination, set free in
O'Grady's work, the door flung open by his hand, has
inch by inch recaptured the literature written in the language of the
conqueror. The works of Yeats, “A.E.,” Hyde, Synge,
Stephens, Colm, Katherine Tynan, O'Sullivan, Austin Clarke,
Campbell, Alice Milligan,
xi
MacDonagh, Pearse, Jane Barlow, Emily
Lawless, Katherine Purdon, Seumas O'Kelly, Daniel Corkery,
and a great and growing company of Irish singers and prose writers bear
witness to the vitality of a race accounted dead.
Whatever is living in our country to-day, was born out of that union of
Ireland's present with her past. The language revival and the
literary revival have affected movements which they would not
ordinarily have had any effect on, because the atmosphere of Irish
thinking is charged with a vitality due to the unlocking of the ancient
sources of national life. The literary men in Ireland have many of them
gone from dream into action. John McNeill, Pearse and MacDonagh went
into the political movement, “A.E.” has been a
powerful influence in the economic movement. Ireland was a country diverted
from her natural course, obliged to walk in a road channelled by a
different civilisation, leading to a different eternity. What is the right
road for one nation, leading to perfect self-fulfilment, may be a road
of death to a people whose destiny it should have been to struggle after
ideals wholly different. Many of the great races of mankind have fulfilled
their destiny, giving to the world some ideal of beauty or majesty or
law. Some races through their own fault or through the oppression of alien
peoples have never fulfilled themselves. That early Gaelic story begun
in such energy of imagination, such heroic beauty, in the tales of
Cuchulain and Queen Maeve and all the Red Branch chivalry, never unfolded
naturally. It was cut across by a civilisation, mighty in another sense,
but born out of a different source, aiming at a different goal. The
Anglo-Saxon civilisation, destined, perhaps, to set before the world the
ideal of the freedom of the individual, may not to our thinking have come
anywhere near fulfilling a destiny so noble, even for the English
people, and in her relation to other races has England not come far short
of what should have been
xii
her glory? A Gaelic civilisation may
have been meant to present to the world an ideal of heroic
brotherhood, a generous admiration even of an enemy, as in the
devotion of the Sons of Usnach, of Cuchulain, who embraced Ferdiad, his
opponent, in the midst of the combat, or Queen Maeve of Connaught, who
called the attention of her warriors to the “noble and
regal appearance” of her enemies.
It is a curious thing that our modern life, which, by means of its science,
is annihilating time and space, bringing the nations together, almost
forcibly promoting cosmopolitanism and international uniformity, is
yet witnessing an unprecedented uprising of the spirit of nationality.
It may be that no true brotherhood can exist among mankind till each race
of the human family has attained the free expression of its character. It
is most certainly true, I think, that Ireland in her contact with her
Gaelic original has not been making a retrograde movement, but that the
intuition of the race has guided it rightly to that which is revitalising
its life, and giving it courage to go forward to a development which
may be quite different from all that we have prognosticated of its destiny.
The source is not stale, the waters are still living in that first
fountain, but those revived there may drink and forge a new path along
some road we never dreamed of. It may be that Egypt also, for all her
mighty development, parent as she has been of so many civilisations, may
have some need within her that a new contact with her majestic past
alone can satisfy, and that refreshed by that contact her way may be made
clear to a destiny greater even than that foreshadowed in Temple,
Sphinx or Pyramid.
Susan L. Mitchell.
1
INTRODUCTION
Egypt is making a supreme effort to regain her greatness. Her political
emancipation, her economic freedom, her social uplifting, are vital
problems which face the rising generation of the country; they have to
be solved before greatness is attained; it has been so with all peoples and
will always remain so. Every nation has undoubtedly its own way of dealing
with these problems, but the world has now reached such a stage of
internationalism, that people can and do benefit by each other's
experience and friendship. In fact, many institutions, political, economic,
and social, have now almost lost their national character and have
become the property of all nations. There is nothing strange in this. Are
not the roots of modern civilisation planted deeply in one, the oldest
known civilisation, that which flourished on the banks of the Nile
thousands of years ago? On it and on the other civilisations that
followed it the edifice of modern society was built; whatever is great in
the world of to-day, many nations, including our own, had a full share in
evolving.
Such being the case, it is for the intellectual among the rising generation
in every country, especially in those countries which circumstances have
placed in a backward position, to investigate and to make known those
movements in other lands from which their own people may learn. With this
in mind, I have written this book. I have lived in Europe, mostly in
England, almost half my life, during which time I have seen and
learned many things. Two years ago, I felt impelled to express what
had been in my mind for some time, and to put at the disposal of my own
people the knowledge and
2
experience I had acquired, with a view
to helping them in the solution of their problems of national
reconstruction.
During my studies in economics, I realised the force which national effort
gains from association. The subject took root in my mind. I became
convinced that this force can be employed in almost all spheres of
action, and further, that the nation which makes large use of it, and
organises its various elements on that basis, is on the high road to
greatness. Reading books upon the subject appeared to me like looking from
a distance through glasses at the world. I felt I wanted to see things
with the naked eye and on the spot. I left my garret for the factory and
farm, and began to learn from men and things. I toured all England and
Scotland, not only with the enthusiasm of an anxious student who loves his
subject and sees in it the hope of emancipation for his fatherland, but
also with the determination of one whose experience in diverse paths
in life had prepared him to meet obstacles and face annoyances, without
losing his enthusiasm. My aim was to see for myself what the spirit of
association as represented by the Co-operative Movement had done for
industry and agriculture. Starting with a fair literary knowledge of my
subject and an encouraging send-off from the University, I organised my
plan on systematic lines. I shall leave the reader to find out from my
book how I conducted my researches.
One year passed and I was still in Great Britain, where my studies were
almost totally confined to things economic. It was not until I found my way
to Ireland that my sphere of observation began to widen, and I found
myself in a broader field. Here the spirit of association and power of
organisation seemed to have full play in many of the ways of life. As
applied to political and social questions they appeared to be as
effective as when applied to economics. I now discovered that my enthusiasm
for the Co-operative
3
Movement was to lead me further than
the desire merely to improve the economic position of my people. It
was to show me what the power of organisation and force of associated
effort can do in every department of the life of the nation. It led me to
the conviction that once our people realised this and organised
themselves accordingly, no power on earth could keep them under; that
automatically, as it were, and in spite of all opposition, they would find
their place amongst independent, respected and progressive nations. In
Ireland my visits were not only to factories and farms, but to all
places where men and women worked and played. My task was rendered
easy by the kindly hospitable nature of the Irish people, who in my tour to
all parts of the country, from their aristocracy down to their
humblest cottager, received me as a friend. To them all I owe a debt
of gratitude. In my inquiries, whether economic, social, or political, I
resorted to three sources of information, interviewing the leaders, making
use of the available literature, and moving amongst the people
themselves. The enlightenment I received from the leaders of the nation was
indispensable to me. Willingly and at a time of great strain on their
energies when they are busily engaged in promoting their particular
schemes of emancipation and reform, they shared with me their intimate
and exceptional knowledge of the national life and the national movements.
My countrymen will, I hope, accept the kindness and assistance rendered me
by the Irish people during my stay amongst them, as extended through me to
the rising generation of Egypt. Our country, in a somewhat similar
position to Ireland, is struggling to attain the place that is her due. The
Irish people would gladly do for others who came amongst them as a friend
and a worker what they have done for me. If any of my countrymen come
after me and are not received as I was, the fault will lie with them. I
found nothing wrong with the Irish people; they are not what their
4
enemies represent them to be; they are
a peaceful, industries, conscientious, and lovable people.
I wish to express my apologies to my fellow-countrymen for writing this
book in a language foreign to them. I assure them there was no choice in
the matter. It was not by any means easy to me to write in a foreign
language, nor was it a pleasure to express my thoughts in the tongue of a
nation which persecutes my people and destroys the freedom of my country.
But being away from home for so many years, I found it rather
difficult to write as precisely as I wished in Arabic, my own language,
particularly on matters requiring a technical phraseology. And as I was
anxious to make a faithful record of my experiences, and an up-to-date
report of the conditions I studied, I did so in the language that served my
purpose best at the time, with the view of writing a fuller account in my
own language later on when I got home.
This narrative will, I hope, offer some inducement to others of my
countrymen to travel widely, study patiently, and above all report
faithfully. This should be the duty of those of us who come to Europe for
study. If they conscientiously make use of their opportunities, what a
stock of knowledge and experience they will acquire for themselves, and
what a service they may render to those who must remain at home, but who
are ready to use for the advancement and welfare of their nation the
first-hand material put at their disposal by their countrymen abroad. We
have passed the phase when our students travelled in order to acquire a
certain knowledge, mostly of a technical or special nature, and then
returned home to make a comfortable living out of it. We have now a higher
purpose—we must study in progressive communities the secret of
their advance, so as to help in formulating a policy for the building
of modern Egypt on a sound national basis.
An explanation might not be out of place here as regards the general purpose
of the book. It is essentially
5
a social study and is intended to
convey a picture of Ireland to the minds of my countrymen and at the
same time lay stress on the things that might be considered with
advantage by them. This has perhaps narrowed the scope of my book, obliging
me to omit much that would have been of interest. The Irish literary
revival I felt to be too big a subject to do more than touch on, but
in the preface by Miss Susan L. Mitchell, a short sketch of this amazing
intellectual awakening will be found. I have taken now and then occasion to
compare things Irish and Egyptian, with the result that some of the
defects of our national character and institutions have been brought under
notice. I make no apology for doing so, as I am conscious of the fact that
these defects are all well known to outside friend and foe. Very few
of our own people, however, are fully conscious of them. I have
intentionally brought them out in bold relief, that my countrymen may note
them, and our intellectual young generation be stimulated to remedy them.
If my feeling against England is bitter, it is for just cause. The Egyptians
do not love England; I know of no people outside the British Empire who do,
and I know of several within the Empire who do not. However, time
passes judgment on nations, and we will leave that judgment to time.
My discussion on the Co-operative Movement is not confined to Ireland for
the simple reason that to render the picture complete I had to include
co-operation in Great Britain as well. Whether in the treatment of
co-operation, politics, or social subjects, there are, I am fully
conscious, shortcomings that run throughout the whole book. But having
studied my subject at first hand, though I may make slips here and there,
there are not any conscious misrepresentations. I have been given
every opportunity to understand the Co-operative Movement in Great Britain
and Ireland, and if I have failed in my attempt rightly to interpret its
activities to my people, the fault is entirely my own.
6
I take this occasion to acknowledge with gratitude the obligations I have
incurred in my study of co-operation in these countries, to all the
co-operative leaders and followers who, in the true co-operative spirit,
have helped me in every way to a clear understanding of their great
movement. I refrain from mentioning names, they are so many, particularly
in Ireland. But if I may mention one, it is that of A. E. I have never
been to the “den” of that great Irishman without
coming out wondering if the door was high enough to let me pass through it.
His views of ideals and realities, enforced as they are by his great
personality, fill the young and ardent with the desire to do great
things. His inspiring influence on the rising generation cannot be
exaggerated. In conclusion, I offer my sincere thanks to Miss Susan L.
Mitchell, whose valuable suggestions have helped me to present this book in
its present form.
I. RASHAD.
Dublin, May 1920.
7
AN EGYPTIAN IN IRELAND CHAPTER I LEINSTER
One day in the first week of November last we set out on our travels. Dublin
did not give us a kindly send-off, for it was a cold, wet morning. We had
not gone very far when our car began to behave badly, but my friend
Coffey, who was at the wheel, soon discovered the cause of the trouble,
learned our machine's weak points, and treated her accordingly;
so that we were enabled to travel more or less smoothly till we
reached Wexford, where we were glad to hand over the car to those who gave
her the good talking-to that she needed.
Our drive through Wicklow, one of the most beautiful Irish counties,
delighted us. The rich and varying colours of the skies and the grandeur of
the scenery impressed us very much. In the Glen of the Downs we
obtained a somewhat misty view of the Sugar Loaf Mountain, so called from
its conical shape. Its name in Irish signifies “Golden
Spear.” The difference between the two names gives one a clue to
the divergence in temperament and point of view between the English
and Irish peoples. We proceeded between the coast and “The
Devil's Glen” by a road which ascended gradually with
hedgerows on either side. Owing to the shortness of the winter day we were
unable to see the Glen itself, nor could we pay a visit to
Glendalough, one of the fairest valleys in Ireland. We drove to the
small town of Rathdrum, where we pulled up for lunch. Later, the weather
improved somewhat, though the
8
slippery state of the roads made it
unpleasant for motoring, and we continued our journey through the Vale
of Avoca, where we passed Avondale, Parnell's house. His name
recalled to my imagination the noble figure of our Sheikh Mohammad Abdou,
though nearly a third of a century has passed since the two immortal
“rebels” were introduced to each other by Mr. W. S.
Blunt on the terrace of the House of Commons.
Before we reached the picturesque bridge crossing the River Avonmore we
visited a small flax mill worked by water power. The manager, an Ulster
man, and consequently well versed in that trade, explained to us the
method of growing this northern crop and the subsequent operations of
pulling, stacking, retting, and scutching. I shall return to this matter
later on.
It would be ungrateful to pass over this part of the country without
mentioning something of the beauties of the Vale of Avoca, celebrated by
Thomas Moore in one of the most touching of his songs. Stately oaks
and beeches overhung with ivy fill the valley in which “the
bright waters meet.” Here and there the continuity of the woods
is interrupted by emerald meadows, luxurious shrubberies, and rocks of
varied colours. The thin film of mist that the damp day had hung
between us and the beauty around us but added the attraction of
mystery to a charm that already affected me profoundly.
We called on our way at the Creamery at Inch. It was not at work, as butter
is only made there three days in the week this time of the year, owing to
the winter shortage of milk, but, all the same, we had an interesting
talk with the manager, who in his friendly Irish way was good enough to
show us over his place.
We then drove to Gorey, a small country town, where we put up for the night
at the Ram's Head. In the morning we called at Mount St.
Benedict, a progressive Catholic school run by a Benedictine monk. We
had not the pleasure of finding him at home, but the matron very
kindly took us round and told us many things
9
which pleased us. The school house, a
fine building with all the conveniences of a modern educational
institution, commanded a grand view of the beautiful country around. Near
by stood the farm buildings, equipped with the necessary requirements for a
six hundred acre well-stocked farm. The boys, who numbered about
fifty, of ages varying between eight and sixteen, were well looked after
and brought up to be worthy of their country, and when the time comes,
they generally leave for the National University, an institution of which
the Irish people entertain great hopes. It was interesting to learn that it
was at Mount St. Benedict the Belgian tobacco seed was first
introduced to the soil of Ireland. Here we saw it growing, being dried
and made into cigars, cigarettes, and pipe tobacco; but in spite of the
great regard I feel for our Irish friends, I cannot say I enjoyed smoking
it; perhaps being Egyptian and hence considered, rightly or wrongly, a
connoiseur in the social art of smoking, I am rather difficult to please in
this matter. I found this dark Irish tobacco strong and stinging, but
one might perhaps acquire a taste for it in time. At a distance the
growing plant looked not unlike our maize plant, but with a flower similar
in colour and shape to that of the potato plant. As regards its
cultivation, or, more correctly, the prohibition of its cultivation,
there is something in common between the state of affairs here and in our
own country. Till about the middle of the nineteenth century, tobacco was
grown in Ireland, when its cultivation was prohibited by law. With
this suspension went all knowledge of its method of cultivation. It was not
until the beginning of the present century that the Government removed
the restrictions, and even encouraged experiments with a view to
finding out whether tobacco was after all a suitable and profitable crop
for the Irish farmer. As a result of these investigations, it was concluded
that as long as Irish-grown tobacco had to compete with
10
foreign tobacco on equal terms, it was
not a paying crop. Quite recently the duty imposed on native tobacco
was for a time reduced below that grown in foreign lands. In some places
where the soil, climatic conditions, and other necessary considerations
are favourable, the financial results have induced some Irish farmers
to continue growing tobacco. The American type of high-grade tobacco leaf
is the one usually grown here. The present acreage under its
cultivation is a little under two thousand acres, and the value of the
produce is somewhere about £34,000. As for our own unfortunate
country, it is still prevented from growing this profitable crop in spite
of the fact that our soil and climate are particularly suited to it.
I have written at length of this school with the view of attracting the
attention of our people at home to the great amount of educational as well
as pioneering work which could be done in Egypt by similar
institutions right out in the country. In these, when properly
organised and efficiently managed, not only new industries might be brought
into existence, but new types of citizen might be nurtured. The former
would help the material welfare of the people, while the latter, with their
high aims and developed characters, would work for a national being, a work
which the present poor products of Government schools are wholly
unfitted for, their education depriving them of the power of initiative and
leaving them selfish and weak-willed.
On our drive to Enniscorthy the weather was again unfavourable, but
nevertheless the undulating meadows between which we passed on our way were
very attractive. Enniscorthy is a thriving little town lying high on
the bank of the sheltered Slaney. Overlooking the town is
“Vinegar Hill,” famous in the Rising of 1798. Here we
visited one of the most prosperous agricultural co-operative societies in
Ireland. Before I go further I would like to say something of two societies
we visited
11
before reaching this place, and whose
description I postponed. They are the Flax Mill at Avoca and the
Creamery at Inch. These two societies, like the one under consideration and
hundreds more, belong to a movement called the Co-operative Movement, and
as we shall be coming across several of these societies of varied
character, perhaps it would be advisable here to give a concise account of
this great movement, its history and activities, so as to enable the reader
who is not familiar with it to follow us intelligently.
Half a century ago prosperity seemed to have emigrated from the Irish
countryside, and although farmers felt the pain of an economic disease,
reformers seem to have failed to diagnose the case correctly. As a
matter of fact, the trouble was too complicated for them and they only saw
one manifestation of it and concentrated on remedying that. They believed
that if farmers owned their land, they would be emancipated from the
tyranny of the landlord, and, still more, that the glamour of property and
the security of ownership would encourage them to better farming and
more profitable agricultural enterprises. Land legislation followed,
and, thanks to the Land Acts, thousands of tenants became proprietors of
their farms. Although this step on the part of the Government, which
planned the scheme and advanced the money, revolutionised agricultural
conditions, yet the trouble remained. The Irish farmer could not compete
with foreign farmers in his own market, so obviously it was not a question
of rent that kept the Irish farmer so backward. It was a question of
business organisation. Progressive countries organised their farming
industries in the same way as they did their manufacturing industries,
while the poor Irish farmer had never caught up with modern methods of
doing business. In other countries combinations had been formed to
accomplish economies in production and trade. Things in the world market
were done on a large scale, and wholesale provision dealers were out
12
to buy and sell in a wholesale way, and
the small farmer with his irregular and slow method of trading had no
chance. The wholesale provision merchant wanted to deal with agricultural
producers who could supply him with large quantities of farm produce of
uniform quality graded to suit his purpose. It is obvious the Irish
farmer, proceeding in his old-fashioned, awkward way, sold his produce at a
disadvantage; and not only that, but he bought his requirements also at a
disadvantage. His fertilisers and manures, his feeding stuffs, bought
in small quantities, cost him very dear. The foreign farmer, in association
with his fellow farmers, had organised his business, so that he bought,
produced, transported, and sold at an advantage. Still more, he was in
a position to study the markets, and adapt his ways to their requirements.
He fought his way into the world market, realising that to combine in
farming is just as essential as in any other business. Having
convinced himself of this, he set to work in association with his
neighbours. No new form of combination was created, but, in a system of
co-operation which was working admirably in the field of industry, the
farmers found their model. They studied it, modifying it to suit their
business, with such gratifying results that now agricultural co-operation
is doing for the farmer what industrial co-operation does for the
town-dweller. In co-operative combination there is a friendly, living
bond between members, a bond based not only on mutual interest, but on
brotherhood and good-will.
All this was going on abroad, but the Irish farmer knew nothing about it,
and so he went on losing ground in the open market until he was awakened by
one Irishman, who, diagnosing the disease, studied the remedy, and set
himself to administer it. This Irishman was Sir Horace Plunkett, whose name
will stand in Irish industrial history as the founder of the
Agricultural co-operative movement, to which he devoted years of
energy and no small part of his personal fortune. After
13
finishing his academic career at
Oxford, Sir Horace went to the United States, where he was engaged for
several years in cattle ranching. Seeing the result of combination in that
country of huge enterprises, and being familiar with distributive
co-operation in other countries, he realised with what effect the
co-operative principle might be applied to the decaying agriculture of
his own country. On his return to Ireland he founded the Irish Agricultural
Organisation Society, with the help of Father T. Finlay, S.J., and Lord
Monteagle. These formed a trio round which gathered men of the calibre
of R. A. Anderson and G. W. Russell. In Robert Anderson, Sir Horace
discovered a helper with a unique talent for organisation, and in George
Russell, a man of genius, whose influence on the ideals of the
movement lifted it out of parochialism to the place it holds to-day as
the mainspring in Irish national aspirations. This group of devoted
Irishmen worked hard for the reconstruction of rural Ireland on
co-operative principles. They preached the gospel of agricultural
co-operation all over the country in the face of much opposition, but
in the end their doctrine, which is economically sound, triumphed.
Sir Horace Plunkett has had a varied career. He has been a Member of
Parliament, and it was through his instrumentality that the Department of
Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland came into being, and
he became its first chief. But it is by his work for the re-creation of
rural Ireland by means of the co-operative movement that he will be
remembered. Some years ago, as a mark of recognition of the
nation's appreciation, Sir Horace was presented with a fine
house in Merrion Square, Dublin, now known as The Plunkett House,
where as President of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society he
continues to direct the movement with which his public life has been
identified. The Plunkett House stands now in Dublin, not only as the
headquarters of the movement in Ireland, but also as the Mecca of
14
agricultural co-operation to which
pilgrimages are made from all parts of the world. During my sojourn in
Dublin I met representatives of many Eastern and Western nationalities
investigating like myself some economic problem in the Co-operative
Reference Library of the Plunkett House, talking to the leaders on the
general outlook of the movement, and discussing with others certain
particular points, or getting information and receiving facilities for
visiting co-operative societies in different parts of the country in order
to get in touch with the movement on its working side. It was from
here and in this way that the lessons were learned which led to the
starting of similar movements in other countries.
It was not long after the founding of the Irish Agricultural Organisation
Society in 1894 that the corresponding English and Scottish Societies were
founded, the former in 1900 and the latter in 1905. These central bodies
are necessary, not only to establish new co-operative societies
amongst farmers in their respective countries, but also to advise and guide
old ones, and to act as the parents and representatives of all of them. Up
to now the Irish central body has succeeded in organising over one
thousand societies of different types, all self-governing and self-reliant,
with a membership of about 120,000, representing well over half-a-million
of the rural population of Ireland, with an annual turn-over of some
£12,000,000. As we shall see later, the societies, which are
scattered all over the country, comprise creameries, agricultural
societies, credit societies, egg and poultry societies, flax societies,
dressed meat and bacon-curing societies, fishing societies, beekeeping
societies, etc. The main object of the I. A. O. S. is to organise
farmers into societies to buy, manufacture, and sell co-operatively,
thereby eliminating the middleman and his profits, and exercising the right
as manufacturers to buy the raw material of their industry at wholesale
prices.
My knowledge and experience of farmers in this and
15
other countries, including my own, tell
me what conservative people they are. They are slow to exchange old
methods for new. They believe in hereditary knowledge rather than in
knowledge acquired by experiments and research. They are suspicious of new
things. They are essentially individualists, and are averse to letting
their neighbours know anything about their affairs. But one cannot help
noticing that once they come together in a co-operative society and meet
and exchange ideas the example of the most progressive member rapidly
becomes the practice of the whole society. The bigger man seems to be not
only willing but anxious to help those who are not so fortunate. To carry that esprit de corps further, flourishing societies are
always ready to give a helping hand to those societies which are not
in such a favourable position. This I noticed particularly in the attitude
of the Wexford Meat Society, when it ungrudgingly extended its experience
and advice in the foundation of a similar society at Waterford. I was
fortunate enough to attend the first meeting of the Waterford Society, and
I was much pleased with the friendly spirit prevailing among co-operative
Irish farmers. Evidently the farmer has come to realise that
co-operation with his fellow-farmers enables him to do what was impossible
to him as an individual. The co-operative movement has proved that the
farmer may be as progressive as any member of the community. Farmers
need only combine, put their heads together, and have faith in their
associated effort. The co-operative associations choose the ablest farmers
amongst them as their leaders, with the result that they find
themselves well-informed, soundly advised, and making use of the
latest developments in the art and science of their industry.
The strength and stability of this movement are mainly due to its unselfish,
non-sectarian, democratic policy. The fact that a friendly chain binds all
the members to work for the common good ensures that it
16
must have in it no defective link, and
makes it to the interest of the stronger to help the weaker. The rule
that excludes the mention of political and religious questions at
co-operative meetings is rigidly adhered to. The democratic lines on which
the movement is conducted cause it to welcome into its ranks all
honourable citizens, and all are given equal rights, powers, and
privileges. This is the story, briefly told, of the agricultural
co-operative movement in Ireland.
Coming back to where we left our motor car, we found her ready as a faithful
animal to carry us to our destination, Wexford. As we drove along the bank
of the River Slaney the copper-coloured leaves falling from the trees
between the road and the river, and the rich hues of the sunset, made an
exquisite picture. As we approached Wexford we crossed the river by a
fine bridge, and here we had a last view of a lovely sunset reflected
in the still water of the Slaney as it enters the harbour. Wexford is a
country town with small houses, threaded by narrow streets, and on the
water side lined by wharves. Here we stayed the night at
White's Hotel. At this place a royal Arab party was expected on
the following day, and seeing my Eastern name, I was asked if by any chance
we were members of that party travelling incognito. The Emir Feisul of
Central Arabia (not the son of the King of The Hejaz) and his suite were
the persons expected. We regretted the fact that we missed by one day the
honour of meeting him at Wexford on his way to Dublin. It would be
interesting to learn what lies behind these entertainments of royal
personages. Between the Emirs of Arabia and the Shah of Persia British
diplomacy is now busily engaged. In years gone by the victims were
Abdul Aziz of Turkey and Abbas of Egypt. Diplomatic traps were cleverly
laid in the British Court, but the trick did not come off, and so the two
countries represented fell into disfavour at the time. But I might
venture to state what everybody already knows, that
17
these love-makings between nations are
not for love but for business. Industrial factories and merchant
houses in Manchester, Glasgow, and other cities, were opened to
welcome, not the persons representing the unfortunate countries, but their
orders. It is a tragedy with the first scene laid in the House of
Parliament, the second in the King's palace, the third in the
factory, the fourth in jail. This is modern diplomacy, the method
whereby small nations are robbed of their fortunes and their liberties at
the hands of the master burglar, polished and civilised Europe. Prussianism
and Bolshevism are denounced as hellish, but no censure is given to
the slow, systematic torture and killing, not of persons, but of
communities.
The next morning we visited the meat and bacon factory. With the director,
Colonel B., a charming and able man, we had an interesting talk on the
higher economics of the enterprise he is directing, and his belief
that when similar efforts were made in other parts of the country they
would tell on the national prosperity and welfare. The Colonel spoke to us
of his son, who started his promising career by founding the Dublin
University Co-operative Society when he was only an undergraduate at
Trinity College. That was followed by a similar achievement when he went to
Oxford University. After leaving the latter he came back to Dublin to
prepare himself for a co-operative campaign which he proposed to carry out
in Egypt, a country in which I understand he took great interest. When
the war broke out he joined the army, but his health broke down, and going
to Colorado in an attempt to regain health, he died there. One profoundly
admires the spirit of this young Irishman, and we appreciate the
friendship of the Irish people, and still hope that co-operation will find
a fertile soil in Egypt that may be worked by the youth of Egypt itself. It
would be contrary to the spirit of the co-operative movement, which is
based on “self-help,” to rely on outsiders,
18
however friendly, to promote its spread
in Egypt. Besides, it would be to our shame if anybody who is not of
the people, even the government itself, should do the work which ought to
be accomplished by the voluntary effort of the people themselves. While
thus discussing things, in came J. Pasha, a tall, elderly man, looking
like a retired soldier. He greeted me in my own language, and after talking
on general things in Egypt and Ireland, the subject of conversation
was directed towards co-operation in Egypt. I admitted I knew little
on that subject owing to my prolonged absence from home. The Pasha, who
held prominent positions in Egyptian legal and educational affairs until
his retirement some twelve years ago, gave us a brief account of the
beginning of the economic movement at home. During our conversation, the
manager of the society entered, when the director kindly asked him to
show us around. I do not propose to give a vivid description of what
we saw in the abbatoir, where the slaughtering of animals and subsequent
operations were conducted on modern lines and under the most sanitary
conditions. I am primarily concerned here with the economic side of
the question. Wexford farmers started this society in 1912 in order that
their county's meat trade, with its profitable subsidiary
industries, such as sausage and pudding making, pressed tongue, brawn,
suet, blood and bone manure, potted meat, etc., should be carried on
by its own agencies. The sales of this factory have increased from
£34,000 in the first year to £235,000 in 1918. The
subsidiary industries realised in 1918 nearly £30,000, which
would, but for that enterprise, have been in non-Irish hands. The
increasing support the farmers give their society shows their satisfaction
with the results achieved.
Carrying with us a good impression of Wexford enterprise we left in the
afternoon for Waterford via New Ross. The latter
town is situated on the River Barrow, which we followed a good way. At
Glenmore we called
19
at a creamery and at Slieverue at
another. We reached Waterford at night. The town was lying calm on the
River Suir, the sky was clear, and the moon, which was nearly a full one,
was shining brightly, and the long quay of the town was well lit. Thus we
entered the town in a cheerful atmosphere. After crossing the river by
the new, fine, ferro-concrete bridge we made for the Imperial Hotel, where
we purposed staying. Our first day here was a Sunday. In the morning, which
turned out to be a fine one, I visited some friends a little out of
town. In the course of conversation, I remarked that the English people
seemed to have no confidence in the friendship of the Irish, and that they
always feared that if the latter were to run their own country, they
might form a secret alliance with some rival power which would prove
dangerous or at least detrimental to the interests of the British Empire.
“No,” replied my friend, “the English people
are fools if they think that. What they actually fear is our progress
at their expense if we were to develop our native powers and organise our
material resources. They well know we as a race are cleverer than
themselves and we can beat them on their own ground if they play the
game.”
Shortly afterwards I changed the subject by comparing conditions in Egypt
with those in Ireland.
“You in Ireland,” I said, “have decided at last
on a policy, at all events an economic and social one, and set to work
on definite lines, while we in Egypt have not even thought of doing
so.”
“It is true,” my friend answered. “But why
leave out politics, we have made our minds up also on that; though
that troublesome corner in the North-East is hampering our national
progress.”
“In Egypt,” I said, “we are working the other
way round. We raised our voice loudly some twenty years ago when
Mustafa Kamil, our Parnell, announced to the whole world our national
political policy—Egypt for
20
the Egyptians—which
corresponds to your Sinn Fein—
‘We ourselves’—and since then the National
Party was formed and set to work assiduously on the lines our national
hero adopted. In our economic and social policy we are far, far behind you.
We have not yet got that devoted body of men you have, led by your
Horace Plunkett and Douglas Hyde.”
“In that field,” my friend said, “let me as
an Irishman give you a word of advice based on some experience. You
want three types of men to work hand in hand in order to reconstruct your
national life: the aristocracy, the educated, and the practical men.
The first gives the movement a social standing, the second class does
the thinking and the planning, while the third, who belong to the people
and move among the masses, carry out the policies entrusted to them. That
is how we carry on our propaganda work here in organising our people
on genuine national lines.”
Our hosts then took us round their grounds showing us their horses and their
cows. I was pleased to see some Arab blood in an Irish hunter filly
enjoying the air of freedom in a large field and galloping joyfully
head and tail up in the regular Arab style. We then made our way home,
passing through a delightful country avenue with the falling leaves
rustling under the wheels of our car.
In the afternoon we motored to Dunmore, a picturesque little seaside village
eleven miles from Waterford. The scenery was charming as we climbed up the
cliffs past fishermen's cottages with robust young maidens
standing in the doorways, beautiful in form, and rosy cheeked. Dunmore
struck us as a neat little place, the small houses looked tidy, with their
well-trimmed thatched roofs. Before leaving the place we enjoyed a cup
of tea in a small hotel on the top of a red sandstone cliff overhanging the
blue waters of the sea. There we heard of a dispute between two families on
the question of an arranged match against the wish of the
21
young couple concerned.
“Arranged matches” were once very common things in
rural Ireland, but the custom is, I understand, dying out. Unfortunately
we had to return home in darkness, as the clouds hid the moon and it
was drizzling all the way. I curled myself back in my heavy motoring coat,
buried under a mass of rugs; troubling myself not at all till we reached
our hotel, where a hot dinner awaited us. Seated at the hearth after a
comfortable meal, we talked far into the night. We thought and talked of
the possibilities of exchanging goods between Ireland and Egypt on
cooperative lines. So pleasant was our mood that we even brought into
existence in our imagination a society having for its crest an Irish
wolfhound fraternising with an Egyptian camel. Perhaps, considering the
extraordinary dignity of these two animals, one could not put them in
this ridiculous position, and the lotus flower or water lily entwined with
the shamrock would make a more artistic crest.
The next day found us still in Waterford. We visited Carrigeen Creamery and
Iverk Agricultural Society, some five miles from here, and Piltown
Agricultural and Dairy Society, eleven miles away. It was a glorious day,
a cold, clear morning with a bright sun, something like our winter
days at home. Under this brilliant light the colours of the country stood
out boldly. On our way back Coffey called on a friend at a convent at
Portlaw. This fine building belonged to an aristocratic and wealthy
family up to the middle of the nineteenth century. They maintained in the
village a prosperous community, their cotton factory was in full swing,
and the labourers lived happily in their cottages. When the American
Civil War broke out, the family cast in their lot commercially with the
Southerners, who lost, and they had to shut down their factory. They
were reduced to poverty, and that village, which was once flourishing,
is now a sad sight. When we paid our visit to Carrigeen Creamery, we were
touched to see a member
22
of the fallen family, a gentle, pretty
girl, working for her living as a dairymaid. I mention particularly
this little story in order to emphasise the fact that to make a
community live happily life must be built on a solid economic basis. The
workers must have their share in industry, so that they may escape the
dangers to which an enterprise depending on one individual is always
liable. A few miles driving brought us to Kilmeadan Creamery. This is a
recently established society with a new building, and up-to-date machinery
and appliances. This finished our work for the day.
Next day we attended a meeting held at the Courthouse for the purpose of
founding a meat and bacon factory similar to that at Wexford. At this
meeting my friend's ideal enterprise was realised, for
aristocracy was in the chair, the educated supported it, while the
practical men succeeded in giving to the meeting a full understanding of
the subject. In addition to these three classes I noticed the Church
represented. Here in Ireland the priests, both Catholic and
Protestant, have, in most cases, given their sympathy and support to
the co-operative movement. This is a lesson for us Egyptians to learn. We
must make use of every possible factor for the development of our
country, and particularly enlist our religious institutions in the
reconstruction of our land. This reminds me of a remark made by a friend
here who knows a great deal of the world: “If I were to
work on co-operation in Egypt, I would start with the Azharites and
enlist the sympathy and support of the Ulamas at the outset.”
Judging by the attendance at the meeting, and the interest shown, and the
intelligent discussion throughout the long sitting, Irish farmers seem
fully alive to their interests in this most important of Irish
industries. This country exports live stock to Great Britain every year,
which is valued at over £20,000,000. If these animals were to be
fattened and slaughtered here, think
23
of the large number of people to whom
this would give employment. The employment would vary in character and
skill, from the killing of the animals to the skilled methods of
manufacturing new commodities from the by-products. To give an example of
these commodities, I may name the tanning industry, not to mention the
smaller industries, such as the manufacturing of glue and fertilisers and
manures. Besides, Irish farmers would rely on their own honest market for
their fat stock, and would be saved from the trickery of a host of
middlemen and from the losses due to the deteriorating effect on the
animals of transport by sea. The profits of fattening, which at present are
pocketed by the English and Scottish farmers who buy their store
cattle from Ireland to finish them on their pastures or in their
stalls, would be retained by the Irish farmer. Employment would benefit and
tillage would increase. The whole profit of the trade would be kept in
Ireland.
Not until the people make the most of their resources can they be really
free. It is possible for a nation to be politically free and economically
enslaved. There is no national safety except by a democratic control
by the people themselves of their own industries as well as their own
government. I wish to emphasise the word democratic, the meaning of which,
I feel sure, is better understood as applied to politics than to
economics. Capitalism, that is, autocratic government in industry,
whether native or foreign, is detrimental to the interests of the people.
It is ruthless in its adherence to its own interests only, and national
interests will be sold for cash down by any capitalist company if the cash
offer is tempting enough. The god of all capitalists is Capital. I
would like to warn my fellow-countrymen of the danger inherent in any
policy advocating Egyptian capitalism. Egyptian capitalism is almost as
dangerous to our national interests as foreign capitalism. All our
endeavours should be directed towards promoting an industrial policy by
which the people themselves would
24
benefit directly. That would help to
the equitable distribution of the nation's wealth amongst the
masses, instead of locking up a large portion of it in the pockets of
a few individuals, leaving the people as a whole poor and miserable. We
have a warning in Western civilisation. It is stricken with the disease of
capitalism; the masses are slaves industrially, even when politically
free. Western thinkers are searching for a means of emancipating their
peoples. Co-operation, Co-partnership, Trade Unionism, Nationalisation,
Socialism in its different forms, Bolshevism, and the rest—all
are suggested as ways of escape from a cruel and inhuman system.
Modern Egypt is a young, rising nation, and it should be warned of the
dangers before it. There are hundreds if not thousands of capable young
men in Egypt whose sympathies could be enlisted for the policy
referred to above. Once on the right track, they would devise and work out
schemes which would distribute the wealth of the land of our forefathers
equitably amongst their sons. They would understand that competition
is a force to be used, and not to be blindly worshipped, and that the
equitable distribution of wealth is the only means of making a happy
and prosperous community. Political power depends on economic power.
As President Wilson once said: “Whoever controls the trade of a
country is the real ruler of the country.”
To return to the Waterford Meat Society. Besides the advantages mentioned in
connection with that society, a further development might be suggested.
If a sufficient number of similar factories were established in
different parts of the country, much greater advantages would follow from
the linking up of these various societies in a strong national federation.
Such a step would facilitate the central treatment of those byproducts
which require to be dealt with on a large scale, and which could not be
handled economically by the individual societies. It would also facilitate
the organisation
25
of sale to foreign countries, the
conduct of negotiations with officials and railway companies, and the
setting-up of extensive cold storage accommodation. On such lines the
future of this trade could be faced with confidence. Committees have been
appointed to go into the matter closely, and the machinery has been
established for the enlisting of members, and the raising of the capital
required, which was estimated as £100,000.
In the evening we were introduced to Father K., with whom we had a pleasant
and interesting talk. He agreed with us that no single system, principle,
or movement is likely to solve the world's intricate
industrial problems. All the social reform movements have good in them
which must be made use of for the industrial welfare of the people.
Touching upon the subject of “Nationality” and the
hard times through which Ireland is struggling for her very life as a
nation, Father K. suggested we might as well see things for ourselves
by attending with him a Gaelic League evening class to which he himself was
going. We went and found it a pathetic sight. Boys and girls, young
and old, eagerly and enthusiastically learning a language which had
been deliberately almost wiped out of existence by England. It was touching
to listen to them trying to express their feelings in what should be their
mother tongue, blushing with awkwardness and shame at the difficulty
they found in using it. To tell the truth I felt very uncomfortable
speaking in English when I was addressed in Irish. But when things were
explained they realised that I could speak my own mother tongue, and I
patted myself on the back for knowing my Arabic pretty well. The method of
teaching Irish was the modern direct one. The classes were divided
into elementary, intermediate, and advanced, and the teacher spoke all
the time in Irish, explaining himself by the aid of signs, charts, or maps.
No phrases or sentences were committed to memory, as used to be the case
in the old system. Not far from the class rooms was the
27
dancing hall, in which the old Irish
folk dances were taught, and occasionally Irish concerts hold. All
this has for its object the encouragement of a national spirit in
every department of Irish life and by the revival of their language, the
singing of their native airs, and the re-telling of the stories of their
ancient culture, to give the young folk pride in the past achievements of
their race and confidence in its future. We were told of the methods
that were adopted by the enemies of Irish to discourage the humble
beginnings of the revival of the national culture. Every facility was given
in the Irish-speaking districts for learning English, and those who
attempted to speak Irish, wear Irish dress, sing Irish songs, or practise
Irish dances, were ridiculed. But it. It is the most living thing in
Ireland to-day. The more one knows of the sad times this nation has
gone through, the more one reverences these Irish folk as one
reverences a martyr, and one feels confident that a worthy destiny awaits
this loveable and patient people.
The next morning was very cold, and I found it difficult to warm myself in
spite of a good, solid breakfast. Sitting at my table near the window
and looking out at the remains of an old Danish tower at the corner of
the road opposite, and dreaming over a cigarette, my mind wandered in the
realms of ancient things, and to my own ancient land where the sun is
radiant and home affection warm. A friend, met at the hotel, came up with a
morning greeting: “You look so wise, quiet, and thoughtful, and
you are sitting near the window, and the snow is coming down heavily!
Will you not take this easy chair at the fire and get warm?”
“I do not feel cold,” replied. It was not till I woke
up from my dream that I realised it was cold. In the warmth of my thoughts,
the cold surroundings were forgotten. A moment later, Coffey entered
the room in a state of excitement. “We cannot go away
to-day, the car had to go to the garage for repair and
28
will not be ready till
to-morrow.” “Cheerful news,” I replied. He
went out again leaving a newspaper in my hand. The paper brought the news
of yesterday, the 11th day of the 11th month of the year, the
anniversary of the signing of the Armistice. Two minutes silence was
proclaimed by the King of England to be observed at 11 o'clock,
the actual time of signing, in memory of the glorious dead. The celebration
was signalised in Dublin by exciting conflicts between the National
University students and students of Trinity College. Similar collisions
between real Irishmen and so-called Irishmen occurred in other parts of
Ireland in connection with the observance of Armistice Day. There were
scenes in theatres where the orchestra attempted to play “God
Save the King”—the English national anthem. Indignant
boohing and angry hissing, and even more practical means, were used by
the audience to convey their disapproval of the anthem, and national
songs rang from the gallery, and the greater part of the house joined in
“The Soldier's Song,” the present national
anthem of the Irish people.
As for myself, I never thought of the day from the Briton's point
of view. They may be right in remembering their own, we are certainly right
in remembering ours and those who shared with us suffering and
oppression. When the oppressors pray for their beloved who laid down their
lives for the “noble” cause, we in our turn pray for
the souls of those who sacrificed their lives for the freedom of all, big
and small, we pray for a universal peace based on right, truth, and
justice.
To return to the English national anthem, I ask my readers to go back a few
years in our Egyptian history when Tappozada Rushdi Pasha was
“Nazir El Awka.” On a tour of inspection around the
mosques he was much annoyed to hear the “Khateeb”
offering blessings to the Muslim world and pouring words of wrath on
the heads of non-Muslims. Broad-minded as he was, Hussein Rushdi
issued an order that no hymns of hate
29
should be recited in the houses of God.
I wonder what pious Rushdi thinks of the spirit and words of the
English national anthem. I quote the second verse of it here, perchance his
gentle eyes may sometime fall upon it.
O Lord our God, arise,
Scatter his1 enemies,
And make them fall.
Confound their politics,
Frustrate their knavish tricks,
On him our hopes we fix,
God save us all.
1 The King of England's.
This is how it is sung in private and public places wherever the Union Jack
flies, and from it one can see what the brotherhood of man means to English
minds.
In the afternoon we were asked to visit a hide and skin store. It was
interesting but not at all pleasant. These commodities form a considerable
source of profit to various trades. We had already had a glimpse into
the butcher's interest in it, and now we saw the
merchant's part. He grades, preserves, and stores the hides, for
the tanner to clean and turn them into leather, then they find their way to
the boot factory or the saddler's.
The evening, which turned out very fine, but cold, we spent at a
friend's house across the river. It was pleasing to hear
children singing and reciting in Irish. As for their Irish dancing I envied
them, and wished I could have displayed such agility, I would at least
have warmed myself.
Next morning we left for Kilkenny. It was very cold, and but for this it
would have been delightful. At a turn in the road we were suddenly brought
face to face with a mass of mutilated white buildings. They were the
ruins of Jerpoint Abbey, a grand old eleventh century piece of monastic
architecture. The building included the abbey church, the tower, and other
portions of the ruins whose uses I am unable to explain owing
30
to my ignorance of ecclesiastical
matters. The massive tower is crowned at the corners in a manner which
I have not seen anywhere else in the British Isles. We were told the
place had been sacked by Cromwell, whose cruelties in Ireland are still
spoken of with horror, and since then it has been inhabited by noisy
jackdaws.
At Thomastown we were taken over a tanyard and shown how the skins on being
brought from the merchant were washed, limed, and scraped before being
submitted to the process of tanning. The skins when ready are laid
down in layers sixty deep with fine shavings of oak bark between the
layers. Then the tanks are filled with water and left for several weeks.
The process is finished by passing the hides through heavy presses. We
were rather surprised to hear that the whole process takes about eight
months. I believe, however, that by the use of expensive electric machinery
and chemicals as used by the Germans, the same result could be reached
in half as many days.
This leather industry is dwindling in Ireland. It was once very prosperous.
Sixty or seventy years ago there were some forty towns in Ireland
possessing tanneries. Now there are only one-fourth that number.
To-day Ireland is mainly an exporter of the raw material and an
importer of the finished articles, which are manufactured from these very
materials. Such a state of affairs is lamentable, especially when raw
material and labour are abundant. Efforts are being made now to
resuscitate this industry with the development of its subsidiary branches,
such as boots and shoes, saddlery, trunks, and fancy leather goods. A
glimpse at the following returns shows how unsound is the economic
position as regards this industry1:—
Exports
Imports
Hides and skins. …
£600,767
Leather. …
£768,120
Fat cattle, number
405,047
Boots and shoes. …
£2,039,017
Fat sheep, number
400,447
Saddlery. …
£140,811
Belting. …
£28,782
1The Times, November 4, 1919.
31
I sincerely hope that the revival of this industry will be on co-operative
lines. There is a chance now to win it from the capitalists and put it in
the hands of the people themselves. Co-partnership factories could be
founded in different parts of the country. They have proved successful
in England, particularly in Leicester and Kettering, and there is no reason
why similar projects should not be attempted here with success. Such
factories would surely enrich many places in Ireland which are now poor for
the lack of something to do. Healthy young men and women leave the country
to find employment elsewhere; they would willingly stay at home if
they were offered a remunerative employment in their own country.
While criticising our Irish friends, I am conscious of a similar backward
state of affairs in my own land, in many cases much worse than in Ireland,
and I trust Young Egypt will see to it that the resources of their
country are developed by their own people.
On our way to Kilkenny I found the country beautiful, but I missed the wild
flowers and small birds; the latter are still to be seen, but not in such
numbers as at other times of the year. We entered the town by a wide
avenue with the imposing building of Kilkenny Castle on our right. We
stayed that night at the “Club House Hotel.” Early in
the morning we drove to Castlecomer. It was a raw morning, the country
looked grey and cold, and the streams were frozen. All was still, the
cattle looked like scarecrows in the fields. The only things which lent
life to the scene were the small birds flitting amongst the bare and ragged
hedges. Finches and wagtails, yellow-hammers and our old friend, the
robin, broke the monotony of still life. The rooks looked at a distance
like black dots crowning the leafless branches of the skeleton elm trees.
Occasionally flocks of starlings high above on their way across
country swerved sharply en masse on seeing us. Once
or twice we saw a few magpies, disappearing behind the trees.
32
I do not like to think that this
handsome bird shares with the still prettier bird, the jay, the
disreputable and unenviable distinction of being a member of the crow
family. Ornithologists say they are, and I suppose we have to believe it. I
offer apologies and sympathy to our two bird friends.
We visited a Credit Society at Castlecomer, but before doing so we met
Captain W., its director, who is also the owner of a coal mine in the
district. He kindly invited us to go down the mine if we so wished, but
I hastily declined. My experience last year of a visit to a mine near
Manchester I wished to be the last. I remember when I was studying
agriculture at Cirencester, an English fellow-student used to tell me
that the English labourer would never lower his dignity by appearing
on a flooded rice field with bare legs in the mud and water as they do in
the East. But when I saw the men working in the coal mine almost
naked, and sweating from the heat of labour and the stuffy atmosphere,
and covered all over with black dust, they certainly did not strike me as
looking particularly dignified, and I thought how much better off our
toilers in the fields are. Theirs at any rate is a natural, healthy,
open-air life. This attitude of mind on the part of our English friends is
not exceptional. It is essentially and characteristically English. They see
small defects in other peoples, but never admit glaring defects in
themselves, even if they see them; and when such are pointed out to
them, they arrogantly and haughtily reject any comparison. They are
illogical and inconsistent, and very sadly lacking in imagination.
Credit societies are another type of co-operative societies. They are
sometimes called Agricultural Banks, co-operative associations formed for
the purpose of lending money for productive purposes on easy terms to
their members. They differ from other banks in that they are controlled by
the members themselves, and the credit given is of a personal character. To
found a
33
society of this type, farmers associate
and pledge their joint credit for the security of any money advanced
to or deposited with them. On this joint guarantee they borrow money
sufficient for their purpose at a low rate of interest and lend it out to
the members who need it at a rate just a little higher, to allow of a
margin to pay for the expenses of the society. In this way farmers
have access to reasonable credit, which is necessary to them at certain
times of the year if they are to do their farming on progressive lines and
without falling victims to the fleecing moneylender. The peculiar needs
of farmers are studied with the view to making it easy for them to
borrow as well as to repay. One great advantage of this form of association
is that it takes from the wealthy their superfluous capital at a fair rate
of interest and lends it out again in the same district to those who
require it for productive purposes. Thus the wealth of the place is not
only kept within it, but used to good purpose there. These credit
associations have a good effect on the education and morale of the people,
instructing them in the art of making good use of money and
necessitating good character and honest dealing in the members.
After calling on one or two friends in the town we drove to Ballyragget,
where we had lunch. We then called on Dean B., the head of the church as
well as of the co-operative enterprises here, but unfortunately he was
not at home. This small country town provides a rich soil for co-operation.
It has a poultry society, a creamery, a credit society, as well as a branch
of the “United Irishwomen,” and all are doing well. I
might take the first society as a type of its kind and attempt to say
a few words about it. Poultry and eggs are the great industries of the
small farmer, and lend themselves admirably to co-operative methods. Before
these were adopted, the trade was conducted by a host of middlemen,
who delayed the egg in its transit to the consumer. The following lines
might be supposed to be addressed
34
to them by an infuriated consumer who
was suffering from the aroma of the egg served to him at the breakfast table:
What the deuce is your use? You nothing produce,
You never lay eggs. Oh, you're a
transmitter,
If A has an egg intended for me,
He hands it to B, B to C, C to D,
D to E, E to me—who pay, after A,
B, C, D, and E, for stopping the way;
For surely 'twere fitter A's egg
and my penny
Changed hands without paying a toll to so many,
Which terribly docks Farmer A or his gain,
While of eggs far from fresh I often complain.
Poultry societies buy and market their members' poultry and eggs.
Their modern methods of collecting, grading, and packing the eggs have
placed them in the front of the market. The members through their
societies are in direct contact with the markets, and thus in a
favourable position as regards the business part of the trade. By insisting
on the buying of eggs by weight, the keeping of a better laying stock is
encouraged. Besides all this the societies buy in bulk their poultry
food and other necessaries of their trade, and are enabled to save money by
this means.
The enterprising co-operators of this place are not satisfied yet with their
activities and are about to buy a farm near the town of a little over a
hundred acres to run it on co-operative lines. This means co-operative
farming, in other words, the common holding and cultivation of land.
Generally speaking, this takes one of two forms, in both of which a society
is formed for the purpose of either buying or renting land. In what is
called the Collective System, the land is farmed in common by all the
members of the society under the direction of an elected committee and the
profit shared. In the Individual System, the land is divided amongst
the members, each of which with his family farms the plot or small holding
allotted to him. As for the grazing land it is held in common. Certain
operations might be
35
performed collectively, and
co-operative buying and seeing would be of great economic advantage.
The former system is practised principally in Italy, the latter in
Rumania. Properly speaking, the individual system, though co-operative,
does not quite belong to cooperative farming, as the members are not
co-operating in the actual process of production. In Ireland
cooperative farming is not practised, but an attempt was made a few
years ago at Raheen and another but smaller one at Foynes on the lines of
the famous Ralahine experiment. These experiments are yet in their
infancy, and we will not venture to prophesy.
To our regret we had to omit part of our programme for the day. Owing to
engine trouble, we were delayed and so could not fulfil our promise to
visit a model farm. On our way back, about a mile and a half from
Kilkenny, we called on Lady D. Our compatriots would like to know
something of what can be done by the aristocracy to improve the lot of the
poorer classes. Lady D., assisted by her relative, the Honourable O. C.,
an Irishman of the Irish Revival school, started a woollen company and
wood works with the view to employing the villagers. For the accomodation
of the workers she built a model village. The factories are worked by
contented workers, who are well housed, well paid, and are working under
the best possible conditions. It was too late for Lady D. to show us round
the village and the works, and so instead we enjoyed a talk over a cup
of tea and a cigarette in her charming house in the middle of her
model village. If similar activities were undertaken by our nobility, a
great deal could be attained by their lead in this direction. To my mind it
only needs a big heart and an enterprising spirit to start such good
work as this. I have always believed in these two primary factors to
success, and the more I see of the world, the more I am convinced that
these two qualities must form the nucleus of all great movements, and
that they gather around them the elements necessary to success.
36
Next morning we made for Callan, where we visited a creamery. A crowd of
young and old, men and women, as well as children, with their little
country carts drawn by shabby little donkeys and mules, were
delivering their milk in large tinned vessels at the back of the
creamery on to a platform, where it was poured into a weighing tank, and
after an entry in their little book crediting them with the amount of milk
they delivered, they returned free and easy to their farms. The
taking-in of the milk was superintended by the manager himself, as too
much caution cannot be exercised in this matter. As the milk is all mixed
together, one supplier's lot, if tainted or tampered with, might
spoil the output of the creamery that day. Before the milk from each
member was emptied into the receiving vat, a sample was taken for testing
purposes.
We were talking with the manager a few yards from the crowd at this meeting
point between farm and factory. The crowd interested us very much, and
we could not help paying particular attention to the pretty young
girls with their beautiful fresh complexions and large, speaking, dark-blue
eyes beaming with life and health from under a crown of dark, rich hair. It
was a freezing day, but the pretty witches looked charming in their
black shawls.
The reader notices that we have already visited several creameries. Any one
of them was just as good as another, and would serve as an example of that
form of association. Creameries are factories worked by motive power
(generally a steam engine and boiler), for the manufacturing of butter on a
large scale, and sometimes of cheese as well. Without going into details,
I shall attempt to give my readers an idea of what one sees going on
in a creamery.
We have already been to the back of the creamery and seen the farmers
delivering their milk on to a platform. The milk is strained through a
sieve into a big tank. A tube then carries it to the pasteuriser,
37
where it is heated to a certain degree
in order to render the cream easier to separate. From this it passes on
to the separator, a Swedish invention which has entirely
revolutionised the dairy trade. The principle involved in separating cream
is the law of gravitation. The cream being lighter keeps to the centre,
while the heavier separated milk seeks the outside of the rapidly
revolving discs. Each is then delivered by a separate tube, The cream
is conducted to a second pasteuriser, in which it is heated to a higher
degree in order to kill the dangerous organisms that may be in it, and then
cooled down immediately by trickling over a corrugated cylindrical
cooling apparatus before it is pumped up to a freezing plant above. It is
then ripened with a pure culture or starter prepared from the proper
bacteria which by their action on the cream sour it. Not until the
cream is ripe is it ready for churning, otherwise the butter would be
greasy and flavourless. This last operation consists in giving the cream a
violent shaking in a large wooden barrel fitted with revolving dashers
inside, which causes the globules of fat to come together and form
butter. This having been churned and washed, is conveyed to what is called
the butter worker, a wooden table on which the butter is worked by wooden
rollers with corrugations straight and deep, in order to squeeze out
excess water. The butter is then salted, cut, weighed, and packed ready to
be marketed. All the work, leaving out the waiting for the cream to
ripen, is done in a few hours, by some half-a-dozen hands. And when we
realise that this is the case in a main creamery which handles some 5,000
gallons of milk a day, we cannot but wonder at this great modern
achievement which would have amazed our forefathers.
This is what takes place in a modern creamery, whether proprietary or
co-operative. I have touched upon the technical part of the work for sake
of those who do not happen to know much about it and may be misled by
the name.
38
Before the creamery movement came to stay, there was neither skill nor
economy in the making of butter nor uniformity in the butter itself. Under
the old system, from one district alone issued hundreds of kinds of
butter every week, and even on the same farm the butter varied from week to
week. That was all very well in the old days when the public taste was
not fastidious, and when keen competition between producers far and
near was not so great. Now that the butter market demands large regular
supplies, of good, uniform quality, only producers who satisfy these
requirements can make profit of butter production in face of the great
competition that exists. Butter-making on a large scale can be carried on
only by farmers in combination, and a combination of farmers for this
purpose results in the establishment of a creamery. Creameries may be
proprietary, that is, owned and run by private individuals or public
companies who invest the capital and retain the profit to themselves, or
cooperative, that is, owned and run by the farmers, who erect the
plant, supply the milk, and share the profit. In Ireland practically all
the creameries belong to the second type. This is due to the co-operative
movement, which advocated the centralising of the butter-making of
each dairying district in one building owned by the farmers and equipped
with the latest scientific appliances for the manufacture of first-class
butter under the superintendence of a trained manager. As a result of
this, Irish farmers are now producing a butter held in high esteem, selling
at remunerative prices, competing successfully with foreign producers, and,
what is more, are sharing amongst themselves a profit which under the
proprietary system would have gone into the pocket of the capitalist.
I left Callan so preoccupied by all we had heard and seen that I was quite
unconscious of what was going on around me, until Coffey from the front
seat called out: “Kells!” And behold, out in the
green fields not far
39
from the main road, the white ruins of
Kells. Dilapidated towers and halls, cloisters and walls, remain
standing to tell their story. Here a religious house once stood, and here a
garrison was once stationed. On going over the ground, these ruins brought
back to our minds the Middle Ages. One's thought went like
a flash to Ekkehard, the Fairy Queen, Wagner, and The Cloister and the Hearth. Those were days in
which in spite of their cruelty, chivalry lived. Castles were attacked
and defended in open fighting by arrows and molten lead. One was reminded
of Saladin, or more correctly Salah-Uddin, and Coeur-de-Lion, and
their chivalry. We felt humbled to think we belonged to the twentieth
century, a century of trench fighting, bombing from the air, bombarding
from a distance, and torpedoing from under the deep sea; when it is
difficult to know one's friend from one's foe, and
impossible to trust the honour of kings and statesmen. The world may
have advanced, but are we any the better, seeing that spying prevails,
treaties are torn, pledges broken, nations oppressed, and all this under a
new régime which promised freedom to the
world, and brotherhood to mankind?
On leaving Kells, our car unfortunately met with an accident, but we managed
to continue to Carrick-on-Suir, where we discovered to our dismay that the
car was so badly damaged that we could not use it further on our
journey, and we had to leave it behind at a garage whence it was sent back
to Dublin. Coffey was miserable about it, but I was glad to see him
later admiring and adopting the Eastern philosophical attitude in the face
of misfortunes. In ordinary times this should have been a busy day in this
country town, being a market day; but County Tipperary is under
martial law since last year's troubles; in this
“rebellious” county, all public gatherings are
prohibited, as well as all industrial and social functions.
There were still some twenty miles for us to cover before the day was over.
This we did in a fine car hired from the place at which we left ours. The
day was closing, nature's fading light allowed us to enjoy
the beautiful scenery only part of the way. The country we passed
through on our way to Cappagh was mountainous, and the hill-ranges and
valleys offered a constant variety of colours and outlines. Night soon came
on, accompanied by high wind and severe cold. I tried to think hard of
sun and home, and thus send my thoughts to a warmer atmosphere. On reaching
our destination our host and hostess, Mr. and Mrs. U., received us
with Irish hospitality at their nice country house. There were other
friends with them as well, and after dinner we all joined in a circle
around a great fire, talking of things far and near. Next morning the frost
held
41
everything in its grip. The view of the
surrounding country from the window was glorious, and the house being
on a height we had a wide prospect. Majestic hills and thick woods, humble
cottages and winding country roads, were spread out before us. Mr.
U.'s father had been a great lover of birds, on which he
was an authority in this country, and in the room I occupied he had
left a fine collection of books on shelves, and of birds in glass cases. I
could only glance at them, for we had a full day's programme
waiting for us. After breakfast we started with our host in his
dogcart for Ring, some nine miles away, on a visit to the Irish School
there. The first five miles we did fairly comfortably. The hedges, which
were mostly of hawthorn, gorse, and fern, looked wretched and neglected.
The trees, which were largely oaks, larches, beeches, ash, birches,
pines, and firs, were not grand specimens, and were scattered, some singly
and some in groups, mostly near the road. We passed by a ruined castle
which stood high up on a green mount just as it was left by ruthless
Cromwell. On marshy land near a stream, reeds grew thickly. Here we saw
herons, some standing motionless on one leg, a study in still life, and
some on the wing, flying gracefully in their characteristic manner
with head tucked in and legs stretched straight back. As we approached
nearer to the sea, gulls began to make their appearance. It was freezing
hard, and as we were entering an uphill country, our pony found it
almost impossible to get a grip on the ground in spite of the frost
nails he was wearing in his shoes. The road looked as if covered with a
sheet of glass; no wonder the poor creature could not walk, still less
climb. We had to leave the pony and cart behind at a small cottage on
the wayside, and finish the journey on foot. At the cottage Coffey talked
to the inmates in Gaelic, and this, I think, caused them to be
exceptionally obliging to us. On reaching the school we were most warmly
received by the master, Mr. S. H., and shortly afterwards we
42
found ourselves in the dining-room with
the masters and mistresses, boys and girls. It was quite a large
luncheon party, a party at which, in conformity with the rules of the
place, no language but Gaelic was spoken. Had it not been for the kindness
of a neighbour who communicated with me now and then in a low voice in
English, a foreign language both of us happened to know, I would have found
myself in an awkward position. After lunch the children entertained us
with a few songs, and a smart little fellow boldly came up to the head
of the long table and gave us a fine recitation. Who knows whether that boy
may not become one of Ireland's many orators! If so, he will
have no fault to find with his Irish education. Moving out of the hall
we found ourselves in an atmosphere of friendliness and warmth, in which
teachers, children and all revelled. Boys and girls clustered around us,
raining questions on their masters as to where Egypt was and as to why
I did not speak Irish, etc. The master made use of the occasion and
told them something about Egypt to their great delight. As I was trying to
make friends with these young people, one of the masters came in
carrying in his arms a large sheet of ice he had taken from the
surface of the freezing pond near by. This created great excitement, and
the master was riddled with questions as to how it was formed and where it
came from, did the fishes like it, etc. Another practical lesson, all
in Irish.
We were then taken over the college, which rests on a low, grassy cliff
overlooking Dungarvan Bay, and commands a magnificent view of the Waterford
coast line, and the surrounding country. The school is a residential
one, accomodating some sixty boarders, it is equipped with all modern
requirements, and its domestic arrangements are in the hands of an
Irish-speaking staff with the view of making Irish the language not
only of the schoolroom, but of domestic life as well. The aim of the school
is to make Irish speakers of Irish
43
children and to give them a thorough
grip of the national language. In this language the children receive
their instruction in Christian Doctrine, Arts, Science, Nature Study,
etc. Nothing but such efforts will save the youth of Ireland from the
denationalising process to which the cruel force of circumstances for some
generations past has subjected them. The present form of education in
Ireland was systematised a good many years ago with the view of destroying
all sense of nationality in the people, their rulers being convinced that
not until this was done could the nation be subdued. We well know how
close is the bond between language and nationality. The old Irish thinkers
knew that too, but they were unable to resist the will of the mighty Saxon.
The Saxon of those days was a ruthless ruler, and did not conceal it.
Though still the same where he has a free hand, he tries to conceal it and
be a gentleman, and will argue matters around a table as gentlemen do.
He does not like this restraint; it is not his nature; the world is
changing, however, and he has to change with it. During the last war he
went so far as to announce himself the bitterest enemy of Prussianism,
and now he finds it rather difficult to go back on his own professions, for
the world does not trust him, and everybody is watching him. Besides, he
has joined a society called the League of Nations, and sworn to adhere
to its principles of justice and right.
One can well understand the reasons why the Irish people of the previous
generation failed to insist upon their youth acquiring that learning and
education which was their birthright, and allowed themselves to be
divorced from their language and culture. Had that process gone a little
further the world would have lost this nation, as it would have been
absorbed into another. Fortunately, it was saved, just in time, by a
handful of thinkers who are now endeavouring to revive what has been
lost in language, culture, and nationality. This handful organised
themselves into a league called “The
44
Gaelic League,” about which
I shall have something to say later on.
We left the Ring Irish School, taking with us pleasant thoughts, and walked
back to where we left our pony and cart. We drove home in darkness to be
welcomed by our kindly hostess.
In the morning I left for Cappoquin, a few miles away, on a visit to Sir J.
K. at his charming house with its pretty grounds overlooking the town. My
friend Coffey did not accompany me; he had to return to Dublin on
duty, and so I was deprived of his pleasant company. Sir J. took me around
his estate, and his home farm interested me very much. I was pleased with
the business-like manner in which he manages the farm. The steward
receives his orders from his master in person and carries them out under a
system that allows no laxity in its execution. “Master on the
'phone” is an effective influence; but Sir J., though
he sometimes makes use of that ingenious invention, does not omit
personal inspection of his fields, and sees everything for himself. This
particular farm of his is of some five hundred acres, one-third of which is
arable and the rest pasture land. I asked how the farm was managed
during his absence in town or abroad. Sir J. answered: “My wife,
who knows a great deal about it, takes my place in case of long absence,
but for a short one, the system of management is wound up too tight for
any laxity in its working. If any trouble in the mechanism happens to
arise, the momentum of organisation carries it on till I am
back.” Had I not known that it is not so much the amount of work
and time spent on industry that tells, as the system on which it is
conducted, I would have been greatly surprised at the running of this
farm so efficiently in spite of the various activities and duties which Sir
J. undertakes in private and public life. It is surprising how much is lost
by a defective system of business management in farming. Even in
farming conducted on strictly scientific lines, unless the
45
business management is sound, the
financial result will never be satisfactory. Even educational institutions
too often lose sight of this fact. Indeed, the lack of interest in the
economics of agriculture in these islands is surprising. Such a state of
affairs is to be regretted. Until active steps are taken to remedy this
defect in the system of agricultural education, the future of farming
in these countries will not be really hopeful. Many of those we came across
and who have the welfare of agriculture at heart, shared our view. Sir
Horace Plunkett's three-fold policy of “Better
Farming, Better Business, Better Living,” confirms this. Sir
Horace, as the father of Irish rural reconstruction, recognised this
long ago and worked wholeheartedly for the realisation of his ambitious
programme, laying great stress particularly on the second part of his
famous formula. In Egypt, what are our educated farmers doing? How
much of our farming is run on scientific lines? Do our farmers conduct
their business on anything like sound business principles? What sort of
life does our rural community live? What steps are taken by our
enlightened young landowners to improve the social and economic
conditions connected with our greatest national industry? Do they persist
in letting their estates and farms to tenants, while they themselves enjoy
life in gay cities at home and abroad? Or are they contented to live
in a fool's paradise in their country homes wholly unconscious
of the backward state of affairs prevailing in the community?
Lady K., who plays a leading part in promoting the interests of the United
Irishwomen in this place, was unfortunately away at Reading, where she was
attending some conference in connection with gardening and dairying. I
understood that she had a scheme on hand for starting a school of gardening
for the daughters of the neighbouring gentry, certainly a praiseworthy
undertaking, and one which would lead to a vast field of interest and
healthy activity for these young women
46
who otherwise, while waiting for the
suitor who does not always arrive, might become self-absorbed idlers.
In the afternoon I visited the Co-operative Society, and also the Bacon
Factory. The latter does not interest me, personally, as swine's
flesh to us is a forbidden food; but for sake of those who enjoy
“Bacon and Eggs” in the morning, after a plate of hot
porridge, I may be permitted to say a few words on the killing and
curing of bacon.
Each pig is hung up by a hind leg and killed by stabbing in the neck with a
double-edged sharp knife. Still hanging down, he is carried by means of
wheels which run on rails fixed to the roof, to the scalding tank,
where he is left for a while. When he emerges the hair is scraped off. The
carcase is then singed with a strong gas flame in order to harden the skin
and give it the firmness, texture, and colour required. It is then
slit open and disembowelled, next the head and legs are separated and
the body cut into the two “sides.” These are then
taken to the freezing chambers, where they are chilled and cured. The
process of “curing,” which is simply a process for
preservation, consists in covering the sides with common salt and saltpetre
and piling them on top of one another. In that state they are left for
weeks till they are ready to be dispatched to the traders. I inquired
whether it would not be profitable to make use of the skin of the pig
instead of leaving it on the flesh as rind to be thrown away later on;
but I was informed that real good pigskin is only found on coarse pigs
like those of Rumania, which are of inferior breeds. As regards the pigs
here, they are too well-bred for their skin to be of any value; in
Scotland, however, a certain amount of pigskin is made use of, the
bacon produced there is called “rolled bacon.”
I was the guest of Sir J. for the night. In the morning, which turned out to
be a fine one, I went around the farm with Sir J. and his steward. The
farm is just like any other well-managed farm in these
47
countries, where farming is based on
the Norfolk four-course rotation, or a modification of it.
Although we were only three or four miles away from the Monastery of Mount
Melleray, for one reason or another we did not visit that Convent of
Trappists. I would like to have done so, that I might tell our people
how these monks by their labours have effected a wonderful transformation,
converting bare mountain slopes into rich woodlands, fertile pastures, and
vegetable gardens. Amongst these they have built their monastery, with
schools, and a guest house where travellers are received with cheerful
hospitality.
From Cappoquin, which, I was told, makes a convenient starting-point for the
Blackwater scenery, I took the train to Fermoy. The railway followed
the river all the way and allowed one to enjoy a grand panorama of the
beautiful valley lying between a series of undulating hills variously
coloured. Fermoy is a small country town of barracks, churches, and
convents, lying on the River Blackwater, which is here crossed by a
wide stone bridge. The current is strong and might very well be made use of
for generating power. Our impression of Fermoy was disappointing; on
all sides soldiers, horses, broken windows, and closed-down shops.
What was wrong with the place and its people? A short time previously, a
skirmish had taken place between the inhabitants and soldiers, and this was
the result. My visit to Fermoy was for the purpose of attending the
annual general meeting of the Agricultural Co-operative Society. This form
of co-operative association which I saw here, at Enniscorthy, and
other places, I have not commented upon so far. These agricultural
societies, unlike creameries and other productive societies, are
essentially distributive societies. By procuring agricultural and domestic
requirements for the farmers, they enable them to reap the advantages
gained by purchasing in large quantities for prompt cash payments. Besides,
the society watches over the
48
interest of its members, providing the
safeguards of analyses of manures and feeding stuffs and the testing
of seeds, without any trouble or expense to them. Another service which
these societies perform for their members, is the purchase of expensive
agricultural machinery, which they hire out at low rates. This society
at Fermoy not only buys his requirements for the farmer, but sells his
produce as well. His requirements, such as fertilisers, cakes, meals,
flour, hardware, etc., are bought in large quantities at wholesale
prices to be stored and drawn on as required. The society buys grain
or wool from its members and pays them for it in cash at the current
prices. It then stores these goods to sell them later at a better price;
the profit made is distributed amongst the members according to the
produce they supply. The Society contemplates starting a factory for the
manufacture of woollen goods, from the raw material supplied by the
members, thus making full use of collective effort for the benefit of
all.
The night I spent at a friend's house. He was a bachelor, and had
gathered around him a merry circle of fellow bachelors who seemed to be in
agreement with Mark Twain in treating the world as a huge joke. The
conversation, as might be expected, ran mostly on racing, hunting,
shooting, coursing, and other sporting subjects. The little knowledge I
possess of Arab horses stood me in good stead, but, when it came to
hunting and coursing, I could only listen, knowing nothing myself of a
sport which seems to me a cruel one.
The next morning I attended the society's meeting. A crowd of
farmers, big, robust, ruddy, well-fed, stout fellows, filled the hall.
After the proceedings were gone through, the chairman called upon me to say
a few words; the meeting desiring to hear something from
“our friend and fellow co-operator from Egypt.” I
ventured to make a few remarks. Being an Egyptian and the audience Irish, I
had to apologise for speaking in a language foreign to me and foreign to
them. After
49
thanking them for receiving me so
kindly, and offering them my congratulations on their co-operative
achievement, I felt it my duty as a sincere friend and not altogether
inexperienced critic, to hint at what I considered their weak point. That
was the neglect of the social and educational side of the movement. This
is not the only weak link in the chain of co-operative enterprises in
this society, but in many other societies. People seem to allow themselves
to be elated by the remarkable progress in material welfare attained
through associated effort, and neglect the higher aim of raising the
social level of the community. This has come about in spite of the
persistent efforts of the Irish social economists; if it continues the main
purpose of the co-operative movement will soon be lost sight of, and
its wonderful organisation used for advancing a selfish materialism. One
might have thought the Irish Cooperative School would have been strong
enough to cope with this danger, but evidently the apathy of the
people under the spell of the general material outlook of the age has yet
to be mastered. I feel, however, that the voice of A. E. will not be a
voice in the wilderness; nor will the seed that Irish artist-economist
is sowing fail to germinate in the kindly and rich nature that is
characteristic of this country. Those who know the Irish temperament, will
share with me this hope. The gentle manners of even the very poor reveal
an inherent culture in the nation. Their refined feelings, natural
friendliness and hospitality, form a contrast to the rough, callous, and
inconsiderate manners of the sister island. With my knowledge of these
islands and their peoples, I believe that the materialism that is
affecting the body and soul of their co-operative movement can be
counteracted only by Irish ideas and ideals. It seems almost impossible to
think that a time will come when the material outlook prevailing now
in England and Scotland will be replaced by a cultural one; if culture
develops within this movement, it will
50
be in Ireland and amongst Irish people.
True, there is at present a great and will be a still greater
civilisation on the eastern side of the Irish Channel, but for
refinement of nature and temperament one has to sail westward. If this
is the case now, what will it be when the Western people become
emancipated, and the teaching of the higher ethics of co-operation strike
root? Perhaps if I quote the Countess Markievicz, a great Sinn Féin leader, my readers may have a glimpse into the spirit and ideals of
the Irish people on the questions under consideration.
“We see prosperity as well as freedom in our separation from
England. If the enormous sums of money exported every year to pay the
English Government's debts were applied to developing Irish
resources in ways suited to the temperament and desires of our people
we would find that we were moving surely toward the ideal that we
believe in—a co-operative commonwealth. Wealth is much more
evenly divided here than in England, we have no millionaires to cope with,
very few ‘great vested interests,’ no big industrial
cities. We have not made of the ideas of perpetual and high-speed work
a God to worship, and we do not love competition; we have no desire to
build an Empire—we abhor the idea—nor do we want to
impose our rule over ‘natives’ anywhere. Huge
factories that work day and night are a horror to us. Leisure,
comradeship, co-operation, are things we would desire to bring within
the grasp of all; time to think, to read, and to develop the spirit that is
in man. Above all, we want to live in peace: peace with our neighbours,
peace with the world, peace even with England. Only as a free Republic
will Ireland's attitude to England be changed to the right
relationship between neighbours. For friendship must be a relationship
between equals and can never exist between the oppressor and the
oppressed.”
In the evening I was invited to a social gathering composed chiefly of
farmers. After-dinner speeches were
51
made, and again I found myself
representing Egypt amongst Irishmen. Toasts were proposed for our dear
lands, and in the absence of Nile water, Irish whiskey figured prominently.
It was a happy hour, and I am sure my fellow countrymen would have been
delighted with the scene had they been there. I had to withdraw
regretfully before the party broke up, as I had to catch the night train to
Mallow. It was only in the train that I found time to read the
day's paper. I felt sad when my eye caught Mr.
Balfour's declaration on the British Government's
policy towards Egypt. Evidently the British nation means to use the
“mailed fist” against Egypt. We may still live to see
a Raemaker cartoon depicting John Bull in his usual supercilious and
haughty attitude, saying to poor “Young Egypt,”
broken down and violated: “Now, you have lost
everything.” Egypt's answer to John Bull will be the
same as that of Belgium to the Kaiser: “Not my soul.”
The Prussian “Iron Heel” has now become British, and
the Bismarckian “Blood and Iron” policy has changed
its name since the Armistice into Balfourism. Imperialism and
autocracy are imposing themselves on the whole world. Small nations are not
to be heard when “self-determination” is the order of
the day. The “League of Nations,” thanks to the
superhuman effort of the latest prophet produced by the West, has become a fact on paper—a scrap of paper! It is the greatest
practical joke the world has ever witnessed. The nations have been
thoroughly cajoled. Sometimes one feels bitter over the inhuman cruelty of
it, but when one realises that it is after all a joke, one laughs. The
wisdom of the West has worked out a new philosophy, altogether
different from that of the East. The Orient has accustomed us all to expect
from it prophets of Truth, The East is serious; the Occident jests.
With these thoughts I retired. The next day I had a walk around this
beautifully situated town of Mallow, before I proceeded to Cork.
The historic city of Cork, finely situated as it is on the River Lee,
possesses a charm of its own, though in places it has a touch of the Dublin
atmosphere. The pleasantness of its spacious streets, and the beauty
of its women were the first things that struck me. The women have
beautiful, dark eyes and hair, grace of manner, charming frankness, and a
womanly dignity that reminds me of our Egyptian women. There is
nothing about them of that aggressiveness and self-consciousness that
deprives many of the Northern women of their natural charm, they are easy
in their ways, natural in their manners, and graceful in their
movements.
Being a teetotaller by religion, and a visitor to the city where the
well-known “Apostle of Temperance,” Father Mathew,
lived and preached, I thought it would be the proper thing to stay at the
Temperance Hotel. Father Mathew extended his great crusade against
drink into England and America about the middle of the last century. I
do not know how long this warfare against alcoholism has been waged in the
West. What I do know is that during this last war, the Powers,
realising the evil of drink at a time when men need all their wits
about them, put great restrictions on its manufacture and consumption. And
then America, with its spectacular methods of carrying on propaganda, sent
its “Pussyfoot” Johnson to these countries, not only
in the cause of restriction but of actual prohibition. I wonder how
far will these Acts of Parliament keep their hold on the people. I believe,
and a good many of our
53
Irish friends agree that
men's hearts cannot be changed by Acts of Parliament, and that
it is a profound mistake to imagine that a sober nation can be made to
order. Religion, to my mind, has a much stronger hold over
people's action in that direction, and it is a most unfortunate
thing that in the Christian Faith there is no prohibition against drink as
we have it in our Islam. However, we shall see as time goes on, the effect
of these efforts on society in the West. In the meantime, we may
congratulate ourselves that the West is adopting one Islamic institution
after another, with a view to reforming corruption in its society. Between
prohibition and the laws governing marriage and divorce, Europe is
struggling to acknowledge things in the Muslim faith she used to jeer at
not very long ago.
I visited University College, a handsome white building occupying a
picturesque site high up on a rock. This, with the two colleges of Dublin
and Galway, form the three constituent colleges of the National University
of Ireland. I met some of the masters of the College and many of the
men, and had a talk with Professor Wibberley, the Professor of Agriculture,
on his system of “Continuous Cropping,” which he has
been advocating for the last few years, and which he hopes will
revolutionise agriculture in these countries. This system aims at
“Farming on Factory Lines,” that is, working the land
in the most intensive manner, making use of scientific knowledge and
working on economic principles with a view to getting as much out of the
land as possible without deteriorating the soil. To go into the
details of Professor Wibberley's system and into his ideas
on agricultural education will be beyond the scope of this book. But
if I quote a little from his general ideas on agricultural education in
Ireland, I may be interesting our people in a question which is in a
similar position in my own country. Talking of the student of
agriculture in Ireland, he says:
“He is studying, with the same object as his engineering,
54
medical, and other contemporaries,
purely an solely for the purpose of getting a job—a collar
and cuff job, no matter how badly paid. I speak facts. Of the number
of agricultural graduates that have passed through the Dublin College of
Science, I doubt if more than two per cent. are engaged in practical
agriculture. Those who are not lucky enough to get a situation under the
Department of Agriculture—well, I don't know where
they have drifted to, but they are not farming. That there was need for the
Department to train men for official positions everybody admits, and
those who, like myself, have had an opportunity of comparing the type of
men employed under the Department with the agricultural instructors
produced in other countries will congratulate the Department on the
results. But the time has arrived when training, and university training at
that, should aim, not at creating degree or diploma men, but students who
go to the University solely with the object of returning to the land
and putting their scientific knowledge into practice.”
In this picture, things look dark as far as the future of agriculture in
Ireland is concerned. But since the leading agriculturists have raised
their voices to attract the attention of the authorities things are
improving a little. The National University is already striking out a
new line in agricultural studies. The Department of Agriculture, too, alive
to the defects in its agricultural programme, has turned over a new leaf. I
noticed when I visited the Agricultural College at Glasnevin, near
Dublin, which is under the Department, an arrangement had been entered into
with the University in the matter of agricultural instruction.
The next day, the fascination of the Blarney Stone drew us to it. The train
journey afforded a good chance of seeing the beautiful country. The scenery
was really charming, the river winding round and round the green
pastures with cattle grazing on them—the hills and mountains
covered with trees—all was beautiful.
55
The Castle itself consists of a massive tower with lower and less
substantial buildings around it. The fame of this place is due to a
widespread tradition that
There is a stone there
That, whoever kisses,
Oh! he never misses
To grow eloquent.
'Tis he may chamber
To a lady's chamber,
Or become a member
Of Parliament.
I must admit I never ventured to kiss the “Blarney
Stone.” Superstition has no hold on me, in spite of the
widespread belief that all Easterns are superstitious. As a matter of fact,
there is as much superstition here and perhaps more than ever came under my
notice at home. “Touch wood,” “Unlucky
13,” “Horseshoe for luck,” “the
Mascot,” “Tying a shoe at the back of a wedding
party's car,” “If salt is spilt at table, a
little must be thrown over the left shoulder” to avert
ill-luck, “Break one, break three,” “Must
break bread on first visit to a new house,” “Wine
decanter must go around table right to left,” etc., are only a
few well-known superstitious sayings.
The pleasure grounds surrounding the Castle are beautiful and old-world with
their great trees and ancient rocks and walls adorned with evergreens.
Looking up at the tower on the side of entrance, I saw , a few feet
from the top, the famous stone clasped with iron bars, The sight satisfied
my inquisitiveness, and when I climbed up the tower by the narrow and dark
staircase, I contented myself with the magnificent view of the
surrounding country, while others were placing themselves in the
inconvenient, awkward, and uncomfortable, not to say undignified,
positions, which would enable them to reach that lucky stone, which has
been touched by the lips of thousands of ambitious, simple souls who
most likely have never afterwards clambered to a lady's chamber,
or become members of Parliament!
56
The next day I called on various friends. Perhaps it will interest my
readers to know something of the noble efforts my musical friends here are
making for the revival of the old Irish music. Ireland has a wealth of
national airs, unsurpassed as expressions of human feeling, much of which
has been lost to her as the result of unfortunate circumstances. Lately a
national musical revival was begun, with its centre at Cork. Father
O'F., a patriot, a good musician, and an enthusiastic
supporter of all that is Irish—a charming young priest, such
as we find at home amongst the young sheikhs of Dar-El-Uloom
—with the help of Herr Professor Karl Hardebeck started a school
of national music at Cork, which soon became a centre for all lovers and
admirers of Irish music. The Herr Professor, a blind Hungarian genius,
who has lived a good many years in Ireland, and who loves Irish music and
has studied it at its original source amongst the Irish-speaking folk of
the West, devoted all his time to collecting native songs, chants, and
lamentations. Comparing the position of our Irish friends with our own, I
think we in Egypt are much more fortunate. Our music is still with us,
forming an inherent part of our life. All that it needs is developing
on modern lines. Our present position in the world of music is similar to
that of our forefathers in the realms of poetry before the art of writing
came into practice. Everything with them in literature then, as with us
in music now, depended on memory and ear. Imagine the works of
Beethoven, Wagner, Mendelssohn, Schubert, Mozart, Chopin, … not
as recorded with scrupulous exactness but as merely remembered. This is
the condition under which the works of our El-Shantouri, Abdou El
Hamouli, Mohammad Osman, El Sheikh Yousif, Abdul Hai, El Sheikh Salama
Hegazi. are handed down to us. This unsatisfactory state of affairs is
not creditable to a nation like ours, the first in the world to cultivate
music. Our people practised this art on the banks of the Nile from about
4,000 b.c.
57
And it was on their system, as
confirmed by Greek writers, that Pythagoras in 550 b.c. founded the Greek music and philosophy.
As regards Irish musical instruments, I understand they are the pipes and
the harp. Every effort is made to restore these again to their true place
in national music. Coming back to things Egyptian, the variety of
musical instruments we have now is great. Even in the days of Ancient Egypt
musical instruments existed in profusion. Drums, bells, cymbals (used for
dancing girls to mark the rhythm of their performance), trumpet,
flute, harp, and lute, were all Egyptian. This shows that the Egyptians
have always been a highly musical nation of considerable artistic power. I
feel sure that Modern Egypt will one day take her due place in this
sphere of art. It is not mere enthusiasm that has forced me to this
conclusion; a long acquaintance and love for Western music, as well as for
our own, has revealed to me the possibilities that lie within the realms of
each. Modern Eastern music has not so far contributed much to the
musical world, but I feel convinced that Egypt too shall sing her song when
she is liberated from the cage of ignorance and slavery and able to use her
wings again. When I made the acquaintance of my friends at Cork who
are developing Irish music on national lines, I immediately thought of my
old friend, Safar Bey Ali, and his circle, who are doing similar work
at home. The more I know of Ireland, the more I see the resemblance
between it and Egypt. Both have sincere devotees who work in different
directions to make each country “a nation once
again.” I am glad to see that in both countries the cultured
classes are taking a keen interest in the development of national
music. In our case, as far back as I can remember, the “salons” of men like the late Musa Bey Sadik
and Mustafa Bey Rida were meeting places for the best of
professionals, young amateurs, and those who loved music.
58
I do not know whether I am right in using the term “salon” in the French sense. A salon without ladies sounds incongruous. I am sure
Voltaire would be offended to hear me using this word about Egypt. To
him there was “no society without women.” Personally
I regret very much the absence of our cultured women from society. It is a
very great loss to it. If one could only shut one's eyes, and on
opening them again find our Egyptian society a “mixed
one,” of men and women, conducted on such lines as would ensure
to us the virtues of Western society, and save us from its vices, how
delightful would life be in Egypt! I know many of our cultured women who
would adorn salons with their charm, wit, and grace,
and who under our present social order are secluded, depriving society of
what should be the fairest and finest in our social life. Of course,
that question must be solved some time. Egypt can never be the great
country we want her to be, unless in her development her womanhood stands
shoulder to shoulder with her manhood. The consequences of what I have
called “mixed society” we must face with courage and
hope, our duty is only to prepare the way for such a society gradually so
as to prevent such corruption and vulgarity as the West has fallen into. It
is not an impossible task. Our people have a high sense of morality
and they are religious, and if our Ulamas, nobility, and cultured people
take a bold lead in such a vital movement, we need have no fears. But let
me again insist on the great part religion should play in our social
order. Once a nation drifts away from religion, she is sure to be on the
way to vice. To us who have lived in civilised England and also in holy
Ireland this is obvious.
The next day, being a very fine one, I paid a visit to Queenstown, which I
would prefer to call by its old name, “Cove of Cork.”
The journey by rail was charming. The wide expanse of water on one side
and the sloping hills covered with woods here and pasture
59
there on the other, were a lovely
sight. The colours of the sky alone made a picture. It looked as if
Nature in a playful mood was amusing herself with the brush, a streak
of “Labani” here, one of “Farouzi”
there, and a few blotches of “Samawi” and the picture
was finished. No bright, rich oil colours, it was all faint water
colour. Queenstown lies on the south side of the great Island, and its
buildings are on the face of a hill sloping down to the shore, presenting
tiers of terraces. The railway goes uninterruptedly from Cork to the
Island, crossing small areas of shallow water by short bridges. The harbour
in which this Island stands is one of the finest in the Kingdom. High up on
a hill rises the fine Roman Catholic Cathedral, a beautiful piece of
Gothic art. The richness of its architecture, and the beautiful design and
colouring of its windows, won my admiration, and I sat down and
meditated. It was a house of God, and to me it mattered not whether it
was a church, synagogue, or mosque. Children on their way back from school
came in, bowed, made the sign of the Cross on their breasts, meditated for
a moment, rose up again, made the sign anew, and left. This was going
on while others were being admitted through small doors at the side into
the confession boxes, where they confess the sins committed during the
week, and the priest “gives them absolution.” These
are the future citizens of this country of Erin, and this is how their
conscience and religious sense are cultivated. From childhood to old age
their lives and their religion are one; hence it is no wonder that a high
tone of morality exists amongst Irishwomen. When our eyes turn to the
sister island across the Channel, we see a different state of affairs. What
accounts for the difference? We are told of several reasons, but chief
amongst them, perhaps, is the influence of the teachings of their Church on
Irish people. Their religion plays a prominent part in their lives. It
is not divorced from worldly things. We notice it in the priests
themselves. They take part in
60
every phase of life in the community
amongst which they live. They are in the cottage, school, and palace,
they study the lives of the people, they advise, they sympathise. The
reader must have noticed my references to the various activities displayed
by the priests. If Ireland becomes “a nation once
again,” as all of us hope she will, she will owe much to her
priests and nuns. They stood by her in adversity, they healed her
wounds, they comforted her, they preserved her faith, and strengthened
her soul. They nursed the sick, supported the weak, looked after the
orphans, and taught the children. One has only to live amongst the people
to notice the close relationship between them and their Church. Before
coming over to Ireland how much we heard of the undesirable influence of
the priests on the people of Ireland! Our English friends, including
clergymen, used to tell us how the Catholic Church in Ireland hampered the
progress of the people, limited their outlook, narrowed their views,
discouraged scientific investigation, interfered with liberal education,
rendered the place a hotbed for political troubles, and the rest of
it. But I feel that the priests in identifying themselves with the cause of
the people, as they have often done, have helped Ireland to preserve her
soul, her personality, her very life. It would have suited England
admirably that the priests should have held aloof from the national
cause. She realises, no doubt, that their influence has been flung into the
scale against her.
Ireland it is that has exposed England to the world, old and new, as the
selfish oppressor that she is. England would have been glad to exploit
Ireland's resources in England's interests; to work
Ireland's brains for England's benefit. But what
would Ireland have become in the end? A poor imitation of England. She
could not have been anything else, the nature of her people is entirely
different from that of the natives of the sister island. Would not that
have been a loss to the world? Every nation is endowed by nature with
61
a certain temperament and outlook on
life, just as each individual is possessed of a certain personality. If
all peoples made the best of the dormant powers that are in them,
developing these, interpreting in their own way the gifts that God has
endowed them with, the world would be the richer, more beautiful and
happier, because each element that constitutes it would contribute its
individual note to the harmony of the whole. Under the present order of
society many individuals and many nations are deliberately prevented from
developing their natural gifts of character. External factors dominate
them and deprive them of their individuality, with the result that the
powers born in them degenerate or fade away. The world generally has not
advanced sufficiently to realise this, but when it does, I feel sure
it will be considered a gross crime for any one nation or union of
nations, however powerful, to prevent any community from expressing its own
powers, material, artistic, and spiritual, in its own way. The time
will come, if the human race is to live and flourish, when every
effort will be made to bring out all that is good and beautiful in all the
communities of which the human race is composed. At the present day we are
still in the world of materialism. Every endeavour is made to utilise
the material resources that constitute the wealth of all countries; that is
why “Might” is worshipped now, for in the world of
materialism “Might” is the god. Countries are
conquered that their mines and fields may be worked, no matter what becomes
of the conquered people; their lives, their minds, their souls, their
feelings, their ideals, are of no concern, it is their muscles, the muscles
of slaves, that are wanted. We must admit that the world is progressing,
although slowly. It has already been made impossible for one power to
dominate the world. If the world was to be dominated by one power, Germany
no doubt would have been that power. It is said that the idea that
there should be one master for the whole world has
62
been settled once and for all. But what
has taken his place? A company, a combine, a group of four or five
powers. It is an advance in the right direction, but one would have liked
that advance to have gone a bit further, so far at least as to include a
larger number of peoples.
To-day is Sunday, the 23rd of November, the anniversary of the Manchester
Martyrs. I have no intention of calling back sad memories here, so I leave
the tale untold. The cruelties of the English to a few Irishmen at
Manchester were not unlike those committed by the same benevolent race
against the few Egyptians at Denshwai. I only mention these incidents
“lest we forget.” Here at Cork, all celebrations for
this 23rd of November were proclaimed and processions suppressed. A
large display of soldiers and police was made with intent to humiliate the
spirit of the nation. All that was left to the people was the holding of
religious services in the churches, where Requiem Masses for the
repose of the souls of the martyrs were said. All day parties of military,
wearing trench helmets and with fixed bayonets, supported by a large force
of constabulary fully armed, were posted on the various bridges and in
the principal streets. I went to see the National Monument to the Martyrs,
and found the position held by a strong section of the military and police.
The gloom of the atmosphere was relieved by the little children, who,
“playing with fire,” were throwing explosives at the
soldiers from a distance. One was obliged to laugh, sad as it all was, at
the sight of a huge policeman, red with rage, snorting and stampeding after
a mischievous little urchin, who, though frightened out of his life
managed most cleverly to dodge the mass of humanity coming like a steam
roller after him. While this was going on another
“mite” managed to place his little bomb between the
feet of another giant. That sent another steam roller down the street,
till, exhausted, it stopped automatically in front of a publichouse
where fuel was available free of charge, according to a previous
63
understanding between that human engine
and the publican. When the time came for the regiment to retire to its
barracks after a day's glorious service, it did so to the
accompaniment of a large crowd of children whose hooting and shouting
heralded the force a long time before it appeared. I have never seen a
regiment look so ridiculous.
Next day I paid a visit to the Fordson Works, a fine modern factory well
situated on the bank of the Lee, where agricultural motor tractors were
made on a large scale. The foundry and machine shops were not in full
swing as the place was still unfinished, but everything was being arranged
in the usual American business-like manner. Almost all the workers and
mechanics were Irish, while the few heads were from across the
Atlantic. I was told Mr. Ford himself was of Irish descent, and that
his ancestors came from Cork. I wondered whether it was industrial
enterprise or home affection that stimulated him to establish this factory
here; probably both, but I am rather inclined to think it was principally
the latter, as about the same time another American gentleman of
Munster descent endowed a Professorship of Agricultural Research in the
University College here at Cork. These occurrences were consistent with
the advocacy here of a more extensive and intensive system of farming;
under such a system the use of up-to-date machinery in working the land
would become very essential. The College authorities, realising this,
wisely included in their new scheme for agricultural education a
practical course of Farm Engineering to be conducted at the Ford Motor
Works. These works, as we have said above, turn out motor tractors and
motor tractors only. There is a great future before these farm
engines. Their adaptability is an immense advantage; not only do they
plough, sow seeds, and harvest the grain, but they take it to market in a
train of waggons, and being fitted with belt driving, they can also be used
to supply power for the working of various kinds of fixed
64
machinery on the farm. Now compare
these with another farm engine, the motor plough, which can do nothing
but ploughing, and the greater value of the tractor becomes apparent.
It is indeed cheering that these Irish-Americans do not forget the country
of their origin. It is very touching to hear of the young emigrants sending
part of their earnings and savings to their poor parents and needy
relations in the home country. The effort made in the United States to
emancipate Ireland is solely due to the activities of its citizens who are
of Irish origin, a worthy work for so true and affectionate a race.
Now the same people are showing an interest in developing agriculture,
industries, and shipping in Ireland.
Later in the day I had the pleasure of meeting Mr. McS., the member of
Parliament for Cork, (who later became Lord Mayor in succession to
MacCurtain, who was deliberately murdered by the enemies of Sinn Féin). Father O'F.,
Professors R. and S., and others. We discussed the prospects of their Sinn Féin and our Nationalist movements.
The principle religiously adhered to and the tactics adopted by both
parties to throw off the foreign yoke are very similar.
In the evening I was invited to attend a private Irish concert at the School
of Music. I felt greatly honoured by being welcomed as “our
friend from Egypt.” I enjoyed the music and songs, and when I
was called upon, I had to apologise for my inability to do much in
that line, and contented myself with saying a few words about our Egyptian
music. After the concert, and the refreshments that followed, I had a talk
with Professor Hardebeck, who is an authority on Irish music. It was
interesting to hear him talking of the strain of Eastern music in the
Irish, and of the connection or relationship between the Irish and
Oriental languages. Here is a piece of fascinating research work for our
students in Egypt, who have means, leisure, and interest in such questions.
Of
65
course, we have more pressing problems
to investigate at home which will occupy pretty well all our energies
for some time to come. But I make this suggestion for the few whose
disposition and talent are particularly adapted to this kind of work, and
whose gifts would be lost to the nation if their energies were directed
into other channels. Such people generally fail to do much in other
spheres, and it would be fortunate if they were left to use the talent they
are gifted with for the general good, be it in the world of thought or in
the realms of art. If we are entrusted with a power, it is our duty to
make the best use of it for the welfare of the community as a whole,
otherwise we are robbing the world of a power created for the good of
humanity. It is an offence against society not to contribute our full
share to its welfare; and the bigger our resources are, the more is
expected from us. Of course, resources are not taken here in the merely
economic sense, but in the wider one, and include intellect as well as
wealth, greatness of heart, personality, etc. … these are all
forces to be reckoned with in our lives, and these are the powers
which shape society. Unless all these powers are called into action,
something will be lost, and the nation will be the poorer. In some
countries one particular force is valued more than any other. Our own
country thinks more of intellect than of anything else. Our people are
intellectual, almost to excess. I suppose that is why they count intellect
as the highest gift of all. This attitude is to my mind a very dangerous
one, for unless intellect is accompanied by nobility of character,
solidity of purpose, perseverance, and the other qualities which should be
its accompaniments, it is a fruitless force. Mustafa Kamel rightly
interpreted it when he said: “Ruoosun
ïndana wa-lakin la nufoos.”
The next morning was fine and I decided to leave Cork. A good view of the
city was obtained from the train. The country looked charming, hills,
valleys, mountains, and pastures. The railway followed closely the
winding waters of the River Bandon. The country was wooded until the
river was crossed, then stretches of wild and uncultivated land appeared.
Further on, when the River Illen was reached, the scenery again altered,
and showed bogs and a bleached vegetation. It was not long before I
found myself in Bantry. In that town, which is well situated on a fine bay
commanding a beautiful view, I spent a few hours. Fishing boats gave
signs of industrial life, and were, I understood, very numerous in the
mackerel season. In the short time at my disposal, I took the road
descending to the harbour, then, turning landward and to the left I
climbed the road up into the country, where I had a magnificent view
of Bantry Bay with Whiddy Island lying in it, the mountains forming a noble
background, and the fine stretches of beautiful landscape intervening.
Wandering along quiet country roads and passing by small farms, I was
pleased to meet some of my old friends, the little birds. It was a
delightful sight to see a number of goldfinches playfully pulling at pieces
of straw or chasing each other around the small oat stacks. And not far
from that joyful atmosphere of freedom and happiness, fixed outside
the doors of humble cottages, there were small cages with bright little
birds in them, now hopping restlessly up and down their perches, and now
eyeing their more fortunate relations outside with grief and envy,
looking
67
as if they would rather swing
“on a leafless tree than a prisoner be in a cage of
gold.”
From Bantry I motored to Glengariff. The road followed the irregular coast
line at the head of the Bay, crossing several small streams which found
their way to the sea, some slipping into it modestly and without much
ado, and some rushing over rocky falls. With the mountains on the right and
the sea on the left the road continued winding through magnificent
scenery. True, the country looked poor and unproductive, the rocky
nature of the land and the thinness of the soil account for that, but my
appreciation of its rugged and bold beauty was not restrained by its
economic shortcomings. Picturesque hills in the foreground with lofty
mountains looming grandly in the distance, began to curve round, announcing
the approach of Glengariff Harbour, studded with its numerous rocky islets.
After refreshing myself at the Eccles Hotel I found it still early
enough in the day to climb up the winding rocky road on the mountain side.
Luxuriant vegetation filled the crevices in the rocks, softening their
outlines and giving them colour, while small streams of clear cold
water roared over the falls, or murmured into the ground. Sometimes as I
climbed up the road I heard the rustling of the falling copper-coloured
leaves from the scattered clumps of trees and I felt as if haunted by
the spirit of the woods. At other places where there was some claim to
farming, stone, or rather stone walls, characterised the surface of the
country, these enclosed small, poor fields on which a few Kerry cows and
mongrel breeds of sheep were struggling to live. Humble cottages were
scattered here and there, and it was a delight to talk to the poor folk
inhabiting them, the old people, the little children, or my favourite coy
witches. Kindly, homely, hospitable, religious, were they all. While
talking to some of these cottagers of a bird I had seen on my way, and
which from my description I understood to have been the curlew, a flock of
wild geese flew in
68
their characteristic mode of flight
high up above the glen. My friends told me of other birds they had
seen in this district, especially at times when the cold was severe in
other places, at those times the mildness of the climate here attracted to
it birds like the plovers which do not like the cold. That mildness and
those frequent showers of which I had experience during my short stay
at Glengariff, explained the wonderful richness and profusion of the
vegetation there. As I was making my way to the hotel the sun was setting
behind the mountains, reddening the waters and setting the rocks in a
glow. I passed through the village, and enjoyed a charming view of the
ruins of an old bridge lit up by the warm evening light.
The first thing my eyes fell upon in the morning was a perfect picture of
peace. From my window, the clear and still waters of the harbour surrounded
by the mountains looked like a glass of pure water held in a
giant's hand. The sun rising from behind a veil of clouds seemed
as if trying to have a glance to see if this was really water, so red it
was like wine. Was it the work of magic, or was it a pure and simple
physical phenomenon of light reflection, or was it the sun's
own suspicious glance that made the waves to blush? All was still, not
a sound, not a movement, and I wondered if it were after all possible that
absolute peace could really come to us on this planet. After breakfast
I started on my journey to Killarney. There is no railway to Kenmare,
which is about eighteen miles away, and I chose to do this part of the
journey on a jaunting car. Before leaving the town I called at the
Lacemaking School, but as I intend to speak about this art later on, I
will leave it for the present. The day was cold, and the atmosphere dry and
clear, and the clouds hung low over the mountains, as up we climbed by a
winding road. We passed small streams running gleefully down the
hills, and stately old oaks holding their place with dignity and reserve.
There were other trees besides
69
this queen of the woods; the most
numerous of these were the holly and the birch. At this time of year
and at this place, the holly looked the most picturesque and cheerful
of all trees; when others seemed cold and unsocial, the holly, with its
ever-glossy leaves of rich green, and its clusters of scarlet berries,
warmed one's heart. In the midst of these surroundings I was
again delighted to meet old friends. All the finches were there, and I
listened with joy to the rich piping voice of my favourite, the bullfinch.
The woodcock, the wood pigeon, the yellow-hammer, the linnet, the
wagtail, and, of course, the robin, were all there too. As we climbed
higher, the scenery changed, the woods gradually dropped behind, the hills
gave way to mountains, and the small green fields with humble cottages
scattered amongst them were replaced by broad expanses of brown
vegetation with rocks showing through. Higher still we found nothing but
rocks with a few mountain plants struggling to gain a footing in the
crevices. Heath and heather, decayed fern and withered furze, lent
their colouring to the massive rocks dominating this wild country.
Sometimes the heather showed its faint purple, while the bolder furze
displayed its rich yellow flower to the full, and but for these the
scene would have seemed chilly and inhospitable. The snowclad tops of
the heights disappeared into space behind a silvery-grey veil; where the
heights ended and the clouds began remained a mystery. Lower down the
sides of the mountain, the active Scotch Blackfaced sheep grazed,
on—I am not sure what; I know it was not on grass. They looked
hardy, sure-footed, and alert. No other animals lived there except the
hare and the badger. Goats were not allowed to roam there. They were
wanted nearer home for milking and also to keep them from running away.
Down in the valley streams ran, and there I saw scattered, small farms
where luxurious green vegetation indicated some prosperity. Ridges of green
turnips or cabbage, stacks of
70
straw, hay, or corn, clamps of
potatoes, a few black Kerries and red Dexters grazing quietly on small
pastures, and flocks of ducks and geese around their beloved waters, small,
comfortable-looking cottages, all this revealed some claims to wealth on
the land. Amid such scenes we continued till the road left County Cork
at the entrance of a rocky tunnel. We emerged on the other side to find
ourselves in County Kerry and faced with a perfect “study in
brown.” Everything was of that colour in all its shades.
Bogland, some of it worked and some not, seemed to fade away into areas of
vegetation and masses of rock, without revealing the lines of
demarcation. Scattered about were turf stacks made of sods piled together.
Lower down we came to land where larch and ash began to appear, also
hawthorn and sally or willow, the latter with their long, slender,
straight twigs springing low down from the stem. Still further down the
land grew richer, and here rabbits, with fastidious tastes, feasted on the
tender plants grown on the small farms. Dexters and Kerries were here
replaced by Shorthorns and Aberdeen Angus, while the mountain sheep were
replaced by Border Leicesters. In the valley the road followed the Kenmare
River, with its waters dashing angrily down falls, or zigzagging their
way between such rocks as had the strength to stand in their way. Kenmare
Bay we saw at a distance, and presently we crossed the mouth of the river
over a new suspension bridge which leads into the small town bearing
the same name. There I caught the train to Killarney. On the way I enjoyed
a fine open view with mountains in the background displaying varied
shades of green, brown, and silver. Hills and streams, woods and bogs,
pastures and arable lands, all blended harmoniously into a pleasing
picture. Reaching Killarney station I drove to the Lake Hotel, a mile and a
half away. Having been fed and warmed I could not help responding to
the call of the easy chair and the fire-place; there I felt restful and
happy, with an Egyptian
71
cigarette and a cup of Turkish coffee.
It was so peaceful and so enjoyable, I would have stayed there for
hours thinking pleasant thoughts had it not been for a disturbance which
interfered with quiet reflection. A trivial incident took place, which
exhibited the arrogance and haughtiness of the aristocracy very
unpleasantly. I was exceedingly angered, and for the first time in my life
I felt a Bolshevik. That damnable institution of the aristocracy is still
strongly entrenched in the heart, mind, and soul of Western society,
particularly in this kingdom. As long as this lasts, Europe and those
who ape it will be accursed by the gods. My thoughts being thus disturbed,
there was nothing for it but to go to bed, and thus unquietly ended a day
spent in the company of serene nature.
The morning dawned and all was calm again. I looked out of my window;
stillness prevailed over mountains, lakes, and islands. On a rocky islet,
some hundred yards away stood the ruins of old Castle Lough, the
remains of what was once an impregnable fortress, reminding one of the wars
of Queen Elizabeth and of the iron rod of Cromwell. The morning was very
cold, but that did not deter me from driving to the Gap of Dunloe. We
drove along a beautiful avenue of lime trees; which looked chilly in its
winter garment of white frost, then through the town of Killarney. The
demesne of Lord Headley, the Irish Muslim, now lay on our right and that of
Lord Kenmare on our left. Crossing the River Laune, the only outlet of the
lakes, we were face to face with the mountains in all their wild
grandeur. I proceeded on foot through the Pass into the heart of the
mountain country with scenes of great beauty and variety before me. The
magnificence of the mountains was impressive, and I could not help
repeating Tolstoy's “Mountains, Mountains,
Mountains!!!” I followed the River Lee, which in its ragged
course over big rocks and under old bridges winds round and round, and
opens now and then into
72
little lochs, with the chain of
overhanging mountains on both sides, amid a scene of wildness and
weirdness which overwhelmed one. A shout between these high mountains
produces an echo which comes back from far away and from different
directions, as if giants repeated one's words in their great
voices. The vastness of the surroundings could not fail to inspire the
beholder with “big thoughts.” They made one feel that
the plans of life may be carried to their final issue against any
opposition or discouragement in the same way as the giants made their path
through these massive mountains, or as the running streams made their
beds in the midst of solid rock. The greater, the harder and more
cruel these mountains are, the more wonderful their effect. They seem to
tell us in their huge voices that if our endeavours are as they are so will
be the results. In adversity, when plans are frustrated and hopes seem
shattered, the memories of these mountains may come back to one, with the
admonition: “Stand firm, solid purpose will win in the
end.”
Passsing under one of those monsters I was reminded of the Great Pyramid of
our own Egypt. It looked almost the same in shape, though the rocks were
not so uniformly arranged. Forgetting the surroundings, I thought of
our dear old land and the days of her glory, and wished to Heaven that as a
nation we would think more of our great past. Such thinking would link
us to the realm of grandeur that was Ancient Egypt. It would give an
impulse for the great deeds that must go to the making of the future glory
that shall be Modern Egypt. We need not go far for inspiration, if we
realise the greatness of our past and the possibilities of our future.
Nations cling to unauthentic legends and the petty artistic achievements of
past generations and from these they try to draw inspiration for new
generations; and we in Egypt, the cradle of all civilisation, seem
unconscious of the wealth and treasures that fill every nook and corner of
our land. One temple
73
like that of Kasr Anas-El-Wujude, which
we deliberately flooded a few years ago in order to enrich the Black
Country, would have been sufficient to fill any nation with a sense of
greatness. We allow foreigners to come to us from Europe and America and
dig out our past, and tell us what they please of our history, We are
contented to know very little of it, and even that little we get, not even
second-hand, but third or fourth-hand. As for the teaching of our history
in our schools, it is a disgrace. The little of it that our
“Nizaret-El-Maarif” allows us to know is taught to
children in the dullest and most uninteresting manner. I admit that I
never paid any attention to it; taught as it was, it bored me to
death. It bored the master too, and the one hour a week allotted to the
subject he generally made better use of by teaching grammar or some other
“interesting” subject. It mattered not to us or to
him, as no examinations were held in this almost voluntary subject of
our own history. I am convinced that our backwardness amongst nations is
due to ignorance of our past, and to our failure to adhere to the teachings
of our religion. Our ancestors left us a great heritage in the realms
of art, literature, philosophy, and religion, and we can and should
turn the study of these to account. One regrets to see the West thinking,
and persisting in wrongly thinking, that if any people can justly claim
descent from the Ancient Egyptians, it is the half million Copts
amongst us in Egypt; the rest of the race, or at least the most of it, they
say, has died out. They do not seem to realise that though the early
Egyptian blood, not diluted with Greek or any other, has been mixed
with that of the great conquering Arabs, the modern Egyptian can still
claim descent rather from the Ancient Egyptians than from the Arabs. It is
to be hoped that, in the interests of knowledge, the Egyptologists of
the West will enlighten their public on this point. We modern
Egyptians are proud of that proportion of Ancient Egyptian blood which runs
in our veins, proud,
74
too, of our Arab blood. Both were great
peoples, and each created a culture of its own which helped in making
the world what it is now. In saying this I am not overestimating the part
contributed by these two great races to the shaping of European
civilisation. One has only to read what men like Maspero, Flinders
Petrie, Lane, Lane-Poole, and others, say on these matters to be
convinced of the fact. As for the very limited Turkish and Caucasian strain
that is in us, we have no reason to be ashamed of it either. What these
two peoples lost in culture, they gained in strength, manliness, and
chivalry. The battlefields of the Balkans and the Caucasus tell their tales
of heroism. It was only yesterday that Gallipoli and the Russian Front
were the scenes of great deeds by Turks and Cossacks. To come back to
our two main strains of ancestry, we realise that our relationship with the
Pharaohs is not as marked as that with the Arabs. The reason is
obvious; the “latest impression lasts the longest.”
It is a great national loss that we do not realise sufficiently the
importance of a closer connection with both our ancient cultures alike.
There are good things in both, and as we need all the goodness that is in
them to help in the making of Modern Egypt, we should lose no time in
studying our past, and making it known to our children, so as to make them
love and revere their great ancestors. By this means children are led to
take pride in their country, and this pride will soon reflect itself in
their individual actions. Imagine the moral effect on the minds of the
school boys and girls when they act an historical drama of which their
forefathers played the parts in real life. Singing folk songs, reciting
the speeches of great patriots and leaders of men, playing national
sports, etc.; all these inspire the children with a sense of pride in their
nation for which no other education can be a substitute. The greatest asset
of any nation is its national culture, and it is a matter of
fundamental importance that its people should know the
75
history of that culture if they are to
live and progress as a cultured community. The worst blow against a
country is that which would sever its present from its past. There are many
ways of doing this. If we glance at what the English invader has done in
Ireland, we get an idea of the different means that may be adopted to
divorce a people from their culture in order to accomplish their conquest.
The Irish people were systematically dispossessed of their language, of
their arts, even of their national costume, before they were brought
within the British realm. Now the reaction is taking place. The Irish
Revival movement is an effort to re-establish the severed connection
between the present and the past in order to build a new Ireland on a
solid and secure foundation. Not until this is accomplished will
Ireland become a nation once again. What happened to Ireland has happened
to other countries.
The most effective way of forming the national mind is to educate the
children in their national culture. I am not an educationalist, but I know
there are many roads that lead to that end. Modern systems of
education have made it a pleasure to learn and a delight to
investigate. The arts of painting, drawing, and bookbinding, fascinate
children, and induce them to buy books themselves and read them. The acting
of a play is a great excitement to school children, and it can be made
use of to acquaint them with a period of their national history. Our own
history is full of drama and melodrama in both Early Egyptian and Arab
periods. A play suitable to be acted by school children could easily
be written based on historical facts of a certain Egyptian Dynasty or Arab
Khalifate. By this means the outstanding features of that time would be
remembered and loved. George Ebers, the German Egyptologist, wrote
several novels, but not for the youngsters, to popularise the study of
Egyptology. His Egyptian Princess stimulated many to
learn something of early Egyptian history, and informed them of some of
its
76
events and introduced them to certain
historical personalities. Eugene Brieux, the young French dramatist,
by his La Foi has represented to us the time of
Menephthah I of Mosaic fame, in such a charming way that when the play
is acted on the stage it leaves a lasting impression of the high standard
attained in arts, science, life, and thought, at the close of the
Nineteenth Dynasty. Sir Walter Scott immortalised in his Talisman the chivalry of the great Saladin. Robert Hitchins in
his Bella Donna struck a new line, which I think a very unfortunate one, but which
happens to gratify the sensual craving to which English novelists find it
necessary to minister. These few instances show how the history of the
times could be told in an attractive way to the people and the extreme
care which should be exercised in choosing the historical facts which bring
out the high ideals and great thought of the time. National culture is an
extremely wide term. It includes all that is great in the physical,
intellectual, social, moral, and artistic life of a people, and in a
country like ours should be included in the curriculum of schools,
colleges, and universities, as a prominent subject of study. What is taking
place now is that our children are not adequately taught their
forefathers' history. Religion is taught at the point of the
cane, and to learn the Koran or part of it by heart is a tedious task, to
say the least of it. One would perhaps have liked it, if one were only told
these stories first in the simple and attractive way that would appeal
to children, for Egyptian children are perhaps more than other children
fond of having stories told them. Instead of that, the wise words of the
Koran written in the classical language, are poured into the ears of
poor children who have not the vaguest idea what is meant, and they
are supposed to learn it all by heart without explanation.
As for making our children acquainted with our ancient monuments and
historical ruins, it is amusing to recall how things are done at home. When
I was at
77
Mohammad Ali School in Cairo, we used
to be taken by the masters for an excursion once or twice a year to
the Pyramids and Sphinx at Giza. With us a football was an indispensable
item of our equipment. The day was usually spent between feeding and
playing, for all it mattered to us, the Pyramids and Sphinx need never
have existed. I doubt if the masters themselves knew much about them. They
certainly knew a good deal more about the arts of feeding, and football.
About Arab architecture, Arabesque and mosaic work, stained glass and
woodwork, carved panels and metal work, textile fabrics and illuminated
manuscripts, the children learned just as little. In this way Egypt is
divorced from its real national culture, and yet people wonder how can
the modern Egyptian, descended from so great an ancestry, be so backward.
We poor children of Modern Egypt do not learn anything about our
forefathers till foreign students happen to sing their praises; on
hearing them, we ask in surprise: “Are those great ones really
our forefathers?”
The way is open to us, if we wish to take it. We need not create myths nor
invent fairy tales, we need simply go to solid facts. The memorials of our
country's greatness are before us; from contact with them
we derive our inspiration, as Michael Angelo used to touch the great
Greek masterpieces of sculpture when he became blind.
I have drifted far from the Kerry mountains. I apologise. Their greatness
turned my thoughts to the greatness of our country. Resuming my walk
through the pass, I met an old man pushing a two-wheeled light cart,
and I inquired of him how many miles I had still to walk. He told me of a
short cut which would save a mile or so, and he offered to leave his cart
by the wayside and see me some distance on the right way. He was a man
of about seventy, and yet strong and active. He told me many stories, but
annoyed me by taking me for an Englishman. I reproached my stars
78
that I had not the typical complexion
of my countrymen, which would have saved me the momentary loss of my
nationality. The short cut was not by any means an easy one. We left the
main road, and after some stiff climbing amongst the rocks we followed in
our descent what looked like the bed of a small stream. It was not
easy to pick our way, stepping on stones and rocks so as to avoid a
wetting. Presently we reached a sort of a platform from which we had a
glorious view of the Black Valley; the old man halted here and pointed
the way I had to follow. I could see the whole country unfolded before
me like a map, mountains, rivers, roads, cottages, trees, lakes, all
clearly outlined. MacGillicuddy Reeks, the highest mountains in Ireland,
with their pinnacle-like tops, covered with snow, bounded the picture;
the valley was covered with decayed wild vegetation, and the whole was a
study of light and shade, brown and silvery-white. I took the road
following the course of the Gearhameen River, till I reached the Upper Lake
into which it flowed. From there I took the boat which was waiting for me
and rowed through the Lakes.
We left striking scenes behind us to find in front others equally striking.
Great mountains encircled the waters, which in turn encircled little
picturesque islands. These islands were decked with green foliage
among which the arbutus, the holly, the Irish yew, the birch, the oak,
the ash, and varieties of ferns figured prominently. The peaks of the
mountains were white with snow, below which large, bare rocks gleamed in
the sunshine, while the lower slopes and the glens were covered with
various kinds of trees. All this passed like a beautiful panorama as the
boat glided through the clear waters. The Upper Lake ends in what is
called The Serpentine, a river connecting the Upper with the Middle and
Lower Lakes. This river in places opens into small lochs. Near one of
these, half way down the river, rising majestically from the
water's edge,
79
stands the Eagle's Nest, a
high, pointed mountain which towers over its neighbours. Further on we
reached a disused bridge. I confess I did not like the prospect of
passing through the arch. The waters were rushing with great force through
the narrow passage with rocks on both sides. It was just wide enough to let
our boat through. If the boat was not handled with great skill, and if
it touched anything on its way through, it would have become a wreck to be
carried down the powerful current. It was an anxious moment, but the
experienced hands of the boatmen steered us through in safety. Passing
under another bridge we entered the Lower and larger Lake, where another
beautiful panorama awaited us. This wider expanse of water was dotted with
islands, but to me the most interesting was Innisfallen, which
contained the ruins of an abbey once a distinguished seat of learning. This
brought us to the end of a delightful day.
In the last chapter I referred to the flora of the country I passed through;
a word now about its fauna, particularly the birds. Animals were not many
on the mountains. I saw only a few: the fox, the badger, the otter,
the wild or pole cat, the stoat, the squirrel, the hare, and the rabbit. Of
the water birds, I saw some on the water, some among the trees, some in the
rushes, some on the wing. On a sand bank lying at the point where the
waters of the lakes pass into the River Laune, I observed a flock of
cormorants resting; they were big, black birds, some of them had white
breasts, and those, I was told, were the younger ones. Coots I saw on
the water, moorhens by the sides of the lakes, and herons standing
motionless among the rushes till we got near to them, when they rose
gracefully on the wing. Different varieties of wild ducks I also noticed,
grebes and kingfishers are very rare. All these water birds I had seen
before in different countries, notably in the lake districts not far from
Constantinople. In Boyuk, Chekmeje, and Kuchuk Chekmeje they abound and
afford magnificent shooting. At home, in Great Britain, in France, in
Germany, and in other countries, I made the acquaintance of many varieties
of water birds. I regret very much the complete lack of literature and
painting on this subject in our own language. Perhaps one day, now
that we have an Arts School in Cairo, we shall see a book on birds in
Arabic, and illustrated by an Egyptian artist. Coloured plates are an
essential part of such books. Some years ago I came across a book on
“Egyptian Birds”; it was a pleasure to read it and
81
study the plates. But it was not
written and illustrated by our own countrymen, but by foreigners, and in
a foreign language. Of the land birds, I saw many small ones, such as
the chaffinch, the bull-finch, the green finch, the yellow-hammer, the
wren, the tit, the thrush, the blackbird, the woodcock, the snipe, and
others.
In the evening I felt cold and tired, and was very glad to find myself in
front of a big fire with a newspaper in my hand. My eye caught the new
order issued by the Government for the prohibition and suppression of
all Sinn Féin and kindred organisations
throughout the whole of Ireland. Commenting on the proclamation the
Vice-President of Sinn Féin said:
“The Irish Nation will continue to live when its
‘proclaimers’ have passed from the memory of mankind.
The latest act of the Government will be treated with contempt by the
Irish people, and it will recall to men's minds Edmund
Burke's aphorism, ‘The Government against which a
claim to liberty is tantamount to high treason is a government to which
submission is equivalent to slavery.’” The same paper
reported more arrests of prominent people at home in Egypt for speaking in
the name and interest of their country. In the eyes of that nation
which Arthur Griffiths called “proclaimers,” Egypt
ought not to have anyone to speak for her, otherwise it might be difficult
for the well-meaning English “reformers” to carry out
their benevolent “duty” as protectors of the weak,
benefactors of the poor, liberators of the oppressed, and sincere
supporters of the policy of “self-determination.”
The next morning I paid a visit to a convent in the town where they make
lace. A “sister” kindly showed me round, and I
admired the artistic designs and good work accomplished by the girls.
Hanging on the wall I noticed paintings of Egyptian colonnades as well
as Persian and Greek designs beautifully executed. I wished our people
would admire their own Egyptian art as much as other peoples do. In the
convent there
82
was a school for teaching poor boys and
girls. I had the pleasure of visiting them in their class rooms, and
it was gratifying to see that music played an important part in their
education. I left the convent to visit the School of Arts and Crafts which
was close by. There was not much activity there, as not much work was
done at that time of the year. I saw some clever and neat wood-carving.
On my way to the above school I passed by the School for Housewifery, whose
name explained the purpose for which it was founded. I am sure this
and similar schools are worthy of the consideration of our young women
students who have the good fortune to visit foreign countries. The field of
work covered by Such schools is almost untouched in Egypt, although
the need for its cultivation is more than pressing. Our women, whether high
or low, show an extraordinary ignorance of, and a striking apathy towards,
domestic duties; neither are their homes appropriately furnished, nor
their children well brought up, nor their affairs economically managed;
their education, knowledge, and tastes, have sadly degenerated. The rich
lavish their money on expensive dresses and furniture of foreign
design and make, which are not only unsuitable to Egyptian conditions, but
look absolutely out of place in the midst of Egyptian surroundings; they
neither harmonise with our environment, nor do they serve a useful
purpose. I should like to see home life in all its phases, whether
domestic, artistic, or social, established on purely national lines. We
have had enough aping of the foreigner, and have heard enough of the
foreign names used in our homes. We want neither names nor objects of
foreign origin. Our language is immensely rich and capable of any extension
that is necessary in order to keep pace with modern progress. Our
people are clever and original; our ancestors and history we have
every reason to be proud of. I see no reason why we should not do things in
our own way to suit our own
83
purposes, and take pride in doing so.
Perhaps this plain talk may give offence, but I think it is the duty
of every educated Egyptian, especially of those who have spent part of
their lives in Europe, to investigate the causes of our backwardness and
try to make good our defects. There is a danger in hiding our social
evils for fear of being criticised. Anybody who has read Stanley
Lane-Poole's Modern Egyptians, and noticed
his accurate knowledge and close criticism of our affairs, will agree
that this attitude of mind is like that of the ostrich which seeks safety
by hiding its head in the sand, leaving its body exposed. It is obvious
that there must be great defects in the social life of the modern
Egyptian to account for his backwardness. The extraordinary resources at
his disposal, if properly utilised, ought to put him high among the
nations. Many of us know our social defects and know well that the
sources of them all are in our homes, but how many of us have the
moral courage to speak out and attempt to reform these institutions that
have so unhealthy a grip on our social life and retard our progress?
In the afternoon I had the chance of visiting the “Castlelough
Herd” of pedigree Kerry cattle. This breed, together with the
Dexters, form the two native breeds of cattle in Ireland. As the Dexters,
which are small dual-purpose red or black cattle, do not breed true,
and as at the same time a large proportion of their progeny are
monstrosities, many cattle breeders deny them the right of being called a
breed at all, and believe that in time they will die out altogether.
The Kerries are small black cattle, and thrive on rough pastures. The
Kerry may be termed the “economical cow.” They are
dual-purpose, early-maturing animals, with an average annual yield of from
500 to 600 gallons of milk of four per cent. butterfat; they are
well-formed, and have a distinct air of breeding and alertness. The
following ballad proves their popularity:
84
THE KERRY COW
It's in Connacht or in Munster that yourself
might travel wide,
And be asking all the herds you'd meet along
the countryside;
But you'd never meet a one could show the likes
of her till now,
Where she's grazing in a Leinster
field—my little Kerry Cow.
If herself went to the cattle fairs she'd put
all cows to shame,
For the finest poets of the land would meet to sing her
fame;
And the young girls would be asking leave to stroke her
satin coat,
They'd be praising and caressing her, and
calling her a dote.
There are red cows that's contrary, and
there's white cows quare an' wild,
But my Kerry Cow is biddable an' gentle as a
child,
You might rear up kings and heroes on the lovely milk she
yields,
For she's fit to foster generals to fight on
battlefields.
In the histories they'll be making
they've a right to put her name
With the horse of Troy and Oisin's hound and
other beasts of fame:
And the painters will be painting her beneath the hawthorn
bough,
Where she's grazing on the good green
grass—my little Kerry Cow.
The next day I left for Limerick via Tralee. It
was at this latter town near the coast that Casement and his two
companions tried to get in touch with the local leaders of the
Volunteers after their adventurous arrival in a German submarine off
the South-West coast of Ireland in April 1916. This is a long story by
itself, and I cannot relate it here.
The country was beautiful, but the slow train would have made the
journey tedious had we not been travelling in Ireland. The Irish people
are by nature sociable and communicative, and in the railway carriages
they talk without effort or pretence about everything as if they
were old acquaintances. This geniality in the Irish character makes up
for the slowness of their trains. Many a long journey I have made,
comfortably talking with my fellow-travellers; it was a pleasure to
meet all kinds of people, from landowners, priests, and
schoolmasters, to small farmers, cattle drovers, and labourers.
All possess that easy, frank, and gentle way of carrying
85
on uninterrupted, natural, and
interesting conversation. I found this characteristic a great relief,
especially after living in England for so many years, where it is a
crime to open a conversation with anyone to whom one has not been
formally introduced. One might be taken for a spy or a thief, certainly
an audacious intruder, if one should do so. That cold, uncomfortable
reserve of the English people, relieved only by their conventional
remarks on the weather if they happen to open their mouths once or
twice in a day's journey, is very characteristic of the
self-conscious, suspicious, superior Anglo-Saxon.
I reached Limerick in the afternoon, a busy industrial town finely
situated on both banks of the Shannon. In the evening I visited the
Technical Institute, a large new building which from the outside
displayed a good deal of light, revealing the activities going on
within. Here, day and night classes attended by some six hundred
students are held, in which a large variety of subjects are taught by
efficient masters. I may say a few words about this place, not because
it is unique in its way, as its like exists in similar progressive
towns, but because of the spirit which prevails amongst its
members.
To begin with, it is the property of the Municipality, and receives
grants from the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction,
subject to certain supervision and formal approval. A few years ago,
there was a disagreement between the Institute and the Department
on the question of appointing the present headmaster, who is a
well-tried patriot, and a capable Irishman. The Department would not
sanction the appointment without a guarantee that the master would
abstain from any course of action which would be prejudicial to
the realm. That meant that he would renounce his political work. The
Institute with its broad-mindedness could not see its way to penalise a
man for his political views. Furthermore, all the pupils refused to
attend
86
unless the appointment of that
master was sanctioned. The squabble lasted for nearly two years, and
still the Institute and the pupils remained firm. Eventually the
man was appointed, and the grant was withdrawn. The Institute is now
supported by local effort aided by the Republican Government. Such
action shows a spirit of independence in the citizens of Limerick
which entitles them to our admiration. Realising that the true
inspiration of education was in danger, they sacrificed the
badly-needed Government grant. Money could be raised, while that
inspiration was priceless.
Sunday afternoon I visited with Father H. some of the notable citizens
of the town, and in the evening Mr. C., the Sinn
Féin M.P. for Limerick, paid a visit to my host,
Mr. S., and I had a very interesting talk with him. He related to us
something of his experiences in the different jails in which he had the
honour to be incarcerated. The last of these was at Lincoln, where
he and a few others, including his chief, the President of the
Republic, were confined for several months. It was from that jail that
De Valera made good his dramatic escape, and went to America, where he
is now carrying out his work for the Irish cause. He also told us
of the sensational escape of the Republican Minister of Agriculture
from Mountjoy last year. The fact of his disappearance was discovered
one morning when a dummy figure was found in his bed. A letter
addressed to the Governor was left in the cell. It stated that
owing to the discomfort of the place he felt compelled to leave, and
asked the Governor to keep his luggage safe until he sent for it. I
inquired of my friend if the report submitted last year by the American
Commission for the investigation of Irish conditions was a
misrepresentation of facts. “Not at all,” was the
reply. The report of the Labour Commission sent over from England
last January on the same mission bears out many of the findings of the
American Commission, and will no doubt be subject to the same charge of
“misrepresenting” facts.
87
Next day I took the train to Ballykisteen, a village three miles from
Tipperary, where I was to visit a thoroughbred stud. There I saw some
famous race-horses and also high-class hunters. The history of the
Irish thoroughbred is similar to that of his English half-brother. In
both cases, stallions of Arab blood were introduced early in the
eighteenth century, and these, mated with native mares, produced the
parent stock of the present-day thoroughbreds in the two
countries. To-day Ireland ranks as one of the finest nurseries for
thoroughbreds in the world. We have only to look at the trophies
secured by Irish horses on the Turf, to realise their pre-eminence. As
to the Irish hunter, which is considered the best specimen of the
pleasure horse anywhere, he is a descendant of the native breeds of the
old Irish draught horse which had been improved by the successive
importations of Arab blood. The name of Ireland has long been
enviably associated with the production of horses of stamina and
speed. This position of honour is attributed to a unique combination of
circumstances and not to one particular agency. The success attained
has been mainly due to favourable climate and soil, coupled with the
passionate enthusiasm of the Irish people for horse-racing and
hunting. The comparative mildness of the Irish climate allows young
horses to be left out on grass all the year round. This tells
favourably on their constitution and development. The limestone
soil of the country has great effect on the strength of bone. As
for the third factor, it creates great love for horses and enthusiasm
for horsemanship, and thus promotes good horse-breeding.
The next day I travelled to Foynes, to visit Lord Monteagle, one of the
three pioneers of Irish co-operation the other two being Sir Horace
Plunkett and Father Finlay. It was a short railway journey from
Limerick. The line runs at a distance from the south bank of the
widening Shannon till it reaches Askeaton, a small town
88
remarkable for its ancient
buildings, after which it runs close to the broad river till it reaches
Foynes. There I was met by Lord Monteagle's agent, a man of
knowledge and experience in agriculture. We drove to Lord
Monteagle's house, a fine building situated on a high
elevation commanding a beautiful and extensive view of the
surrounding country. In this house many years ago, the first meeting of
the pioneers of agricultural co-operation in Ireland was held. In the
study I thought of the time when these social economists were planning
a system which has proved to be one of the greatest guarantees of
ecomonic stability in this country. At that time these reformers, in
their endeavours to improve the lot of the farmer, were met with
chilling apathy and bitter opposition. Nothing could have encouraged
them but deep-seated faith in the principles they advocated. By
hard fighting and dogged perseverance they carried their schemes to
victory.
This village of Foynes which produced so sterling a pioneer of
co-operation did not lag behind in carrying into effect the teachings
of the movement. We visited a co-operative store, a credit society, and
a co-operative farm, three forms of co-operation which I have
already explained. I cannot leave Foynes without mentioning the
society of the United Irishwomen. Here a branch has been founded and is
kept alive by the activities of the Honourable Mary S.-R. I regretted
to hear that the apathy still prevailing amongst the members of
these associations is the greatest hindrance to progress. As time
goes on, and as the members become enlightened, they will, it is to be
hoped, realise the importance of the part women have to play in
establishing a rural civilisation.
From Foynes I caught the early train to Adare. It was a very mild
morning, what the people there called “soft.” I
was surprised at the mildness, yet I was told that this
“soft” atmosphere was not unusual. My visit to
Adare was at the invitation of a friend who lived there, and who kindly
offered to take me round
89
the demesne of the Earl of
Dunraven, and show me one of the most remarkable and picturesque
clusters of ruins in the kingdom. The demesne is enclosed within
high walls, and contains Adare Manor, the seat of the Earl,
situated in the midst of extensive grounds, farms, forests, and famous
ruins. At the Ford, and near the old bridge, we saw the remains of the
Castle, the history of which is somewhat obscure up to the
thirteenth century. Between then and the middle of the seventeenth
century, when it was dismantled by Cromwell, it was taken and retaken
several times after sanguinary conflicts. The large building, which is
now Adare Church, was once an Augustinian Monastery. The cloister,
choir, nave, and tower have been restored, and the refectory is now
used as a schoolhouse. Adare Abbey was once the home of Franciscan
monks. The venerable yew-tree in the quadrangle enclosed by the
cloisters, darkened the place, and conveyed to us something of the
atmosphere of the monasteries of the Middle Ages. At the beginning of
the last century, Adare had dwindled down to a few thatched cottages,
and it was not until the first quarter of the century had passed
that fortune began to smile upon it again. The town now looks happy and
prosperous, with good farms, fine trees, nicely trimmed cottages, a
fine town hall, a creamery, and a good hotel much frequented by
sportsmen in the hunting season. The Manor, a fine modern mansion,
is one of the best examples of the Tudor style of architecture in
Ireland. The beautiful oak carving on staircases, mantels, doors, and
panels, testified to the good workmanship of local artists. The
house stands on the bank of the River Maigue, in the midst of
beautiful surroundings, and an air of repose pervades the whole
atmosphere. It is designed, furnished, and decorated in luxurious
style. At the time of our visit the servants were busy preparing the
place for Lord Dunraven and a party of guests who were coming for
a few weeks of the hunting season. Some were polishing
90
the dancing floor, some dusting the
pictures, some fixing the large and elaborate chandeliers with electric
lamps, some cleaning the silver, some looking over the sporting
appliances, golf clubs, shooting guns, fishing tackle, etc. In short, a
large number of people were busy making the private and public rooms of
the nobleman and his party of thirty or forty aristocrats the last word
in comfort and elegance. And all the while thousands of men,
women, and children, were toiling in mines and factories in order to
create wealth for the enjoyment of this man and his like. The leisured
and cultured man's pleasure is made possible by the labour
and suffering of thousands. And what does society get in return?
Philanthropy and charity in some cases, callous neglect in too many. A
strange civilisation this in which wealth, honours, and social
position, are generally not the result of industry and virtue, but of
the exploitation, too often selfish and inhuman, of the toiling
masses. Those masses, who create all the wealth, are condemned to
live poorly and in ignorance, and sometimes in misery and suffering. A
visit to the slums in Dublin or any other big city shows a large
section of the class underfed, underclothed, badly housed, stunted in
body and mind, to say nothing of the drunkenness, immorality, and
vice prevailing amongst them. For all that, we cannot say that
order does not exist, but the order is certainly very imperfect. A
social order which is responsible for poverty amongst the masses, while
the rich are lapped in luxury, cannot endure, and unless practical
steps are taken to abolish the prevailing inequalities and to reform
the abuses of capitalism and landlordism, a revolution will
convulse what is called the civilised world, and will destroy our
present society. We can already discern ominous signs of revolt against
the existing degradation and ugliness of life. Revolutionary methods
are being adopted in the East of Europe, while evolutionary ones
are working in the West, and both for the same purpose. Will those
statesmen, moralists, and religious teachers,
91
who have regard for such good
institutions as have arisen under the present social order, and who
have the welfare of the people at heart, use all their influence
knowledge, experience, and, above all, their faith, to bring about a
new order which will retain our present good institutions and replace
our bad ones with good? One clings to the belief that there is still
enough faith left in the world to make such a change possible.
Before leaving the demesne we visited the thoroughbred stud and saw some
fine racehorses, amongst which was “Lomond,” son
of the celebrated “Desmond.” The stables and
buildings attached to them covered a large area, and were designed and
constructed on the latest approved lines. Extensive fields were devoted
to the grazing and exercising of the horses, and near by was the
burying-ground of their deceased comrades, well-fenced and nicely kept.
The graves were encircled with flowering plants, and at the foot of
each was a large horse-shoe made of stone with an inscription on it
in memory of the famous dead. Even
“aristocracy” among the animals has a place. But
this might be excused, as only the fittest and greatest amongst
them are elevated to that exalted position, while amongst men such
is not always the case. It seems that, apart from the fact that animals
know better the value of merit amongst themselves, man, while he judges
animals on their own merits, denies that fair judgment to his
fellow-beings.
On our way to the station I talked to my friend, who was a strong
advocate of “Grass Farming,” a method quite
opposed to that of “Intensive Cultivation,” so
vigorously advocated by the new and progressive school of
“Farming on Factory Lines,” and we came to the
conclusion that were all farms alike, both methods of farming could not
have been right. But as some farms are specially suited for tillage,
while others are better adapted for grazing, there is room for
reconciliation between these two widely different views. Both
methods
92
are well worth considering and even
studying, without adopting exclusively the principles of either.
Farmers can adopt whatever of good there is in the two systems,
guided in doing so by their special circumstances, by the size of their
farms, and quality of their land, and by the capital and labour at
their disposal.
We left Adare in the evening to attend a South of Ireland Co-operative
Committee Conference at Limerick. My friends there extended to me their
usual hospitality, and allowed me with all good-will and confidence to
be present at a private sitting in which they discussed certain
policies to be recommended to the Movement. Next day I visited the
depot of the Irish Agricultural Wholesale Society, and also the Irish
Co-operative Agency Society. This latter society was started at
Limerick some years ago with the purpose of marketing the butter of
co-operative creameries. Before its existence, although the process of
manufacture of butter had been organised, and the technique improved,
the problem of marketing the product was not solved, and so
creameries suffered from the evils of competing with each other and
cutting prices. This marketing federation not only markets the butter,
but supplies all the requisites of creameries, and thus acts as a
wholesale society for them.
I left Limerick for Galway via Ennis and Athenry.
After crossing the Shannon we travelled through a well-wooded, flat
country, till we reached Six-Mile-Bridge, beyond which the line passed
between some small lakes. We ran past extensive Norman ruins and
ancient monuments, the chief of which were Quin Abbey, Clare Castle,
and Clare Abbey. We soon reached Ennis, a brisk and cheerful town, and
before leaving County Clare we saw a few lochs on our way, which, I
understood, offer good sport to the angler. On the borders of County
Galway, high and conspicuous spires announced the town of Gort. At Athenry
I had to change, and having to wait three hours for the connection to
Galway, I took the opportunity of visiting the historic ruins of an
old castle and monastery. The weather was very unpleasant, and the arrival
of the Galway train was a relief. It was a rough night, and the high wind
disturbed my peace and robbed me of a badly needed rest. When the
morning came, it was still dark and bleak, and I felt miserable, having got
a bad cold. It was unpleasant to reflect that I was out in the world alone
in a distant foreign land, suffering from the depressing influences of
a dreary climate, without comfort or sympathy. Only those who come from
sunny lands, and from affectionate homes, can realise my melancholy.
Nothing supports one in adversity but one's faith and
one's soul, and from these one plucks up courage to carry on,
with the hope of playing one's part by the side of
one's compatriots when the time comes. The day passed and I
was still confined to bed. The next morning I felt a
94
little better and ventured to go out to
keep an appointment made two days before with Professor O'M. at
the University College. This college is a fine grey limestone building
standing in well-kept grounds, not far from the town. My friend was a
master of Irish as well as a supporter of the national revival, and by his
sympathy, enthusiasm and intellect, had gathered around him many young
and ardent workers in the same cause. In the afternoon I called on Mr. B.,
a wealthy gentleman residing in a fine mansion, little over a mile out of
town. Being a cultured man, who has travelled far and wide, his
conversation was very interesting. I was called upon several times to
explain the outlook of our people on life, and whether that outlook had
changed in recent years. That seemed to my friend, Mr. B., a
fundamental point to be considered in studying Egypt's
present position and prospects. For instance, we have at home a great
number of people who possess the brains of mathematicians, excellent at
figures and efficient in bookkeeping. Such people in the West, my
friend remarked, produce from among them great financiers who will
either make fortunes for themselves or play an important part in the
financial development of their country. With us, real geniuses live and die
as poor clerks satisfied with a meagre monthly allowance, just enough
to keep body and soul together; thus their rare gifts pass away,
irrecoverably lost to the nation. Of this type, I personally know several
who were my companions at school; none of them could I now call worthy
citizens, men who made use of their natural gifts for the welfare of the
community. My friend wanted to know if those unlucky persons failed
because of their outlook on life. Outlook is a very comprehensive
word, and its meaning comprises economic, political, social, ethical and
religious conditions, and much besides. It requires very minute analysis
and a close investigation if one is to probe into the causes that keep
individuals and nations back. A person or a community may
95
possess all the factors that make for
greatness, and still fail to accomplish anything, where the
educational system is defective, or political institutions are under a
foreign control that hampers national development. We in Egypt suffer from
these two diseases more than anything else. Under our present system of
education Egypt will never rise to be great again. There is no
religious education worthy of the name, the women are ignorant and
illiterate, and consequently the children are shockingly brought up; the
masses are left out in the wilderness without being given even the
most elementary training. Foreign oppressors employ every means to
drive the sense of self-respect out of the people in an endeavour to make
them a submissive and servile race. It is all very well for outsiders to
sit down in easy chairs around a fire and talk of the causes that keep
Egypt back and formulate theories which condemn sometimes the religion and
sometimes the race itself. One requires to live amongst the people, not as
haughty masters or prejudiced critics, interested capitalists or
staunch imperialists, but as sympathising friends and social reformers who
have no material interest to be served, but who are anxious to help a
section of our common humanity to rise to the place they should
rightly occupy. I could cite many instances which reveal the degrading
influence foreign domination of Egypt has on its population. The boys in
school are systematically educated in such a way as will never make
them patriots. They are brought up to look up to the English as masters
whose word is gospel in all matters. Can anybody imagine that such a
system would ever bring out the finer qualities in any people? Such
methods only drive courage out of the people, foster a spirit of
submission, cause them to lack confidence in their own powers, deprive them
of initiative, and rob them of originality. In free countries, the
ablest are intrusted by the people with the direction of the affairs of the
nation, in Egypt it is the weakest that
96
are put into office to carry out the
dictates of the English adviser, inspector, master, or whatever he is
called, whose interest obviously clashes with our own. In the
Nationalist party in Egypt there are men who by education, knowledge,
talent, sincerity and nobility of character, could take their seat in any
parliament, and conduct the affairs of any country with prudence,
conscientiousness and ability. Those very men are deliberately kept
out of the way and the government offices are filled with young, foolish,
inexperienced and insincere men who do not take much interest in the
welfare of the country, because of their ignorance and bad education,
vanity and self-interest. The spirit prevailing amongst the Nationalists is
due to the presence in their midst of experienced heads who learned their
first lessons of citizenship and patriotism in the schools of Mohammad
Abdou or Mustafa Kamil. The story of modern Egypt will be told one day; it
is in the making now, It will be some time yet before the work of the
Nationalists is accomplished, but accomplished it will be. The fate of
tyrants is always the same, it is only a matter of time when they shall
disappear.
As to our home education, it is worse than anything one can imagine. The
home in Egypt, under the management of our women, breeds laziness,
vulgarity, cowardice, weak will, irresponsibility and poor
spiritedness. What is to blame for all that but the system of
education, particularly that for women? Our present social order is
responsible for the evils of our society, but is this the outcome of our
religion, our ethics, or our outlook on life? No. It is the result of
ignorance following on bad education, or the lack of it altogether.
Had we been instructed properly in our religion in accord with modern
thought, and had we followed the teaching intelligibly and with broad
minds, no nation would have been more cultured. What is to be said for
a code of ethics which establishes separation of the community into two
camps, and so brings about
97
misunderstanding between children and
their parents? This is the practice in Egypt, though our religion
gives it no sanction. There is no home life for the boys; they are
constantly reminded to keep out of the company of the womenfolk, while the
men's company is so advanced and so harsh that the boys neither
understand nor enjoy it. Between these two isolated camps the poor
boys are lost. Children in the company of their elders dare not open their
mouths, nor ask questions, nor express opinions, consequently they never
feel easy in their presence. I can remember how as children we used to
be overjoyed when our father went to the country and our mother went out on
a round of visits; it was a time of freedom and merriment for us. We were
far from being dull by nature, even the extreme restriction imposed
upon us failed to kill the natural spirit of childhood. When I think of
those days spent at home with my brother and four sisters, I detest the
cruelty of our social life, which tends to prevent the natural and
healthy development of the best characteristics and capabilities that are
in us. Children all over the country, I mean of the higher classes, are
left entirely in the hands of the servants, from whom they do not
learn much that helps to form their character.
This is how we Egyptians pass our early life between the home and the
school; can anyone wonder at the defects in our young people? If all were
known, the real wonder would be that young Egypt is what it is now. It
must be the inherent vitality of the race that keeps our heads up in spite
of the deliberate efforts of the foreign intruder, and in spite of the
defective institutions firmly established for generations in Egyptian
society. Both these unhealthy influences work against every spirit and
movement in the country that would elevate the social, economic and
political status of the people.
Continuing the conversation with my friend at Galway, we touched upon the
characteristics of the Anglo-Saxons.
98
In the eyes of that race, we agreed,
the world is inhabited by Europeans and Blacks; the former are either
Continental or English, and it goes without saying that the English is
the superior type. The Americans and Colonials are left out of account, as
these are a mixture of the different European races. The English
attitude towards other races is curiously inconsistent. They look down
upon the foreigner as an inferior if he admires or copies anything that is
English; if he does otherwise, they regard him as incapable of rising to
the English level. The behaviour of English tourists is proverbial.
Their evident sense of their superiority is always amusing, they take the
matter for granted, and act accordingly. As Mr. John B. Yeats once said;
“The Englishman has no gentlemanly instincts. In acquiring
manners he learns under a system of pains and penalties, he progresses
under the lash, and then he behaves more like a well-trained animal than a
reasonable human being.” There is a prevalent type of Englishman
who, “thanking God he is a Briton,” has not the
vaguest idea that courtesy is the bond of all society. “But if
courtesy is required to cement society, no wonder the Irish are
estranged from us,” was said by Matthew Arnold. I should like to
add to Arnold's remark that the Englishman's
unpleasant manners are not the barrier to friendship between the English
and the Irish only, but between the English and the rest of the human
race. A well-known scholar said recently: “If the motto of
my old Oxford College: ‘Manners makyth man,’ were
true, I should often be sorry for the Briton. But his manners
don't make him, they mar him.” The Englishman is not
clever, and often makes foolish mistakes, but these do not hinder him from
plodding doggedly along and winning his way in the end. His behavoiur
makes one think that he believes in no religion, yet he calls himself
Christian, and his king “Defender of the Faith.” He
talks democracy, but what he means is British Imperialism. He respects the
rights of small nationalities
99
as long as it suits him to do so, but
his empire must be expanded, be the means fair or foul, yet he has a
marvellous gift of making the foul appear fair when he writes history. In
war, he loses battle after battle on all fronts, yet in the end you will
find him in possession of the very land he was routed on. His weakest
point, I think, is his pocket; no description fits the English people
better than that given by Napoleon and the Kaiser: “A nation of
shopkeepers.” If the destruction of
“Prussianism” was essential for the reign of peace on
earth, then surely the downfall of “John Bullism” has
still to be realised.
In giving rein to these reflections on English character, I am wandering
outside the scope of this book. But I would like to add a word of advice to
my countrymen: “Beware of the English people.” They
are, whether plain men, gentlemen or noblemen, at home or abroad, all
and always “commercial travellers,” out for business
and ever ready to secure a bargain. They are seeking profit individually as
well as for their own firm, “the Old Country.” The
Englishman is a sharp man to deal with; never show weakness in your
dealings with him, or he will make use of it for his own advantage. If
you happen to lose it is not his business, it is your own look out.
These are his ethics in all his transactions, whether political, economical
or social.
This is no place to write about English women. Those of us who have not been
amongst them in England can imagine what the wife of such a man as we have
described would be like. She is certainly often pretty and sweet, and
her companionship is a delight. Perhaps one day we shall see a picture of
her from the daring but delicate pen of some of the handsome, witty and
wealthy among our own young men who come to study life at leisure in
England. Perhaps one might put Egyptians on their guard by saying:
“Be on your guard with the Englishman, but doubly on your guard
with the Englishwoman.”
100
I visited Scotland on several occasions and made many friends there, but I
reserve my criticism on Scotchmen and women for a more fitting place. I
might say here, however, that apart from their superior sense of the
value of money, they share with the English people a good many
characteristics. I would like to hear what my compatriots who spent years
of study in Scotland have to say on the subject.
I walked home from my friend B.'s house, and on my way I met
women carrying heavy bundles of wood on their backs, and saw children poor,
ill-clad and barefooted, and men fighting openly in the streets. Very
sad sights. But coming from a country in a far worse condition in many
respects, I realised that there are reasons which account for such
degradation as one finds here. When one knows Irish history, and the
privations, humiliation, and oppression the Irish people have
suffered, one ceases to wonder at it.
In the evening I was asked to attend a “Cailie,” or
evening entertainment enlivened by national dances and songs, which was
held at the University College. I was unable to dance, as I had not then
learned the Irish steps, so I joined the “sober and
philosophical” group, and watched the dances with admiration and
envy. I had my pleasure, too, in discussing the music, folk songs, and
dances of different nations, and sharing in the merrier conversation in
which old professors and young undergraduates, boys and girls, all took
part.
The night was stormy, and the wind again prevented me from sleeping. When
morning came I had to get up very early, for I had arranged a trip to the
Aran Islands. It was dark and wild, and the wind blew fiercely,
driving clouds of rain before it. I was uncertain what to do, but as the
boats ran only twice a week, and my time did not allow me to wait for the
next service, I had no option but to go. I said my prayers and put my
trust in God, and made a bold start. It was so black and bleak that I
doubted whether the
101
steamer would sail at all. But on
reaching the quay I found it there, a small boat, of 200 tons. The
Captain greeted me with “This is no night for a Christian to
be out in.” Not being a Christian in the strict theological
sense of the term, I suppose, to the mind of our Christian captain, I was
justified in being out. I went down to the saloon to try and get warm. A
few minutes later, in came a big, imposing figure wearing a heavy
black overcoat and a priest's hat. His ruddy complexion,
pleasant countenance and good nature agreed with the description I had been
given of the priest of the island to which I was going, and on whom I
intended to call in connection with the fishing industry. And so he
was. Father Farragher, when he knew my destination, asked me if I was
a good sailor. On my answering that I was a moderate one, he said we would
have a good talk about things when the boat started. The boat did
start, but that talk never came off. All the way I lay prone on a bench; my
friend, though he did not look happy, managed to keep up his courage and
maintain his dignity. Things went from bad to worse with me as the
boat sped through the Bay. I felt I should not care if the boat, which
pitched and rolled hideously, was swallowed by the waves. All that
miserable day I never saw God's light, nor did I taste any bread
or water. I had been on rough waters before in the Irish Sea, the
English Channel, the Bay of Biscay, and the Black Sea, but never
experienced such a bad time as on that passage across Galway Bay. We were
supposed to call at the first two of the three islands forming the
group of the Aran Isles, but we could not, as landing was impossible. We
reached the largest and furthest island in over six hours, twice as long as
the usual time for that journey. I was too sick to raise my head, not
to speak of landing. I never saw the island, nor did I visit the Aran
Co-operative Fishing Society, whose reverend president had just endured
with me the sufferings of rough seas, and I had to return by the
102
same boat. It was disappointing, but
could not be helped. The sailing back was not so bad, as sea and wind
were with us, and we reached Galway at the proper time. I crawled back to
my hotel, and was looked after by the hotel people, and given such
nourishment as I could take, and I went to bed warm and comforted. I
thought I should be unable to resume my tour for at least a week, but that
did not prove to be so. Two days complete rest were sufficient to make me
fit again to face the hardship of travelling. Although I failed in my
endeavour to visit the Co-operative Fishing Society at Aran, I do not like
to pass on without making our people acquainted with this form of
co-operation. True, my knowledge is not from personal observation in this
case, but thanks to my friends at Plunkett House, and the literature
of the subject, I can recount what has been accomplished.
The Aran Isles are three small rocky islands stretching across the entrance
of Galway Bay, the finest inlet on the west coast of Ireland, if not on the
whole Irish coast, and lie about thirty miles from the town of Galway.
To the tourist their scenery and their inhabitants are of great interest,
to the scientist their geological formation offers an attractive subject of
study, and to the historian these “Islands of the
Saints” have a special fascination. The language spoken in these
islands is Gaelic or Irish, although a large number of the inhabitants
are bi-lingual. Inishmore, the largest island of the three, was of
particular interest to me on account of its co-operative fishing society. I
have already described different types of co-operative societies, but
none of this kind, as this is the first and only fishing society in
Ireland run on co-operative principles. It is hoped that this successful
experiment will be followed by the founding of other co-operative fishing
societies in different places on the coast. It is surprising that although
the fishing industry is one of the most important in Ireland, it is
the least developed. There are various reasons which account for this, the
chief of which are, want of
103
capital, want of transport, want of
marketing facilities, and last but not least, want of organisation.
“The Irish fisherman is first handicapped by the fact that he
usually has to pay retail prices for all his gear, salt, barrels, and even
for the barking of his nets. Then, when he brings his fish ashore, want of
proper transport makes it necessary for him to sell the fish in a very
limited market. The buyers are out for their own interests; they pay the
smallest price they can for fish, and they form rings to keep down prices.
It is hopeless for unorganised fishermen to expect a fair price for
their fish from the buyers. They often lose part of the value of their
fish, particularly in hot weather, before the bargain is
struck.”
Father Farragher, the priest of Aran, who has always had the material as
well as the spiritual welfare of his parishioners at heart, realising all
this, conceived the idea of developing the fishing industry on his island
on co-operative lines. Now that the fishermen of the island have been
organised into a co-operative society, they have been able to raise capital
to purchase boats, improve the means of transport, set up a curing station,
refrigerator, ice plant, etc. … They have been able to buy
nets, tackle and the rest of their requirements at wholesale prices, and
market their fish on the best possible terms.
The secret of success of the society has been attributed mainly to three
factors: First, able and faithful leadership, which, by keeping a good and
firm hand at the helm, won the respect and confidence of all the
members; secondly, capable management, which included thorough
knowledge, considerable business capacity, and sterling honesty; thirdly,
strict enforcement of the rules, which secured the loyalty of the members,
promoted unselfishness, and encouraged punctual fulfilment of engagements.
Under this organisation, when the boats come in with their catch, the
members hand over all their fish to the society and get paid for it in
cash. The society then arranges for its curing or its dispatch as fresh
fish to the
104
market where the highest prices are
obtainable. The profit made by the society is of course disposed of in
the usual co-operative way already described in connection with the other
types of co-operative societies. Running on these lines the business of the
society has increased from £760 in the first eight months of
its existence in September 1915 to £14,000 in the third
eight months, and the prices paid by the Society to the members for their
fish were double those given by the dealers. The fishermen need no longer
appeal to the fish merchants to buy their fish, nor need they leave
their fish to a small ring of local buyers who give the lowest price they
can.
The fame of this society at Aran has spread all along the whole coast of
Ireland, particularly the west coast. Once the fishermen grasp the solid
worth of combination, which has been proved to them by this practical
achievement in Galway Bay, they will join together and work as one
body for their own interest as well as for the interest of the fishing
industry in their own country.
Feeling I could not very well leave this part of the country without
visiting Connemara, the enchanted land of the west, I made a pilgrimage the
next day to that wonderful country. It is washed on one side by the
waters of the romantic Lough Corrib, while on the other the long rollers of
the Atlantic sweep into its many mysterious fiords. Between these
boundaries the whole country is broken by mountains, lakes and
streams, giving the landscape a charm quite its own.
I left Galway, “The Citie of the Tribes,” early in the
morning. Soon after leaving the station, our train crossed the flat-banked
River Corrib. For a few miles we travelled between the river on one side
and thickly wooded hills on the other. Beyond Moycullen, Ross Lake on
our right and Knocknalee Hill on our left, were charming features of the
scenery. Reaching Oughterard, the train proceeded westward on its way
to Recess. We passed by lakes, rivers, hills and mountains, in
beautiful succession. Recess itself is a famous resort
105
for the angler and a noted centre for
the scenery hunter. The waters of Ballynahinch and other loughs form a
crescent around the eastern foot of the Twelve Pins, a splendid group of
mountains which raise their noble peaks in the heart of some of the
loveliest scenery in the world. It was of this scenery that Thackeray
wrote: “I won't attempt to pile up big words in place
of those wild mountains, over which the clouds as they passed, or the
sunshine as it went and came, cast every variety of tint, light and shadow;
nor can it be expected that long, level sentences, however smooth and
shining, can be made to pass as representations of those calm lakes.
…”
Beyond Ballynahinch the line ran through a wild and rugged country till we
reached Clifden, a small town situated on a ridge at the head of a bay on
the Atlantic coast. I climbed a hill overhanging the town, and from
its summit had a magnificent view of the country and of the far stretching
ocean. Amidst the rocks at the top is a small lake, a solitary, perfectly
still and wonderfully clear piece of water, with a small stream
running from it down the hill. I was told that even in the severest of
winters, when everything is frozen and when the lake becomes a delight to
skaters, there still remains a small area near the centre, which never
freezes, a spot from which a spring issues. From the clear and cool
water of this lake, the school and convent in the town derive their supply.
On these hills I met only mountain sheep, some natives of Connemara, bright
little sheep with clean, white faces, and some bearing Scottish
features; also a few cattle of mixed breed. These high grounds afford no
scope for farming, not even for grazing, nothing but the hardiest animals
can endure the severity of the weather and the poverty of the land. Before
me, the sea stretched endlessly in front, behind the Twelve Pins rose
majestically in the distance; unfortunately the atmosphere was not clear
enough to reveal the great expanse of the one and the beauty of the other
at their best.
On my way down the hill, I passed by the Catholic Church, where I entered to
seek rest of body and peace of mind. Offering a prayer, I sat down, and
watched the children coming in and going out, some to pray, and some
to light candles “for intentions.” Watching the
children performing these religious duties, and looking at the holy scenes
depicted on the stained glass windows, I felt about me a religious
atmosphere Eastern in its character. The figures of Christ, the Virgin
Mary, the Apostles and men and women of the East were all there on the
beautiful glass. They looked as if they had all come to life again to
inspire these little children of the West, and to remind them of the
teachings of the great Master from the East. It seemed to me that thus
the spirit of the East saves the soul of the West. And yet,
East is East and West is West,
And never the twain shall meet.
And one thanks God for that, for what a disaster it would be if we
should all turn Westward. If the West is so brutal even with that religion
of peace we sent it from the East, what would it have been without
that religion? Whatever the West may say, it cannot help believing
that all that is great and lasting comes from the Eternal East. We know the
contribution of the West to the material progress of the world, its
attainments in physics, chemistry, engineering, but what should have
been for the advancement of mankind it turned to its destruction. Its very
philosophies it
107
turned to selfish ends. Its education
seems to breed a type of man who would “civilise” the
world by suppressing small nations and weak communities.
I wished to drive from Clifden to Leenane, working my way up through the
country to rejoin the railway at Westport: this would have given me the
opportunity of exploring that romantic country, but I was unable to
carry out my purpose, and what I lost in beauty of scenery and colour I
realised later when I met Mr. and Mrs. Paul Henry at their Dublin studio
and saw their delightful paintings of the West Country views and folk.
However, I do not like to pass over this district without giving my
countrymen some idea of its charm. I saw parts of it, so I am able to
endorse what my artist friend, who has made a special study of these parts
and depicted them most faithfully and beautifully on his canvas, once
wrote:
“Here in Connemara from the summit of one of her higher mountains
the eye travels over the peerless country, dotted with innumerable little
loughs beloved of the fisherman, over the gracious lines of her
cloud-dappled hills and the valleys where the purple shadows linger;
over the scattered “clachans”—little
handfuls of whitewashed toy houses—tucked away in the
sheltered folds of the hills, to the coastline, bitten into with sandy
bays guarded by islets of porphyry set in an opal and azure sea. Out of the
sou'west a wisp of mist—a grey veil trailing from a
grey cloud floating in the blue—passes over the hills. Where it
catches on a height it breaks in showers on the toy houses, and passes
on, leaving the wet, sparkling eyes of the cottages laughing back to
the sun.
“At a turn of a lonely road among the mountains far from village
or house—a woman comes down a rough track from the higher hills.
Dressed in geranium-red homespun and with an orange
headshawl—the turbulence of her colour flaming against the
encircling mountains—her bare feet are firmly planted as she
walks among the stones. She hangs on her foot for a second as she
108
returns your salute. A wild grace is in
the carriage of her head, the beautiful softness of her voice, soft as
the rains of her native hills, wraps you round like a caress. Her grey
eyes, soft and kindly, hold yet a smouldering fire; the brooding mystery of
her race is round her like an aura. She passes by, coming from the
mountain solitudes, and going apparently into them again, a rare,
aloof, dignified figure.”
Mr. Henry continues, describing the atmosphere of the West:
“Here in Connemara on a day when the wind blows from the west,
the pale rose morning light turns to silver, as the tumultuous high-flying
clouds race over the mountains, their indigo shadows hurrying across
the green of the uplands and the gold of the ripening harvest towards
the distant plum-coloured hills. As the sun ascends the clouds scurry
faster, and their shadows beat a quicker measure towards the horizon. The
colour flames and burns among the hills; and the deep tarns set in a
hundred corries—the surface of their waters curled over by the
wind and reflecting the deep blue of the sky—glow like enamels,
azure shot through with gold. The big clouds, typical of ‘The
West,’ grow listless as the day declines. They come up slower
still and more majestic, gathering colour from the descending sun,
till as it dips beyond the sea they seem hardly to move, piling themselves
up into airy cloud-built palaces glowing with reflected fire. The cool
purple dusk creeps over the hills, while far in the west the day dies in
a deep mauve seen through a shower of dust of gold.”
Motoring was not possible, as “Dublin Castle” had
launched its “Motor Permits Order,” prohibiting any
person to drive without an order from the Government. All drivers refused
to apply for permits, with the result that no motors were running except
lorries carrying the soldiers and guns necessary for keeping the Irish
Nation under the heel of its aggressors. That is how I was prevented
from seeing Connemara fully, and why instead
109
of traversing the country just
described I was obliged to return to Galway by rail. Such a state of
affairs brings back memories of the old-world conqueror who forbade
the use of horses to his subject race. The modern, world-conqueror has made
it an offence in the eyes of Britain for any Irishman to drive a motor
vehicle without a military permit which certifies his loyalty to a
government he does not acknowledge. This tightening of the machinery of
repression in Ireland is intended either to subdue the spirit of the people
or to stimulate rebellion in order to crush it with ruthless severity,
and with it all hopes of self-determination. British statesmen do not seem
to realise the injury their conduct to Ireland is inflicting on whatever is
left of British prestige in the world. They suppress newspapers,
prohibit fairs and markets, raid houses, break up meetings, proclaim
national amusements and festivities, imprison the constitutionally elected
representatives of the people, but they are powerless to prevent
Ireland strengthening her inward resistance against a day when
“England's difficulty shall be Ireland's
opportunity.”
The English people seem to have lost their heads since they drank the cup of
victory. They massacre the Indians. They rob the Egyptians of their
independence. They deny the Irish people their natural rights. One can
understand that greed of possession accounts for their policy in Egypt, and
that vengeance governs their policy in Ireland; but what is the excuse
for their brutal attitude towards India, a country which is already theirs,
and which “did her bit” in the Great War? India, the
world knows, offered her sons and gave liberally from her treasures to help
England when she was hard pressed and was soliciting the sympathy and
help of all peoples civilised and uncivilised. “Our gallant
Indians,” who when wounded were nursed by the fair, and when on
leave were entertained by Royalty during the war, are now shunned by
110
the meanest of English officials, and
have been massacred wholesale in cold blood in the streets of their own
cities. There, their wounded are no longer tended by delicate hands,
but are left to crawl on all fours to shelter from the guns of the very
same people whose honour they helped to save on the battlefields of
Flanders, Mesopotamia, and elsewhere. It is a sad story; one could not
restrain a smile reading in The Irish Statesman
these cynical lines:
“The people of India will be moved to their depths by the
reference in the King's Proclamation to the personal interest
which His Majesty takes in the affairs of his great dependency. Whatever
their faults the Indians are a warm-hearted race, and they will
respond with fervour to the assurance that His Majesty will watch with
sympathy and affection the progress of his Indian people. Some of them may,
at the moment, object to being massacred by General Dyer or flogged by
one of his magistrates. But when the heat of the moment has passed, when
their wounds are sufficiently healed to give them time for reflection, they
will recognise that these measures which they thought harsh and
repressive at the time were in reality only kindness, and directed to their
good. Had those Indians known while they were crawling on hands and knees
through the streets of Amritzar that all the time the King-Emperor was
watching their progress with love and sympathy, with what gladness in their
brown but loyal souls would they have crawled, with what devoted,
almost dog-like devotion, would they have embraced the knees of General
Dyer or kissed the rods of Mr. Keogh? Could India be delivered from the
agitator all would be well in that unhappy country. Unfortunately Mr.
Nebru, presiding at the Indian National Congress, does not agree with us.
Not only does he criticise General Dyer and the Government of India
Act, but he has the amazing impertinence to object to the wise and
beneficent rule of the British Raj in savage countries like Ireland and
Egypt.”
111
Our readers will remember the story of Amritzar referred to above. At that
place, gallant British troops on the orders of their heroic officer, fired
on a meeting of some 5,000 unarmed civilians, killing 500, and wounding
three times that number. The scene of this latest massacre was neither
Belgium nor Armenia, but India, and the officer responsible was neither a
“Hun” nor a “Turk,” but a
British General. The incident has a lesson for us Egyptians. We once
believed in English honour; how will it be henceforth?
I stayed the night in Galway to start the next day for Foxford in County
Mayo, via Tuam, Claremorris and Manulla. It took the
whole day to do that journey; the train connection was very bad. My
pilgrimage was to the Convent of the Sisters of Charity at Foxford. I
reached that prosperous village on the Moy at night. The Reverend Mother
with great kindness had sent a car to meet me at the station and drive me
to the Convent, which was over a mile away. On reaching my destination
I was received with great hospitality, and after a very interesting talk
with the Reverend Mother and a few of the nuns, I was taken over the
village club for men and women. It was well lit with electricity, and
well-fitted with the conveniences of modern clubs, billiard table, dancing
hall, etc. …
The next day was a market day; the village street was crowded with men,
pigs, women, and cows crowded together, and it was not at all easy to make
one's way through the mass of animals and human beings, the
former changing hands and the latter shaking hands. I was taken over the
woollen mills by a charming nun who acted as “guide,
philosopher, and friend.” The history and significance of that
convent and those mills shall be told presently. It was at the suggestion
and with the introduction of Father Finlay that I visited Foxford.
Foxford is a small village lying on the banks of the Moy. This river gathers
its waters from a wide area,
112
from mountains and from lakes, and by
the time it reaches its full volume it forms quite a notable current.
At Foxford it flows across a ridge of granite on which is supported a stone
bridge. On the southern side of the ridge, the water rises to a high,
smooth flood, but as soon as it passes over, it plunges down a steep
slope. The water looks as if it had taken a false step, and tumbling
in great force, foaming in fury, over a path strewn with rocks, makes its
way to a level pool not far down its course. As for the surrounding
country, nothing is to be seen but hills covered with brown heath
studded with bare rocks, and expanses of moor blotched here and there with
greyish patches of stone. Could there be a more inhospitable land? Yet
people lived in this ill-favoured region and struggled hard with
destitution. In mud one-roomed cabins with thatch that rain dripped
through, and a clay floor that was damp and cold, with no fireplace or even
a chimney to let out the clouds of smoke that rose from the turf fire
that burned in a corner, in that miserable and dingy lair, fronted by an
unsightly and evil-smelling manure heap, a whole family lived, ill-fed and
ill-clad, with children, pigs, a calf or two, fowls, and a faithful
dog, all sheltering under the same roof. Turn the pig out of that
society, burn instead of sods of turf, cakes of dung, and give the picture
a few slight touches of local colour, and you have a typical cottage of
to-day in rural Egypt in the winter-time!
One day, the Heavens willed it that a “Sister of
Charity” should pass by this starving place. Her resources were
all spiritual: moral courage, trust in God, confidence in her powers, and,
last but not least, reliance on the self-devotion of her sister nuns.
With them she hoped to diminish the sufferings of the Foxford folk,
strengthen their bodies and uplift their souls, dispel ignorance and bring
cheerfulness and hope into their homes. None but a great soul could
undertake so formidable an enterprise out of love for God's
113
creatures. With the help of sympathetic
friends who advanced the money necessary for her work, she started a
school and established a convent. The educational scheme was not confined
to the schoolroom, it was extended to the homes, so that not only the
children, but their parents, came under the good influence of the
nuns. Cleanliness, order, thrift, needlework, dress-making, knitting,
cookery and laundry work were all taught. It did not take long to
reconstruct the village and its neighbourhood on sanitary and decent
lines. Shelters were erected for animals, windows were introduced,
fireplaces and chimneys were constructed, sleeping apartments were divided
by partitions from the living rooms, roof and floor were improved, manure
heaps were removed from the immediate neighbourhood of the cottages
and their places taken by vegetable plots and flower-beds. The improvement
of tillage and the planting of trees were next undertaken. Helped by
their friends, the nuns acquired farm implements, improved variety of
seeds, fruit and forest trees, and thus managed to bring about better and
profitable farming on a soil which by nature was poor and hungry. As
things progressed, the lack of some local industry which might employ
the labour that could not be profitably used on the petty holdings, was
keenly felt. Men and women must be induced to stay at home instead of
emigrating to America, England, or other foreign lands, by offering
them good, honest work under favourable conditions.
The river was still dashing down its way like a wild horse. It had not been
broken in then, its power was wasted as far as human service and utility
were concerned. The Reverend Mother, who chose this spot as her
life's field of activity, saw all that with her keen eye,
thought over it in her clear head, and felt it greatly in her good heart.
“That vigorous horse must be harnessed and made use of in
promoting the welfare of these people in the midst of whom it chooses to
run wild,” she said to herself one day. Not long after, a
114
woollen factory appeared, and borrowed
from the Moy the necessary power. It sounds easy and simple, but
innumerable difficulties had to be overcome. All was accomplished by that
Sister of Charity, who impressed by her powers and personality men of
technical skill and business capacity, engaging their counsel and
friendly co-operation in carrying her project to a successful issue.
Later on, the factory was extended and the most modern machinery installed.
The reputation of its textiles is now well established. In design and
texture, these fabrics, whether blankets, flannels, tweeds, shawls, or
rugs, can be confidently placed in competition with the best products of
home or foreign looms. The change, needless to say, reflected itself in the
life of the people, as the benefits secured by the workers, who number
some 120 hands, diffused themselves through the settlement, which counts
some 600 people.
This is the story of Foxford since the time the Sisters of Charity came to
it in 1890. I relate it to my countrymen in full, to show them what
individual effort can do. A start was made here with no capital, no
technical knowledge, and no experience, in the midst of singularly
adverse conditions, but these and other disadvantages were eventually
overcome by the devotion of one able and noble personality. It was a
prolonged struggle in which success was achieved by genuine ability.
The result is now apparent in a prosperous community, working and
reaping the benefit of their work in full measure, and with a high standard
of moral worth due to the effect upon them of the presence in their
midst of a devoted and commanding character. “With this
influence pervading it,” said Father Finlay, “the
factory becomes a school where much more is learned than spinning and
weaving. Character has a value—even an economic
value—no less than tweeds; if prize medals were awarded for this
product, the Foxford Mills would add largely to their awards of
honour.”
This noble achievement in the field of industry and
115
social reform at Foxford is well worth
studying. It is one of the very few examples in which an attempt has
been made with complete success to solve a social problem which still
perplexes statesmen and reformers. The physical and moral deterioration
resulting from the massing of large numbers of men and women in
industrial towns, is becoming more and more a source of anxiety to
those who have the welfare of society at heart. These towns with their
social attractions draw to them whatever is most energetic in the
human element of the countryside. This rural exodus has been going on
now for years; and what is the reason for it? George W. Russell [AE] tells
us that “The thoughts of the world have been too much with their
cities, and they have never sent out the missionaries of civilisation
into the country. There has been no rural civilisation, no really
well-organised system of rural society offering to men and women an
alternative life equally attractive with that offered in the multitudinous
activities of a great city.” Foxford is one of the few fortunate
places to which “missionaries of civilisation” have
come to establish a prosperous and healthy rural community on a sound
social and economic basis. I need not go into details here, but there are
two outstanding features I may notice. One is, that although the Foxford
Mills are run on capitalist lines, the antagonism that exists in the
world of industry between Labour and Capital does not disturb the peace
here. The reason is, the good nuns who are the owners take their full share
in the work of every department, and are in direct contact with all
the workers, and thus are in a position to consider and remedy any
grievances as they arise and before they have a chance of endangering the
industrial peace. The other feature of the Foxford effort is that
instead of workers pouring out of the countryside never to come back again,
to swell the unhealthy growth of manufacturing towns, industry is brought
to them, and with it social privileges and advantages that make life
healthy, pleasant, and attractive.
116
I cite this example, conscious that it is very rare, as rare as genius
itself, in the hope that it may stimulate some genius at home to activity
of a similar nature. The resources of all classes of the community,
whether they belong to the masses or to the aristocracy, to the realms
of mind and genius or to the kingdom of material wealth, are all national
assets, and should be utilised for the welfare of the people. It may be
noticed that this book deals mostly with what collective effort can
do. Very few of us are big enough individually to plan and carry out a
great scheme of reform; that is why I lay stress chiefly on what the masses
can accomplish by uniting forces and acting as one whole. After all,
is not this our own ethic:
Yadullahi mäaljamaäa.
But the efforts of the highly gifted individual, when directed
disinterestedly to the benefit of society, can and do accomplish great
things. In Foxford, I think we have a striking example of what they can
achieve.
I left Foxford the next day with the memory of a great practical
achievement, and with the inspiring words in my ears of the noble woman who
accomplished it. Having crossed the Moy, which was rushing
tumultuously under the historic bridge, I turned round and took my last
look at that prosperous settlement. I caught the train to Dublin which
travelled via Roscommon, Athlone, and Mullingar.
Almost the whole of this journey across the Midlands was through
bogland. We passed through all shades of that dominant colour of
brown. The monotony of the scenery—not altogether without some
claim to beauty—was relieved here and there by clusters of
woods, patches of green pastures, isolated cottages, and stretches of
water. It was while crossing that country that I recalled the description
of Ireland as “a beautiful frame with no picture in
it.” The frame is indeed beautiful, all around the coast
line the scenery is exquisite and varied. The first town of
117
special interest passed, was Roscommon;
I shall not dwell on its ruins, important as they are to the
antiquarian, but be satisfied with referring to a product of
agricultural merit which bears the same name. The County of Roscommon is
the home of a breed of sheep known as the Roscommon Sheep. Its origin is
not known with certainty. It is a large, long-woolled sheep possessed
of a vigorous constitution which enables it to thrive on the flat lands
devoid of shelter other than stone walls which form its chief run. Its
peculiar soundness of foot and limb allows it to range widely when
grazing. Its mutton is of good quality and so is its fine, long-stapled
wool.
Between Roscommon and Athlone we skirted the western shores of Lough Ree. I
regretted being so near that lake and not seeing its numerous promontories
and small islands, its bays and its creeks, the beauty and charm of
which I had heard from those who had the good fortune to see them. Just
before reaching Athlone, the shores of Lough Ree close in to form the banks
of the Shannon, which runs in a broad stream through the town and is
spanned by two bridges. The chief feature of Athlone, besides its history
and ruins, its old abbeys and its ancient walls, is its magnificent
position in relation to the river and lakes. Some eight miles or so to
the north-east of the town stands Auburn, the supposed scene of
Goldsmith's Deserted Village.
We passed through dreary moorland before we reached Mullingar, a famous
fishing centre, and also a busy market town, where a large trade is carried
on in horses, cattle, and wool.
The day was over before we finished our journey, and it was night when we
reached Dublin, a bad night, too, dark, cold and wet. I was glad to get
back to the United Arts Club in Saint Stephen's Green, my
temporary home in Ireland.
It was in my programme that I should continue my journey from Foxford
northward, through Sligo, Leitrim,
118
and around Ulster before I returned to
Dublin. That was my plan for the complete tour around Ireland, but
that was not to be. I was obliged to come back from Foxford across country
to Dublin, to attend to some important duties. A fortnight elapsed before I
resumed my tour into Ulster. That break was not without its
advantages; it at least gave opportunity of seeing the Midlands of Ireland,
which I should otherwise have missed.
The handsome City of Dublin, on the Liffey, is the largest and finest of the
cities of Ireland. Its history is long and interesting, its situation is
pleasant and wholesome. “The mountains are near in Dublin,
the sea is next door, and the clouds hang so low that they must be
reckoned with the town; pre-war clouds they are, and the colours last and
are for ever delightful. In this street when the eye scans forward it
lights, and with what joy, on the eternal hills, from this window you
may smell backwards to the ocean, and out of this one you may clutch a
fistful of cloud and put it in your pocket. Sea and hill and
sky—that is Dublin; and a silence, compacted of their essence,
is Dublin also. For if perfection is possible in this world, Dublin
should be the perfect city; the model, the unique civic and
architectural achievement of man. Nature herself has lent every aid she
possesses to that end, and if even she is thwarted, what a notable cause
there must be! An effect is often difficult to determine, but a cause
never: so the woes of any man can be traced back to two
sources—the thing he has and the thing he hasn't; and
it is so with a city, and it is so with Dublin. There are two things she
has which she doesn't want, and two things she wants which she
hasn't got. If some benevolent insurrection could but rid Dublin
of her tramway system and her Paving Committee what a future would
open before her! Neither of these things fits her streets, and, after its
inhabitants, what is a city but its streets? And if, in lieu of these, she
could but procure a Parliament and a 'bus system, then Dublin
120
would come from underground; she would
blossom like the rose, and all the other cities would recognise their
queen.” This is what James Stephens writes to-day of the capital
of Ireland. Yes, if only Dublin could procure a Parliament for Ireland! If,
as by magic, the fine classical building, now the headquarters of the Bank
of Ireland, could be restored to its original purpose; would it be too
much to expect that life might come back again to Dublin, and that she
might resume the part she played in the eighteenth century as a great
social centre? As she stands now, she is like a beautiful but dethroned
queen, divorced from her own culture, oppressed by a cruel hand, and denied
her natural rights. Repression is driving her to despair. She is in
chains, crushed and maltreated. Of her children some have been shot,
some deported and some are in jail, yet she is beautiful and her children
are heroes. Living here amid smouldering embers of disaffection which now
and then break into flame, one is forced to acknowledge that such
conditions do sometimes bring out the finer qualities in man. Every day we
hear of honoured citizens sacrificing their lives in an endeavour to
bring nearer to realisation the national ideal, while we see others,
labouring patiently and quietly, at the expense of health and fortune, in
what looks a hopeless task, but which if crowned with success will bring
light and prosperity to the country. This is certainly a city of
contradictions, of leisure and culture, of sufferings and crimes, of empty
wide streets and fine big houses, of crowded dancing halls and full
“Mountjoys,” of burnt houses and bombarded buildings
(left as they were after the “Black Week” of April
1916), of big social clubs and famous racecourses, of rebels and
loyalists, of hopes and despairs.
These reflections arose in my mind when I returned to the capital after my
journey through rural Ireland, I was recalled to town, first, by a wish to
attend the Annual General Meeting of the Co-operative Movement
121
which was to be held that week; and,
secondly, I was engaged to discuss some points of interest with the
Professor of Economics of the National University concerning a thesis I was
writing under his supervision; thirdly, I was anxious to profit by the
presence in Dublin of my friends, the farmer co-operators, and hear
their views on rural problems.
It was not the first time I attended the Annual General Meeting of the Irish
Agricultural Organisation Society. I had been present at the previous
year's meeting held in the same place, the theatre of the Royal
Dublin Society in Leinster House, and in an equally disturbed
atmosphere. Then it was the proposed formal entry of the President of the
Irish Republic into his capital after his dramatic escape from an English
jail—a demonstration which never took place owing to the
proclamation by the military authorities governing Ireland. This year, with
fixed bayonets and armoured cars, arrests of prominent Sinn Féiners had been made. The prisoners were taken
in imposing style in military motor cars and battleships over to England to
be confined in prisons, as usual without any charge or trial.
By now our people know something about the agricultural co-operative
movement and its work in Ireland. Later on, I hope to make clear to them
the, relationship between rural and urban co-operation, and how each
is organised and controlled. There is an annual congress for each, one held
by the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society of Dublin, and the other by
the Co-operative Union of Manchester, one entirely Irish and the other
English. To these annual congresses delegates from all the societies come
to discuss and suggest things that concern the welfare of the movement. At
this year's agricultural co-operative meeting which I attended
at Dublin, Sir Horace Plunkett in his presidential address said:
“… The avoidance by our movement of political and
sectarian controversy and its endeavour to embrace all classes and
interests in the community it
122
serves, has been more severely tested
of late than at any time since the foundation of the movement.”
The two distinctive aspects of the movement which Sir Horace chose to
dwell upon occupy the minds of those who have the welfare of co-operation
at heart, and it was well for the President to keep before the eyes of
the delegates the fundamental necessity of adhering to the principle which
has so far helped to bind together divergent elements in Irish life,
uniting Irishmen of the north and south, farmers and labourers, and making
them work together for the creation of a new social order in rural
Ireland. “We have always held,” continued Sir Horace,
“and we have gone a long way to prove, that what, by intelligent
and loyal co-operation, our farming community can do for itself is
immeasurably more important than what the best of governments can do
for it.”
A co-operative movement such as this, with its faith in its own powers and
its confidence in its leaders, and which has already successfully practised
what it preached, may hope to climb before long the heights of vision,
and see the dawn rise over an Irish Co-operative Commonwealth.
The meeting, which lasted the whole day, ended in a social gathering at
Plunkett House. I intended to have a talk there with Sir Horace and obtain
his consent to translate into Arabic his Noblesse
Oblige, a book which, I think, our landed aristocracy would do well to
read. To my disappointment, I found that as soon as the meeting was
over, Sir Horace left hurriedly to catch the evening mail boat to England,
on his way to America! He has recently displayed great interest in Irish
politics and has gone so far as to formulate a constitutional
settlement for the Irish Question. This, he proposed to frame on the lines
of the Constitution of Canada. He founded the “Irish Dominion
League,” and its organ, The Irish Statesman, to advance this settlement. The
main features of the League are, that Ireland should
123
have the status of a Dominion within
the British Commonwealth, that Ireland should be directly represented
as a nation in the League of Nations, and that Ireland should be
represented in whatever Council, Conference, or Parliament of the Empire
may be set up. Sir Horace seems to rely a good deal on moral support
from the other side of the Atlantic, as he considers that American public
opinion is a factor of the first importance in the solution of a problem of
the greatest concern to all thinking men throughout the
English-speaking world, especially now that the Irish Question bulks so
largely in the public mind of the great republic, and that America is
playing so leading a part in European affairs.
A few months later, after Sir Horace's return, I was invited to
his house at Foxrock, some seven miles from Dublin, when I obtained his
consent to a translation of his book into Arabic, a piece of work now on
the road to accomplishment. As for the thesis I was writing for the
National University, and which was partly responsible for breaking my
journey and bringing me back to Dublin, it was a piece of research work in
the field of economics, in which I was interested. I take this
opportunity of mentioning the National University, and attempting to
enlighten our people on educational matters in this country. I propose
giving a brief sketch of University education in Ireland, and stating
the reasons which prompted me to join the new National University of
Ireland, rather than the old University of Dublin, and also, the spirit
that moved me to carry on post-graduate research work for a time abroad
instead of returning home immediately on concluding the usual academic
career to join my compatriots in shouldering national responsibility.
University education in Ireland is carried on in three institutions, in the
National University of Ireland, with its three constituent University
Colleges at Dublin, Cork, and Galway; in Dublin University, consisting
of
124
one College, Trinity College, not as in
Cambridge or Oxford, of twenty or more colleges; and in
Queen's University, Belfast, without any incorporated
colleges. I may dismiss the last two Universities by saying simply
that both are foreign, the former is another Oxford or Cambridge on a small
scale and the latter is an English provincial University which happens to
be situated in Ireland. Our people know well what that means, so there
is no need to describe them further. These two universities, though Irish
in name, are mainly English in feeling and sympathy; Protestant in
religion, Unionist in politics, and imperialistic in spirit.
The National University is entirely different. It is a young Irish
University which was brought into existence only twelve years ago, thanks
to the perseverance of generations of patriotic Irishmen in their
determination to create a university which the mass of the Irish
people would regard and feel as their own. It is Catholic in religion,
national and Sinn Féin in politics, and
democratic in spirit. From the first, this University has been watched
with eager interest by the great mass of the Irish people, who supported it
as individuals and as corporate bodies. They insisted upon making the
Irish language compulsory for all students entering the University. By
so doing, they have announced emphatically their educational policy, which
is based on national lines for the realisation of national ideals. The
general principles of education whether in Science or Art are the same
in the “Irish National” as in any British University.
The undergraduate studies Medicine, Engineering, Languages, Chemistry,
Physics, Economics, Agriculture, Music, Law, History, etc., on the
same lines as elsewhere. Where the difference comes in is in the
atmosphere, spirit, and associations. This Irish nation is struggling for
freedom, and high hopes are centred on this University and its three
colleges, as the intellectual centre in which the great Irishmen of
the future, on whom depends the emancipation of Ireland,
125
will be formed. Our countrymen will now
realise the spirit of the “National,” a spirit
essential to any people who are working for the greatness of their
country. One must admit that the youth of the
“National” colleges have their difficulties. Their
lack of traditions, the fact that the Colleges are non-residential and
without adequate accommodation for common purposes, such as club
rooms, central athletic grounds, etc., hinders the growth of an esprit de corps among their various elements. The
students are scattered over the town, with no common meeting-place. This is
an unfortunate state of affairs which, it is hoped, will in time be
remedied. Another shortcoming to be noted is the fact that the
professions, particularly the medical, are regarded by the undergraduates
and their parents with an absurdly exaggerated esteem. This has the effect
of limiting the student's outlook during his university career,
and affects him in his subsequent life as a citizen. The University
authorities are fully conscious of these difficulties, and they are trying
to make good the defects, but at present there are serious drawbacks to the
usefulness of the “National” as an influence on Irish
life.
Contrasting these university colleges with Trinity College, we find the
latter in possession of a tradition stretching back to the sixteenth
century. The fact that it is a residential college, having spacious
buildings, adequate accomodation for the convenience and pleasure of
its members, great common rooms, club houses and central sporting grounds,
and a magnificent library, one of the five greatest in the kingdom, gives
Trinity a considerable attraction. But it seems to me that there is
something of greater importance than the pleasure, convenience, comfort,
and even name a college confers on its members. I mean the spirit of
culture. I am sure my fellow-countrymen will understand me. They know
that in Egypt we have great Government schools and colleges which compare
favourably with the best in England, as far as material and external things
are
126
concerned. Great buildings, spacious
lecture halls and theatres, well-equipped scientific laboratories,
fine common rooms, and well-kept athletic grounds, all are there. But
what is the spirit with which the authorities are trying all the time to
imbue the young generation? A most unhealthy spirit, and one similar to
that instilled into the young Irish mind at Trinity. To give an
example of what I mean. Last November, I attended the annual general
meeting of the Historical Society in Trinity, which was held in the Great
Hall. It was a large and distinguished assembly, composed of over a
thousand University people, presided over by the Provost, and addressed by
prominent public men, Irish and English. Among the former, Lord
Killanin made a very able speech, which had it been as truthful as it
was eloquent would have evoked just admiration. But he had the boldness, in
the very capital of Ireland, to praise British diplomacy and its
championship of the rights of small nationalities, to extol
Britain's just administration and her liberal and generous
attitude towards those whom she takes into her charge. And who would
believe it? Not one voice was heard, nor a single interruption made, from
that supposed intellectual assembly in protest against such a
misrepresentation, and he was allowed to proceed with his oratory, and
received enthusiastic applause at its close. This seems to me an apt
illustration of the spirit of this College. One wonders whether the members
of Trinity are consummate hypocrites or merely moral cowards. When I
talked to some of the men individually on the subject, they expressed their
regret that they could not go against the general feeling of the College,
even though they totally disagreed with what Lord Killanin stated.
Such an institution, breeding a type of citizen who cannot act according to
his reasoned conviction, is not worthy of being called a school, much less
a University. This is my own opinion, but I was reminded that this
same College produced some of the greatest Irish patriots,
127
like Wolfe Tone, Thomas Davis, Robert
Emmet, and Douglas Hyde. I wondered within myself how many did it
produce who betrayed Ireland and deserted her in her need. Think of such
thousands and remember that men like those mentioned, and of whom
“Trinity,” strange to say, is proud, were made of
stuff that not even Trinity with all its unnational and anglicising
influence could pervert. One must remember also that Trinity was then the
only University in Ireland. I am glad that there is now another University
to counteract the unhealthy and foreign spirit fostered by Trinity,
and to open its arms to those who think and work nationally. There are some
people in Dublin who do not agree with me, and who think that the
existence of two universities in the Irish capital is economically
wasteful and politically a misfortune. That may be so. But I believe that
Ireland is justified in her effort to strengthen her own soul.
As regards “Queen's” in Belfast, it will suffice
to say that it is in Ulster, and only one-fifth of its students are
Catholics and non-Unionists.
To come to the question why I did not return home and start work as soon as
I had finished the ordinary university career abroad: I would like to give
my reasons at length, so as to explain such defects as I am conscious
of in our early education at home, and to suggest things to the rising
generation in Egypt that might help them in the building up of Modern
Egypt on purely national lines.
When I was still in the Khedivich School at home, my people chose Medicine
for me as a profession; as soon as I got my
“Bakaloria” my fate was sealed, a
“Doctor” I had to be. Careers in Egypt are very
limited, and the choice is made by parents without the least regard to the
abilities or inclinations of their boys. Owing to a mistaken standard of
social values, the three professions of Medicine, Law and Engineering,
are held in a ridiculously exaggerated esteem, with the
128
result that the schools keep on every
year qualifying hundreds of young men in these subjects, who, through
the defective spirit of their education and training, lack reliance on
their own power, and are incapable of striking out new and original ways of
their own in attempting to make the best use of their limited
opportunities. Most of them entirely depend on positions under the
Government, or, if they are of independent means, do absolutely nothing
either for themselves or for others. I have not space here to expose
fully the evil system and false spirit of the education prevailing all over
Egypt under the control of the British. I remember many things of the
four years I spent under the mastership of that lordly Englishman, Mr.
Sharman, and his staff. They did their best to kill whatever spirit there
was in Egyptian boys. However, I shall reserve this subject for
another volume. I left the “Khedivich” to enter the
School of Medicine, whose principal was then a Dr. Keating. I am told
he is an Ulster man, a greater bully or more over-bearing teacher it would
be difficult to find. His language was indescribable and his behaviour
towards the men and the staff intolerable. If that be so, he must be of
the real Carsonian type. I regret deeply that an Irishman even if he
was from Ulster, should have made himself so obnoxious in Egypt. He knew
what I and others felt, and kept watch on our relations with the
Nationalist movement.
I fear to bore the reader with this story. But I relate it for reasons which
will be understood presently; it is not only my story, but that of many of
my compatriots.
In Easter 1908 I left Egypt to finish my education in England. At Saint
Thomas' Hospital, London, I continued the course begun at home,
and spent four years in study and practice. Then when I was preparing
for my final examination, the Balkan War broke out. The British Red Cross
sent contingents to the
129
warring nations. It so happened that
the contingent going to Turkey was manned mostly by Saint
Thomas' men. I volunteered, and was accepted as
assistant-surgeon. To cut the story short, I served my time, and after
a six months tour around Europe, I returned to England, but with different
views and intentions. Several factors contributed to my decision to
change my career. It was a bold step and required some moral courage
in the face of absolute disapproval from my people and bitter criticism
from my friends. My great support was a sincere conviction that I
could serve my country best in another field. I joined the Bristol
University, and after three years got the degree of Bachelor of Science in
Agriculture. With that I returned home to see what I could do for my
country with such knowledge and experience as I had acquired. On board
the ship I met Mr. MacKillop, the administrative adviser to the Ministry of
Agriculture, and after a friendly talk on things in general, he proposed
my joining the Ministry and offered me the position of Sub-Inspector.
I thanked him, but declined to accept the offer, till I had reached home,
and had considered the matter. When I reached Egypt and learned
something of Egyptian matters, both from Egyptians and English
officials in Cairo and in the provinces, I came to the conclusion that if I
were to join the service I should do so in the capacity of a government
official in the administrative department (with great prospects of
quick promotion to the highest offices if I became a favourite with our
English advisers), and forget all that I had learnt of agricultural
science; or I should assume some responsibility in one particular branch of
the scientific department of the Ministry. This latter course required
special knowledge, which I could not then claim, in one particular subject,
such as Chemistry, Entomology, or Mycology. I felt that my general
knowledge of agriculture was not sufficient to ensure usefulness to my
nation, although it would have secured
130
me a good position under the Government
with a handsome income, or at any rate a comfortable and easy life.
Realising how important the subject of plant breeding was to Egypt I
resolved to return to England with the view of specialising in that
subject. I entered Cambridge University and worked under Professor
Biffen, the authority on that subject, for a while. Unfortunately, the
subject did not appeal to me, and gradually my interest in it faded away.
Economics attracted my attention, and I soon found myself studying tha
subject, particularly the branch of it dealing with agriculture. In my
third and last year in Cambridge I devoted a good deal of my time to
research in the economics of agricultural co-operation, under the
supervision of Dr. Fay of Christ College. At that time Dr. Fay was
contemplating bringing out a new edition of his well-known book, Co-operation at Home and Abroad. He entrusted that
part of it dealing with the United Kingdom to me. With instructions and
introductions, I set out in search of materials on the subject of both
industrial and agricultural co-operation, and toured England, Scotland, and
Ireland. That occupied the six months vacation of my last year in
Cambridge. Having kept my terms and obtained my degree of Bachelor of
Arts in Political Economy in that old University, I thought it wise to
extend my researches in agricultural co-operation and with that intention I
came to Ireland.
This is my story, the story of one of your own people, and I have related it
in the hope that it may be of use. After a defective upbringing at home,
our boys proceed to the Government schools, where, whatever
possibilities remain for the making of great men or even useful
citizens are systematically eliminated. As for careers, they are like
marriages, all arranged by the anxious, well-meaning parents. To this
system, the majority of our young men submit, and consent to live what is
at best a life of mediocrity. Few of them rebel or struggle to free
themselves, but such rebels as there are strike
131
out new lines for themselves, and
generally attain distinction in whatever field they choose for work.
The moral courage of such men, their sincere conviction, their
personality, combined with their mastery of the subject of their choice,
their experience of men and things, and their devotion to national
aspirations make us believe and trust in them as men who will liberate
Egypt, and realise her hopes.
Now I come to the third reason that broke my journey and brought me to
Dublin. I did not want to miss the chance of meeting farmers from all parts
of the country at the Co-operative Congress, and hearing their views
on various agricultural questions, co-operative and otherwise. I was
particularly interested in their opinions on the scope and work of the
Agricultural Wholesale Society and on the future of farmers'
associations. As I have not touched on these two subjects heretofore I
now propose to say a few words about them.
THE IRISH AGRICULTURAL WHOLESALE SOCIETY
In Ireland, as in any other country where co-operation has attained
large proportions, federation for trading purposes becomes a necessity.
The co-operative societies feel that by employing a central body to
trade for them they effect economies which could not be effected if
they acted severally. Besides, the idea of a wholesale society is
after all an extension of the idea underlying the co-operative
movement, that is, the organisation and control of industry by the
people for use rather than for profit.
The Irish Agricultural Wholesale Society came into existence in 1897.
Like other trade federations of its kind, it supplies the affiliated
societies with goods of guaranteed quality at wholesale prices for
resale at retail prices to their members, and also markets for
them their agricultural produce. Although the main trade of the society
is in things directly connected with
132
agriculture, like manures, seeds,
machinery, etc., it undertakes the function of a general co-operative
wholesale. Its activities have thus become varied, from supplying
fertilisers and implements to selling provisions and stationery. In
this way it has become the binding link between the urban and the rural
societies.
Qualification for membership, method of raising capital, control of
policy, vesting of management, the allocation of profits, and other
details of business, are conducted on the usual co-operative lines as
applied to wholesale federations. Unlike the English and Scottish
Wholesale Societies it has no productive departments. Whether it
will develop in this direction or not remains to be seen. Meanwhile its
progress has been continued in spite of the fact that lack of
sufficient capital and of support from the affiliated societies checks
its activities, otherwise its progress would have been more rapid.
FARMERS' UNIONS
In Ireland there are two of these, one for Ulster and one for the rest
of the country. Although both profess to be non-political and
non-sectarian, yet North and South remain apart, each having its own
organisation. Some claim that this is inevitable, owing to
differences in circumstances. The cultivation of flax and the
linen industry of the North are, it is said, so closely connected
that the area under flax forms a farming entity by itself. To those who
know, this seems only an excuse manufactured by the mischievous
politicians of the North to mislead the farmers and justify the policy
of isolation. In reality, the interests of Irish farmers, no
matter in what part of the country they live, or what system of farming
they follow, are identical. The Ulster farmers are waking up to this
fact, and it will not be long before the interests of every farmer will
be best served by having one big Union entitled to speak for all
the farmers of Ireland.
133
Leaving out the Ulster Farmers' Union, which, it is hoped,
will be absorbed soon by the bigger organisation, the Irish
Farmers' Union, I shall here try to explain the constitution
and objects of the latter. This body, which has not entered on its
“'teens” yet, is a consultative one
which meets quarterly at its headquarters in Dublin, where it also
holds an Annual Congress. It is composed of affiliated
Farmers' Associations scattered all over the country. For
administrative purposes in each county, members form themselves into
“Branches,” These branches elect delegates to
form a “County Executive,” which has full control
of all matters within the county. Above all the County Executives
stands the “Union,” which has a General Secretary
and a weekly paper, The Irish Farmer. The
government of this Union is called the “National
Council,” and consist, of a President, four Vice-Presidents
(one for each province), two treasurers, and a committee, all
elected at the Annual Congress, whose main duty it is to consider
matters pertaining to Irish farming interests. The aims and objects of
the Union are:
1. To consolidate all existing Farming Organisations in
Ireland into one Union, and to create new branches of the
Union.
2. To protect and promote the general interest of both the
employer and the employed engaged in the agricultural industry
of Ireland.
3. To press upon the Government the urgent necessity for the
immediate completion of Land Purchase.
4. The Union shall also study improved methods of
agriculture, and endeavour through its organisation to
disseminate a knowledge of such improved methods amongst its
members. It shall also devote its attention to existing schemes
of agricultural education, and where necessary suggest
improvements. The Union shall also encourage the holding of
meetings amongst farmers for the purpose of discussing improved
methods of agriculture, and shall in this respect promote the
reading of papers and the holding of debates among its
members.
134
5. To effect the foregoing objects the Union shall endeavour
to gain representation on all bodies charged with
administrative powers affecting agriculture. It also shall,
whenever necessary, bring united pressure to bear upon the
responsible authorities in order that grievances may be
removed, and the well-considered opinions and claims of those
engaged in agriculture receive clue consideration.
6. That this Union encourage as far as possible the principle
of Co-operation with any other body in regard to the commercial
organisation of farmers.
7. That it be an instruction to all members of the Irish
Farmers' Union to encourage in as far as possible
Irish industry and Irish development.
As regards the question of finance, the machinery is provided entirely
by the members' subscriptions. It accepts neither a
Government grant nor private subscriptions.
To dispel any misapprehension of its attitude towards co-operation, the
Union in 1917 passed the following resolution:
“That when local and other circumstances point to the
necessity for the formation of Co-operative Societies for the buying of
farmers' requirements and the selling of the produce,
Associations affiliated with this Union shall be free to act as they
may individually desire.”
Further, in 1919, the Union has adopted among its objects the following
two rules:
1. To discuss, with a view to united action, matters of
common interest to the farmers represented; to secure mutual
support and co-operation among the members.
2. To co-operate with any other association, body, or person
in the United Kingdom having interests in common with the
members of the Union.
This shows that the way is clear between these two bodies, not only to a
cordial understanding, but to intercourse and co-operation. Each has
its own sphere
135
of action, which not only does not
overlap but actually aids the other. The Farmers'
Associations are, as stated before, consultative, while the
Co-operative Societies are trading bodies. Nothing convinces one more
of the very useful function the Farmers' Associations
can perform in promoting the interests of co-operation, than the
assistance they are rendering in the founding of that great
co-operative enterprise at Waterford, I mean the Dead Meat Factory
referred to earlier in these pages.
When I discussed with their respective leaders the relationship between
the two organisations, I could see clearly the points of view held by
each. The Co-operative Societies stand on firm economic ground and
are looking forward to the time when they will control the trade
of the country, and whoever controls the trade of a nation controls its
destiny. They have not much faith in organisations whose main work
seems to be the passing of resolutions, particularly in a country
like Ireland, where the people and the Government form two hostile
camps. The Government does not listen to what the people ask for, and
consequently resolutions eventually find their way to the waste-paper
basket. In this case nothing but actual economic policy will
improve the lot of the people and defeat the ends of an unjust
government. On the other hand, the Farmers' Associations
hold that co-operation, necessarily, cannot embrace the whole farming
population. It is purely a business organisation limited to those
engaged in particular pursuits; whereas they claim to have behind
them the support of the whole farming community, embracing farmers big
and small, whether they are in need of or not in need of the middleman,
and all forms and styles of farming, whether they offer a basis
for co-operation or not. They claim to represent the farming
community, and to speak for it, using every opportunity of promoting
the interest of all connected with the land, whether by advising the
authorities, and thus affecting legislature, or by other means.
I left Dublin to resume my tour around Ireland, and with two friends
travelled northwards. We soon entered Meath, a county rendered famous by
the beauty of the Valley of the Boyne, and by the amazing richness of
its monuments of all ages. Perhaps to our people the “Boyne
Tumuli” are of special interest, for here, it is believed, the
influence of ancient Egyptian Art on Ireland can be traced. The late Mr.
George Coffey, the eminent Irish archaeologist, after several
explorations and much study of these little pyramids proved that the
concentric circles, spiral designs and elaborate carvings which appear on
their stones are repetitions of similar decorations to be found in Egypt.
Drogheda with its antiquarian ruins did not detain us long, and we
proceeded to Dundalk, a historical town situated upon a low, flat expanse
at the head of a bay bearing the same name, half-way between Dublin and
Belfast. A few miles to the west we entered Ulster. We alighted at
Newtownbutler, the first town we visited in the northern province. Our
interest in that place was in the first place due to the existence of a
co-operative society, which, thanks to the activities of Father M., is
a great asset of the agricultural community; secondly, the town itself is a
favourite starting-point for visiting Upper Lough Erne. We regretted our
time did not allow us to traverse the expanse of this charming lake
studded with its many islands. From a distance we viewed the extensive
stretches of sylvan and pastoral borderland surrounding those lonely
waters. The
137
mountains in the background, the
stately towers, lordly castles and hanging cliffs, all added to the
beauties of the landscape. Enniskillen was our next town. This
historically famous centre stands upon an island between the two
lakes—the Upper and Lower Lough Erne. We called on some friends,
and saw the town, then left on the same day for Belcoo. From Belcoo we
walked to Blacklion, a distance of about a mile, to get a conveyance
to take us to the old parish of Killinagh. It was a beautiful drive of some
seven miles in the open country. We arrived at our destination just in time
to attend a farmers' meeting. It was held at the National
School, with one of the big farmers of the district in the chair. To us the
assembly was an extremely interesting one, not so much because of the
amount of work done as from the evidence at first hand that the farmers
are now realising how much it is to their own interest to come
together and work in harmony. No amount of legislation can take the place
of the vital force that lives in the spirit of voluntary association. The
more the farmer realises that, the greater the benefit he reaps from
his labours. We returned by the same way to catch the train from Belcoo to
Manorhamilton, a small town situated in a valley surrounded by ranges of
hills on every side. Manorhamilton is an outpost of Connaught, it is
not in Ulster, though surrounded by Ulster towns; it is in the county of
Leitrim. There we got accomodation for the night, and left the next
day for Augher in County Tyrone via Maguiresbridge.
In this place, where we were the guests of a farmer friend, we spent a few
pleasant, instructive and interesting days. Our work embraced visits to a
“store,” a creamery, a flax-mill and a farm; our
amusements consisted in calling on friends and attending a
“village dance.” Perhaps the reader would like to
know something of our experience of these two sides of life during our
short sojourn at Augher and its sister town, Clogher. I take first the
subject of flax.
138
Before the war the flax fibre necessary for the manufacture of Irish linen,
which is a great Ulster industry, came mostly from Russia. Some was
imported from Belgium, Holland, and Trance, and some grown in Ireland
itself. At the beginning of the war, Ireland put under cultivation about
50,000 acres, almost all in Ulster. Now this figure is increasing with the
increased demand on the home produced flax resulting from the
disturbance in international trade. The cultivation of this crop, which
requires not only a great deal of labour, and also a skilled form of it,
needed at the time better technical knowledge and better organisation of
the trade. The Co-operative Movement played a prominent part in
bringing about these improvements which were indispensable to the progress
of this industry. The activities of the Flax Co-operative Society,
which we visited at Seskinore, near Augher, and those of other similar
societies reveal this fact. They purchase for their members nothing but the
best seed. Improvements in the production of the flax, as well as in
its after-treatment, are brought about through the employment of
skilled instructors. All this ensures the production of the best quality of
flax fibre. As regards the problem of marketing, the growers who belong to
a co-operative society are no more at the mercy of the buyers, no
matter how strong the ring these may form. The societies, by helping the
farmers to produce flax on approved methods, to acquire modern
scutching machinery and to market the crop at an advantage are not
only benefiting the farmer and encouraging the cultivation of flax in
Ireland, but are assisting a great national industry and raising its
standard of quality.
The dance we attended was organised by our co-operative friends, and to it
came people from the surrounding villages. It was a big gathering of
some two hundred country folk, all coming to enjoy an all-night dance.
The entertainment, like the people themselves, was of a mixed nature. There
were songs in
139
English and songs in Gaelic; there were
Continental dances and Irish dances. Protestants and Catholics were
there, so were real Irish people as well as so-called Irish. It is to the
credit of the co-operative principle, that all this took place under one
roof in Ireland. At the door of a co-operative hall people leave their
religious and political differences to meet on co-operative ground.
Everything went off smoothly and enjoyably. The Irish tunes were full of
melody and the folk dances of grace, and the natural merriment of the
people was a pleasant thing that could not be forgotten. All joined in
the cheerful spirit of the night, and I, feeling one of them, forgot for
the moment that I was a foreigner till a friend, touching me on the
shoulder, reminded me of a talk we were to have the next day on Egypt
and Ireland. With “Eire agus Eigipt go
bráth!” I departed. We left this beautiful
countryside with pleasant memories of its charming views, co-operative
spirit, and kindly friendship. Our only grievance against Augher is
its railway, but we appreciated the kindness even that showed us, as we were leaving; had it not been that the train was
late, we should have missed it, and so lost the connection to Belfast. Our
way to this city was via Armagh and Portadown. The former, now a country
town, was once a celebrated city, the Ulster capital in Pagan times, and
later the seat of Saint Patrick, the patron saint of Erin. Portadown is an
important commercial centre and railway junction. Belfast, the great
industrial city of Ireland, grew into fame in a comparatively short period
of time. Up to the seventeenth century it had neither a historic background
nor any importance in the national life of the country. Its importance
is largely due to the unrivalled safety of its harbour. An atmosphere
different in many aspects from that of Ireland generally is accounted for
by the fact that its inhabitants are to a great extent descendants of
English and Scottish adventurers, amongst whom the lands of the original
Irish were parcelled out at the
140
time of the Ulster Plantation. The
foreign intruders drove the Irish owners off the land with a cruelty
that knew no satiety, and with rapacity that had no bounds. Towards
the end of the eighteenth century, Belfast began to assume the position of
a great growing industrial city. Large factories, shipbuilding yards,
flourishing industries, and extensive trade, added greatly to the
activity and wealth of the people and helped to make the city famous. Huge
buildings appeared, municipal and otherwise, and in short the place became
what it is now—the richest and most progressive city in
Ireland, that is, of course, as far as material progress is concerned.
To a stranger like myself it seems another Manchester or Glasgow. It has, I
think, little that is purely Irish about it. Its people are hustling
business people, seeming to have no time for either leisure or
culture. Like Manchester and Glasgow, Belfast is a great centre of
industrial co-operation. We were taken over the handsome headquarters, huge
premises and various departments of the Belfast Co-operative Society,
We were also invited to attend its annual general meeting and were
introduced to its leading men and women. From what I saw here and in
England and Scotland I must say that this form of co-operation is as
progressive in Belfast as it is in any city of Great Britain, except
in the field of production, for Belfast is content to buy its goods direct
from the English and the Scottish Wholesale Co-operative Societies, which
manufacture most of their goods in their own factories.
My readers have already been made acquainted with the agricultural or rural
co-operative movement in Leinster, Munster and Connaught, which is
entirely Irish. Now we come across another form of co-operation
prevalent in Ulster. This is what is called the industrial or urban
co-operative movement. It is very strong in Great Britain and in this
northern province of Ireland. Its headquarters, “The
Co-operative Union,” are in Manchester. As I have tried to
141
tell my readers, the story of the
agricultural side of the co-operative movement, I may now attempt to
describe the industrial side of it, so as to make the account
complete. It must be remembered that industrial co-operation in Ulster is
part and parcel of a big movement in Great Britain, and I cannot describe
the Irish part adequately without telling the history and development
of the movement in Ireland and Great Britain.
The Industrial Co-operative Movement was born in England. It was the outcome
of an effort of the labouring classes to protect themselves against
the effects of the Industrial Revolution which began towards the close
of the eighteenth century. The utter misery into which they were plunged
attracted the attention of one of the greatest social reformers of his day,
and enlisted his sympathy. That man combined practical business
capacity with high social ideals. He was of Welsh origin and his name was
Robert Owen. I cannot describe him better than by quoting Mrs. Sydney Webb.
“Apprenticed early to a retail shopkeeper, at nineteen years of
age he had saved sufficient to start as a small master in the Manchester
machine-making and cotton spinning trade. Quickly realising that the new
industry required large masses of capital, he abandoned the nominal
independence of a small master to become the manager of a large factory.
From the position of manager in one firm he became managing partner in
another, until he succeeded to the absolute control of the large
spinning mill at New Lanark. It was here he tried his first experiment in
practical economics. He raised the wages of his workers, reduced the hours
of labour from seventeen to ten a day, prohibited the employment of
children under ten years of age. He provided free education, free
amusements, cheap provisions, good cottages for his workpeople and their
families. At first his fellow-manufacturers watched with contemptuous
amazement the deeds of this Don Quixote of the cotton trade; his partners
sought separation from this
142
crack-brained philanthropist intent on
personal ruin. He answered these theoretical objections to the
Socialist programme—good wages, short hours, free
instruction and free amusement—by showing in the course of
four years a profit of £160,000, besides paying five per cent. on capital employed, and raising the selling value of the factory
fifty per cent.”
Having thus succeeded in carrying his views into effect with remarkable
success in his factory, he tried to spread his ideals amongst his
fellow-manufacturers, as well as amongst influential circles directing
the affairs of the State. The influence of his example, work and
teachings did not fail to leave its stamp on the modern relations between
Capital and Labour. The ideal which Owen worked for, was a self-supporting
one which would produce its own requirements without making profit. In
that community, the supply of goods would be regulated according to demand,
and as there were no profits to be made, labour would be rewarded
adequately. It will be noticed that there is a close connection between
Owen's theories and those underlying the present store movement.
Owen was the greatest co-operative enthusiast of his generation, but
“he was not the father and originator of the co-operative
store,” Dr. Fay observes. “Rather is it true that the
store movement, while still in the stage of humble experiment, was caught
up for a few years in a flood-tide of idealistic enthusiasm, inspired
and directed by him, and that, when the flood-tide ebbed, the movement
returned to its old line of development with slower steps and wiser
tactics, content to act cautiously while naming a distant and wide
goal.” Some of Owen's disciples made a bold attempt
to put his ideals into practice at Brighton and other places by
starting what were called “Union Shops,” but after a
few years success, lack of legal recognition and the disloyalty of members,
together with unbusiness-like
143
methods brought the noble adventure to
a sad ending. Things then looked very dark for co-operation. During
the next ten years, although Owen's spirit was still active, and
his followers were struggling to achieve their purpose, co-operation fell
into the background owing to the rising of the Chartist Agitation. In
the early part of the nineteenth century, the working classes in
England were in a state of profound discontent. Wages were low and prices
high. This caused great distress among the people, which led to an
agitation that came to be known as “Chartism.” The
people at a mass meeting adopted a manifesto, or
“People's Charter,” in which they made the
following demands:
Annual Parliaments.
Universal Suffrage.
Vote by Ballot.
Equal Electoral Districts.
Abolition of Property Qualification for Members
of Parliament.
Payment of Members of Parliament.
Large meetings were held throughout the country and great excitement
prevailed. On the refusal of the Government to consider the petition, riots
broke out. Fierce encounters between the Chartists and the Government
forces took place, but eventually the rebellion was quelled.
The failure of the Chartists intensified discontent. Realising the dangers
to society that lay behind that discontent, a group of social reformers,
who came to be known as the “Christian Socialists,”
met in 1848, to consider the possibility of putting an end to the
strife, and to inquire into the best means of improving conditions
among the discontented section of the population. This group was composed
of reformers under the leadership of Thomas Hughes, Charles Kingsley,
Vansittart Neale, Maurice, and Ludlow. They maintained, that if men
combined together voluntarily to produce whatever commodities were required
by the community,
144
instead of endeavouring to outdo one
another by competition, there would be less of the poverty and
suffering that was the cause of all the trouble. Self-governing workshops
as advocated by these reformers were started with the view of avoiding the
antagonism between Capital and Labour. Thus co-operation came to the
front again, but this time in the form of what is called
“Producers' Co-operation.” Under that
form, the labourers themselves own the capital and thus eliminate the
employer. They appoint their manager from amongst themselves and divide
profits between themselves. Unfortunately, the doctrines preached by
the Christian Socialists were without results owing to the inefficiency
amongst the men and the lack of ability in those at the helm. Thus ended
two noble efforts to improve the lot of the English working
classes—the first of Robert Owen, the second that of the
Christian Socialists. The collapse of both was due to the same cause.
The time was not ripe for co-operative ideals. The way had to be prepared,
a good deal of ground had to be cleared, and many changes in the life
and character of the people to be accomplished. But the work of Robert
Owen and the Christian Socialists was not fruitless; they convinced the
people of the importance of education and of the efficacy of voluntary
effort. This achievement left a high moral ideal and sense of discipline
amongst the people that made the spread of co-operation possible. The next
effort was in a new direction. Failure in co-operative production
damped the zeal of co-operators in that direction, and diverted their
activities to co-operative distribution. The year 1844, a prominent date in
the history of co-operation, saw a fresh force advancing to support
the movement, and give it the power and prestige which it needed and which
it has retained ever since. It came from Rochdale and to Rochdale it has
given fame. There, some twenty-eight weavers, afterwards to be known
as the “Pioneers,” formed a society which,
145
though humble in its origin, had an
ambitious programme. The immediate object of the
“Pioneers” was to establish a store for the selling
of provisions to the members; but they had other and larger schemes which
they intended to carry out later. Their ultimate aim was to establish
a self-supporting community in which the members had control not only over
distribution, but over production, education and government. They
raised the capital required for their enterprise by weekly subscriptions of
3d. each, and when their capital reached the total sum of £28,
they started business. If the Rochdale Pioneers could have foreseen that
with the opening of their humble shop in that country town near
Manchester, they were beginning a glorious chapter in the history of
co-operation, they would have been less nervous in taking down the shutters
of the famous window in Toad Lane on the opening day. As it was, they
felt far from confident in the face of bitter criticism and strong
opposition. Holyoake, in describing the opening of that historic store,
said:
“On one desperate evening—it was the longest evening
of the year—the 21st of December, 1844, the
‘Equitable Pioneers’ commenced business…
It had got wind among the tradesmen of the town that their competitors
were in the field, and many a curious eye was that day turned up Toad Lane,
looking for the appearance of the enemy; but, like other enemies of more
historic renown, they were rather shy of appearing. A few of the
co-operators had clandestinely assembled to witness their own dénouement, and there they stood in that
dismal lower room of the warehouse, like the conspirators under Guy Fawkes
in the Parliamentary cellars, debating on whom should devolve the temerity
of taking down the shutters and displaying their humble preparations.
One did not like to do it, and another did not like to be seen in the shop
when it was done: however, having gone so far there was no choice but to go
further, and at length one bold fellow, utterly reckless of
consequences,
146
rushed at the shutters, and in a few
minutes Toad Lane was in a titter.”
The story of this society is one of continued progress. The remarkable
success achieved by the Rochdale weavers encouraged others in all parts of
the country to found societies on the same lines. What is the secret
of this principle whose fame has reached so many lands? Apart from the
strong social faith and great enthusiasm which inspired the pioneers in all
this work, they built their scheme on a sound business basis, as planned
by the prophets of co-operation. Cash trading was a religion with
them. As regards profits, they did not believe in them, but as it was very
difficult to sell at market price and at the same time eliminate
profit, they devised the ingenious plan of dividing amongst themselves
whatever profits were made, according to the amount of trade done by each
member. In all their activities, they preserved strict neutrality in
religion and politics. On these lines and after obtaining legal
recognition, the movement extended, and co-operative stores began to
multiply in all the industrial districts of the country. It will be
remembered that co-operators, whether Owenites, Christian Socialists, or
Rochdale Pioneers, had all the time cherished the idea of producing
for themselves, but they were never strong enough to accomplish their
hearts' desire. Now that the movement had spread, the
establishing of a wholesale society which would strengthen the position of
the stores as buyers became imperative.
In 1863, the Co-operative Wholesale Society was founded with headquarters at
Manchester. Five years later the Scottish Wholesale Society was founded
at Glasgow. These two great federations did much to advance the cause
of the store movement, by supplying the societies with whatever they needed
at wholesale prices direct from their distributive and productive
departments. Since their foundation, the progress and expansion of
co-operative wholesale trading has been
147
most remarkable. I was struck with
their greatness on my visits to their headquarters, branches,
factories, farms, and depots in England and Scotland. The increasing
enterprise in production of these two federations is meeting with the
success that is assured to societies producing for a known and ascertained
market. To enumerate their many and varied operations would form a
long list, as they range from boots and provisions to textiles and tobacco.
To survey their activities one has to follow their course of enterprise
round the world, as they own land, possess factories, and have depots
in many countries. To sum up: it may be stated that they carry on the
trades or businesses of wholesale dealers, bankers, shippers, carriers,
manufacturers, merchants, cultivators of land, workers of mines, and
insurers of persons and property.
The members of these wholesale federations are shareholding local societies,
and the profits, which are based on the difference between
manufacturers' or importers' and wholesale prices,
are distributed among these societies in proportion to their purchases.
The management of the two wholesale societies, which are quite
independent of each other, is on the usual lines. The shareholding
societies of each elect a Board of Directors which are elected among the
members of the retail co-operative societies who are chosen for this
position by the votes of the societies that are members of the Wholesale
Society. This Board appoints managers to the various departments and
factories and entrusts them with the management. These managers are
directly responsible to the Directors, who form themselves into committees,
each of which supervises a certain department. Quarterly meetings are held
to which delegates of the retail societies are invited. At these,
balance sheets and committees' reports are discussed, and
resolutions are passed affecting the policy and work of the Wholesale
Society.
After the founding of the wholesale societies, the lack
148
of a head to the huge co-operative
system of industrial wholesale and retail societies in the United
Kingdom was much felt. This brought about the creation of
“The Co-operative Union,” a federation of
Co-operative Societies for educational, protective, progressive and
co-ordinating purposes. “It upholds the principles of the
movement by educating the members in these principles and insisting upon
the practice of truthfulness, justice and economy in all business
transactions undertaken by co-operative societies.” In short, it
acts as guardian of the true spirit of the co-operative movement. The
membership of the Union, as in the case of the Wholesale Societies, is
composed of co-operative societies. These elect delegates to attend the
annual general meeting of the Union, “The Co-operative
Congress,” which is held at a different centre each year.
This Congress, which is attended by thousands and which lasts all
Whit-week, is an important event to which co-operators look forward with
interest in anticipation of its plans for promoting the welfare of
their movement. The government of the Union is organised on democratic
lines, somewhat similar to those of the wholesale societies. I need not go
into the details of the organisation, of its committees and
sub-committees, its Central Board and Sectional Boards. Thus is the
co-operative movement guided, and its light spread.
The women, too, have their place in the movement. Feminine activity is
represented by the women's co-operative guilds. There are three
of them in these islands, one in England, one in Scotland, and one in
Ireland, all run on the same lines. The English Guild is the oldest and the
largest. The Women's Co-operative Guild, as it is called, has
its headquarters in London. It is described as “a self-governing
organisation of women, who work through co-operation for the welfare
of the people, seeking freedom for their own progress, and the equal
fellowship of men and women in the home, the store, the workshop, and the
State.” From
149
this we perceive that it acts as an
inquiry department into possible defects within the movement,
particularly those concerning women, at the same time it exercises
with increasing effect a beneficial influence on social questions in
general. This two-fold activity of the Guild sometimes brings it into
conflict with certain other elements in the co-operative movement. To
cite an example, we might take the case of divorce law reform. There
was a disagreement on this subject between the Co-operative Union and the
Women's Guild, which led to somewhat strained relationship
between them for a while. The Guild held that “the members
of the Guild look to co-operation not only to set up stores where they can
obtain their goods and be provided with dividends, but to remove many evils
connected with our present laws and customs, and to establish society
on a more equal and just basis; and consider it within its sphere of action
to give this subject attention, with a view to raising the standard of
married life to a higher plane.” On the other hand, the
Union was anxious not to introduce into the co-operative movement
questions of a religious character, and the discussion of questions
relating to divorce was considered detrimental to the best interests of the
movement. However, that did not deter the Guild from proceeding with
its inquiry into the subject, after making it clear to the Union that the
Guild, “while primarily concerned with co-operation, has a
further side to it, which deals with questions of industrial and social
reform affecting its members as married women.” This
disagreement came to an end recently and the result was in favour of
the Guild. The entry of the co-operative movement into politics, and the
enfranchisement of women, were no doubt, contributory causes to this
fortunate reconciliation. I dwell on this question here with a view of
showing to our people the impossibility of dividing the activities of a
public body like the Women's Guild into water-tight
compartments. As we shall be faced with
150
similar questions in the near future in
our own country, when the women begin to play their part in the
reconstruction of our social life, this account of the action of the
Women's Guild may be interesting and useful to our people.
The many-sided nature of the work of the Guild since its establishment in
1883, makes it impossible to give here a complete account of all it has
done. Its work for promoting the interest of co-operation has been
incalculable. It has worked for loyalty to the store and advocated
co-operative production, it has supported cash trading and conducted
inquiries into the conditions of labour amongst the women co-operative
employees. Its work for shorter hours and a minimum wage has been well
rewarded. The Guild has urged the provision of sick-room appliances
wherever women workers are employed by co-operative societies.
In its work outside the co-operative movement, it supported the campaign for
the extension of the suffrage to women, and roused public opinion to the
necessity of providing adequate medical treatment for school children.
Its work for legislation affecting child labour and education as well as
married women of the working class, both in maternity and other sickness,
has been handsomely acknowledged by all.
This comprehensive work of the Guild is carried out very smoothly through
its effective organisation. The whole Guild is governed by an annual
congress of delegates from the branches. Through a “Central
Committee,” the branches of the Guild are kept in touch with one
another and thus the whole organisation is consolidated.
To judge by its increasing membership, by the great attendance and interest
shown at its annual congresses and by the valuable work it does in the
field of social reform, whether co-operative or general, for the
welfare of womanhood, its progress has been continuous and its
position assured.
Before ending my remarks on co-operation, I would
151
like to make clear to our people the
fundamental features that distinguish a co-operative society from a
joint-stock company.
There are four principles that constitute the basis of what is known all
over the world as the Rochdale System. First, that there shall be no limit
to the number of members and the amount of capital; second, that every
member shall have one vote only, and that there shall be no voting by
proxy; third, that no member shall hold shares to the value of more
than £200, and that the interest on share capital shall be
limited to five per cent.; fourth, that all further
division of profit, what is called the “Dividend,”
shall be in proportion to trade. On this system as a basis, the whole
co-operative superstructure has been erected These provisions are evidence
of the democratic nature of the organisation, and make for an equitable
distribution of wealth amongst the different classes. A movement with
such ideals, as long as it lives up to them, is bound to win over a very
large section of the people in any country.
It now remains to say a few words on a later development within the
co-operative movement—co-partnership. In 1884, owing to
diversity of opinion amongst co-operators, the Labour
Co-Partnership Association was founded by one of the schools of
thought. Amongst the most prominent of its members were Vansittart
Neale, Holyoake, and Greening. They felt that the claims of
“labour” as such must be considered, and it was their
purpose to promote production by methods which would give workers a share
in the profit, capital, control and responsibility.
Founded about the same time as the above Association and closely allied to
it, was the Co-operative Productive Federation. Its
object was to aid productive societies by united action and by obtaining
capital for them, to open up markets for the sale of their goods, and
to endeavour to avoid overlapping and competition between them.
“It represents on a small scale the federal
152
principle as applied to fields of
co-operative production which are outside the wholesale societies and the
stores.”
Unlike the societies dealt with previously under industrial co-operation,
and which are formed and managed primarily in the interests of consumers,
the Associations of Workers promoted by the above
two organisations are formed and managed primarily in the interests of
the producers.
The chief characteristics which mark the co-partnership scheme are:
“1. The worker receives a share in the profits.
“2. A part of the profits are returned to him in the
form of a share in the capital of the business. The worker by this
means secures a direct interest and ownership in the concern. He
stands to gain in the years of plenty, and if a loss occurs in lean
years he suffers in common with other shareholders.
“3. Representatives of employees are given a voice in
the management of the business. Where this is possible it is found
to possess great advantages. The men learn thereby to understand
the difficulties, responsibilities and arduous nature of the work
of the employers, whilst the employers gain a sympathy with,
and insight into, the needs of their men, through direct personal
intercourse.”
“We are thus,” observes Mrs. Sidney Webb,
“confronted with two co-operative ideals, one of an
association of consumers, with salaried or wage-earning officials,
acting under the general direction of elected committees in the interests
of the whole community; the other of groups of workers who, in virtue of
their economic position, secure as individuals some special share of
the profits that may be made, and, it may be, some voice in control. Under
the first scheme, no man secures a particularised individual profit; under
the second, no man is simply a wage-earner. The association of
consumers as a federalised movement grows from within, and if it embark on
the field of production,
153
must find its market among its own
members. The other group of workers may or may not find a market among
co-operators, and although up to the present time it is to co-operative
consumers that most of their products go, it is open to them to seek their
outlet and their profit anywhere.”
So far co-partnership seems to have achieved very little, and the number of
societies established on this principle is limited. There are several
reasons which account for this, outstanding amongst them are:
1. Not many industries lend themselves to fully developed
co-partnership, or even to the simpler expedient of profit-sharing.
Whether the obstacle lies in the kind of labour employed, in the
extent of freedom of action allowed to the employer, or in the
nature of the industry itself, there is no denying its existence.
2. Even in the industrial enterprises that can be conducted on
co-partnership principles, experience shows that the self-governing
workshop is neither stable nor economically efficient. Wherever
commercial success is attained it is gained in the market of the
Association of Consumers.
3. Their lack of intimate and accurate knowledge of the general
market and the ignorance of the desires and caprices of those for
whom they produce, put the self-governing producers at a
disadvantage, and they often find themselves unable to dispose of
their wares.
4. The associations of consumers with their great wholesale and
retail societies are beginning to dominate the whole field of
co-operation. Their progress has been extraordinary, and they are
gaining ground every day. They are by their vast resources
encroaching upon co-partnership, and even absorbing some of its
societies. In their annual congress the voice of co-partnership
is drowned in the great assembly of co-operators, in which the
majority unite in advancing the cause of the consumers at the
expense of producers.
5. This form of association does not eliminate harmful
154
competition. We find
self-governing workshops competing for custom, not only with the
capitalist manufacture, and with associations of consumers, but
also amongst themselves. This, needless to say, leads to the
degradation of the standard of life among their own members as well
as among the working class in general.
6. The most obvious defect of self-governing workshops as they
now stand is the difficulty of securing discipline and efficient
management when the manager is himself subject to those whom he has
to direct. This, I am inclined to think, is only a temporary
shortcoming which would be remedied as the standard of
education and intelligence is raised among the rank and file
of the people.
7. Self-governing workshops have been noticeable for the slowness
and reluctance with which they have reacted to any industrial
change. The workers are contented to continue what they have been
accustomed to do, and are slow in introducing new inventions
or designs. This may be a protection to the producer, but it
involves a loss to the community.
8. Both Trade Unionism and Socialism are hostile to it. The
former holds that co-partnership “panders to the
selfishness of men, that it would lead to the competition of groups
of wage-earners, and that, destroying the feeling of working-class
solidarity, it will be inimical to the Trade Union
Movement.” The latter, advocating a fundamental change
in the economic basis of society, opposes all reforms that accept
the individual ownership of capital and the private direction of
industry.
From this account of agricultural co-operation, industrial co-operation, and
co-partnership, it will be seen that co-operation is working for two
different ends. One, the producers', is the cheapening of labour
by converting the wage-earning worker into a self-employer; the other,
the consumers', is the cheapening of living by co-operatively
reducing price. We shall come back to the conflict between these two ideals
in a later chapter.
We left Belfast to visit other places in the northern province. We soon
found ourselves in the midst of the prosperous meadows of County Antrim.
For eight miles we travelled along the shore of Belfast Lough, but on
reaching Jordanstown we left the coast line and turned westward. Our way
led us to Antrim, an attractive little town not far from Lough Neagh, the
largest lake in the country. On the margin of that lake, some four
miles from Antrim, stands the historic Shane's Castle, the
remains of the seat of the ancient and noble family of the
O'Neills, who were long famous lords in Ulster. This family has
given the coat of arms of Ulster its design and colour. The legend of the
Red Hand in the arms of Ulster is a dramatic one. In the early history
of that province, it is said, some invaders came to conquer the country.
Near the Ulster coast they entered into an agreement that he who touched
the land first should be lord of it. One daring chief, anxious to win
the country, cut off his hand and threw it on the shore before anybody
landed, and thus having touched the land first, he claimed it. From him
sprang the O'Neills, the royal race of Ulster.
From Antrim we proceeded to Omagh across County Tyrone. Thence we passed
through the pleasant valley of the Mourne to Strabane, a famous market
for grain and flax, situated at the junction of the Finn and the
Mourne. Soon after leaving Strabane the stream swells in volume, and
assuming the name of Foyle winds through a pleasant country before it
reaches the sea beyond Londonderry. This city, which is better known
156
as Derry, and which has much interest
for the historian and the antiquarian, is a prosperous centre of
industry. It is famous for its ancient walls, which are notable in its
history, as well as for modern industries, such as linen manufacture,
shirt-making, shipbuiilding, etc., which are the sources of its prosperity.
Derry we left by rail, passing through Letterkenny, and thence round the
coast to Dungloe. We were now in the heart of the rugged mountains and wild
landscapes of North-West Donegal. The Northern heart thrills to this
wild scenery, but to mine, Southern as I am, quiet, fertile plains make a
stronger appeal. I am more at home by the side of a stream or a lake in
a beautiful and peaceful valley than in the midst of these mountains,
which seem to stand aloof, cold and reserved, looking down contemptuously
at the country lying modestly below. The sweet valleys, the lovely
streams, and Ibn El-Farid for me. I leave the lofty mountains to
Tolstoi and the high seas to Heine.
We passed through the Rosses, the granitic moorlands between Slieve Snacht
and the shores of the Atlantic. Here loughs and loughlets abound and the
indented coast is bordered by innumerable islands. A remarkable
country! We reached Dungloe, of fishing and shooting fame, a dreary-looking
village on the side of a mountain which rises sharply from the water side.
It was a wretched evening, cold and dark and with insistent rain
putting the final touch to the inhospitable climate. In that atmosphere we
had to travel on a jaunting car some three miles to the parish of
Templecrone, on a winding road on which when there was no rock for the
wheels to bump over there was sure to be a rut for them to ‘sink
into. I leave it to the reader to imagine our condition on alighting from
the car. But we were in Ireland, where the unkindly reception of the
climate is generally counteracted by the hospitable nature of the
people. Mr. Patrick Gallagher, whose guests we were, received us most
cordially, but we soon retired for a
157
much-needed rest. We stayed two days in
Dungloe, seeing for ourselves what the co-operative movement has
achieved there. It seems superfluous to write the romance of Templecrone
since it has been so charmingly told in his admirable weekly, The Irish Homestead, by G. W. Russell, that amazing
combination of poet, painter, philosopher, and economist. But for my
own people who are not acquainted with the writings of A.E., the name
by which Mr. Russell is best known, I give that record of co-operative
activity here.
When I looked out on that wild and cheerless district about Dungloe, I
wondered how men ever came to seek a living there. Between gigantic
mountains and vast seas there was nothing but a stretch of grey granite
and brown bog, with little patches of green here and there. Even these
were strewn with boulders, as if Nature had used every endeavour to render
this spot uninhabitable. In my search for a tree to assure myself that I
had not been carried back into the glacial period of our planet my eye
caught sight of what looked like human dwellings. And such they proved to
be, to my great astonishment— numerous little houses surrounded
by strips of land separated by grey stone walls. When I was told that
those very holdings of four or five acres each were the means of supporting
families, my amazement grew. But later I was relieved to learn that almost
every household supplies migratory labour to Scotland and the
prosperous parts of Ulster. After the season's work is over,
these men and girls return home with their hard-earned savings, on which,
with the help of the scanty produce of their potato patches, and the meagre
profit from a cow and a couple of pigs, they manage to live and pay
their debts to the village shop, which is usually an adjunct to the
publichouse. These shops, which are scattered all over the poorer parts of
the north west of Ireland, belong to a trading-class known a
“Gombeenmen.” These are a familiar and siniste
feature of Irish life in these regions. Where co-operation
158
has not penetrated, practically all the
farmers of the district are tied customers of theirs, and to them they
are always in debt. They fleece the farmer in every possible way. They
supply him with provisions and liquor and all he requires, they purchase
the little produce he manages to eke out of his miserable plot and
starving stock, and they lend him the money he needs now and then. The
practice of truck, the high rate they charge, whether for goods or for
money, combined with the low prices they offer for produce, all help
to keep the farmer not only in a state of “hand to
mouth” existence, but always in debt. The landlords are none too
merciful either. So between the gombeen-man and the landlord, as between
the devil and the deep sea, the poor farmer has a hard lot.
It was in that desolate land and amongst these unfortunate farmers that
co-operation first came in 1903, in the form of a co-operative bank. It was
thought that gombeenmen would fight it tooth and nail, but they knew
better than that. As a matter of fact, they actually encouraged it. As A.
E. puts it, “If cheap capital would enable the farmer to make
his holding more profitable, well, they (the gombeenmen) knew where
the extra money would come to.” If the gombeenmen had only
realised then that that bank was the thin end of the wedge of co-operation,
which the further it is driven in, the more it squeezes them out, they
would never have favoured it as they did. They thought that the
co-operative bank was the beginning and end of co-operation in their
district, and as the beginning promised profit, they did not see any
reason for not welcoming it.
Three years later a co-operative agricultural society came into being. The
gombeenmen now woke up. Realising the danger that threatened, they saw
no alternative but open war on everything under the co-operative
banner. To them co-operation was coming as an invader; but to an
unfortunate people it came as
159
a deliverer from a reign of despotism.
The leader of that liberating army, whose strength lay more in its
spirit than in its physique and equipment, was a good fighter of the name
of Patrick Gallagher.
The society started in a very humble way. It occupied a small cabin on a
rocky hill a few miles outside Dungloe. They began their store, which they
opened only in the evenings, by selling tea, sugar, flour, and meal.
Even with that modest start they were able to pull down prices in the
neighbourhood.
As expected, the gombeenmen did their best to break up the new society which
threatened to ruin their trade. They combined to oppose it in every way,
and to war on the interests of anyone associated with it. They
boycotted the farmers who were members of it by refusing to buy their eggs.
They tried to play with prices and cut off sources of supply, but all their
efforts were in vain. Every move on their part was out-generalled by
Patrick Gallagher, and fortune began to favour the co-operators. As the
opposition gradually weakened the society grew in strength, and in a
year's time it had to seek larger and more central premises
in the one street of Dungloe. Since then there has been a steady growth in
its business.
So far the “General of Co-operation” led his men to
victory in the field of trade, but the enemy was still strongly holding his
position on the magistrates' bench, and on the County Council,
and in Westminster. From these he had to be dislodged if victory was really
to be secured.
“Patrick Gallagher in 1911 triumphantly fought his way as a
co-operator into the County Council, and broke up the gombeen monopoly of
representation of the district. This election was not fought on any
sentimental issue, but was an instance of what the Germans call
‘Real Politik.’ In his election address Patrick said:
‘Do not let the issue be confused. You must now make your choice
between the co-operative man and the
160
gombeenman. The questions for every
voter to have answered are: What has co-operation done, and what has
gombeenism done? Here are a few hard facts which cannot be disputed. In
1906 the farmers of the Rosses had no combination to protect them, and
the gombeenman had things all his own way. In 1911, the present year,
the farmers have their co-operative society flourishing among them, and
here are a few of the changes it has brought about: (1) The prices of
eggs were in April 1906, 5d. per dozen, and in April 1911 9d. per
dozen. (2) The price of flour in 1906 was, wholesale price, 8/- per 7
stone, retail price, 10/6; gombeen price, 14/-. In 1911 the wholesale price
had risen to 9/9 per 7 stone, the retail price is 10/3, and the
gombeen price has disappeared. (3) The price of manure in 1906, for
20% superphosphate, since condemned by the Department, 12/- per
bag; in 1911, for 30% superphosphate, 7/6 per bag. (4) In 1906
the farmer had to come to the merchant's door for his goods,
in 1911 the merchant comes to the farmer's door with them.
(5) In 1907 my opponent, with all the other shopkeepers, withdrew their
deposits from the Farmers' Loan Bank, and then withdrew from it
themselves. I and a few other farmers stepped into the gap, and kept
it alive. Do you wish to go back to the 1906 methods and
prices?'
“We wish we could print the whole of this lively poster, which,
from beginning to end, was ‘Real Politik,’ and if our
co-operators elsewhere in Ireland had the same courage, they are numerous
enough to have put an end to all the manipulation of County Council
resolutions against the movement. ‘Ratepayers,
farmers,’ said Patrick Gallagher, ‘no one but a
farmer can properly represent you.’ It was sound
commonsense, and had all the fascination of romance and novelty in
that district, where the eyes of the farmer had previously been directed to
remote points like Westminster, while the tyrant on the spot was pointing
to the distant enemy
161
with one hand, the other being in the
pocket of the farmer. The eyes of the farmers in Dungloe have been
since that time very much directed to their own affairs.”
That is how “Paddy the Cope,” as he is affectionately
called, led his men in trade and in council. His tenacity as a fighter
combined with his remarkable business ability would have qualified him,
like many of his compatriots, to ascend the throne of a combine or
trust in America. But none of that for Patrick Gallagher; he preferred to
stay in his native land and work for his people, satisfied with a modest
income, rather than go to a foreign land and serve his own ends by
becoming a millionaire.
The society under his leadership prospered greatly, and now it transacts by
far the largest business in the district. In it “the farmer can
get practically anything he requires, from his fertilisers and his
groceries to a suit of clothes. It will take the members' money
on deposit. It had, in 1916, £3,000 deposited with it and it
pays the depositor 5%. It sells its members' eggs,
carefully graded and packed, In this year, 1911, it disposed of close
on £4,000 worth. It has a bakery, where excellent bread is made,
the only bakery in the district. It buys its members' pigs and
sells them for them, or it turns them into bacon, and sells the cured
product over its own counters, and very much appreciated is this bacon
cured locally. The society is, in fact, an universal provider of all the
locality requires. Its membership for 1917 was 360 and its turnover was
nearly £57,000.”
Thus did the society revolutionise the district round Dungloe, and thus were
the farmers rescued from the gombeenmen and made masters of their own
affairs.
They can put whomsoever they like at the helm of their co-operative ship,
but it is still steered by their first president,
“Paddy.”
The story of Dungloe spread all over the County of Donegal, and its example
fired farmers in other places to start similar societies.
“Paddy” was consulted, and
162
as a good co-operator, he never grudged
his services, and willingly gave a helping hand in forming societies
in several country towns. That is how co-operation reached the poorest of
districts in Ireland and put an end to the exploiting of the poor country
folk.
I have not yet referred to the latest co-operative achievement accomplished
in this part of the country. Our readers will remember what the Good Mother
of Foxford did for her children, by the woollen mills she founded; now
I will tell what the Good Father of Dungloe has done for his, by the
hosiery factory he has established. Of course, the principles on which
these good people worked were not the same, one played the part of a
benevolent employer, and the other of a true co-operator. Still the fact
remains that both had big hearts and both worked for their communities.
After Patrick Gallagher had achieved for his folk what we have already
described, he realised the need for establishing a sort of industry which
would offer a suitable employment to the women workers of his
district, who until then used to stand in the hiring fairs in Ulster. After
deliberation with his fellow co-operators it was resolved to establish a
hosiery factory. Not many years elapsed before a large building, well
lit, well ventilated, and fitted with electric light and modern
machinery, made its appearance in the small town of Dungloe. When I visited
that factory I saw over a hundred girls working at machines turning out
woollen socks, stockings, and gloves in thousands. The conditions of
labour under which these girls worked were favourable indeed. The hours of
work and weekly wages left no ground for complaint. There was no
longer that sweating of women's labour usually associated with
the knitting industries. There was no need for it, as there was no
profiteering proprietor, and the girls carried on their work under the best
conditions, getting the full benefit of their labour. “It gave
one a real thrill of pleasure,” said A. E. when he was on a
163
similar visit, “to see these
girls with their pleasant Irish faces working in long rows at their gloves,
handling their machines skilfully and rapidly, a pretty picture with
many pretty faces in it and neat dresses of blue and purple and rose, one
of the most cheering sights in all Donegal.”
That is how comfort and happiness were brought into the dingy homes of
Dungloe. Not so long ago the men of that district laboured in the fields of
Scotland and girls worked their youth away in the industries of Ulster
to hand over their earnings on their return home to the gombeenmen.
Many things have changed since then, conditions and people.” Few
can realise,” writes A. E. “the psychological change
in men who were born in debt, who were rarely if ever free from it, who had
the despair and hopelessness of debtors, who continually poured all
they, earned into the rapacious hands of the gombeenmen, and were never out
of their clutches. When such people become free men, it is wonderful
the change which freedom gives, the regaining of audacity, courage,
hope, cheerfulness, and other joys of the free man.”
Now that the people have been liberated, they are making for independence in
all directions. They are educating themselves in business methods, they
are becoming enlightened as to their rights, political, economic, and
social, and they are making use of associative effort to attain complete
control over their own affairs. Through their organised body, they have
already gone a long way in realising their purpose. I remember on the
opening day of the hosiery factory, Father Finlay saying that there were
many difficulties in the way of either State Socialism or Guild Socialism,
and that the above factory suggested a third theory which was, to his
mind, the real solution of industrial unrest and which was being
overlooked. Here we have the workers gradually building up an industry with
their own capital which they have laid aside from time to time. Th
164
have not confiscated the money of any
capitalist, but by their own energies have built up their own factory,
and manage it themselves for their own benefit. It was in County Donegal
that this third theory was worked out in practice, and with great success.
Whether the noble lead given by these north-westerners will be
followed elsewhere remains to be seen. As for the future of that part
of the country under a reign of co-operation, we may hear what A. E. thinks
about it:
“We confess we would like to be able to peer into the future and
see what the West of Ireland will be like in half a century. When these
co-operative societies have multiplied and federated, they may solve
for themselves the problems politicians or government departments could not
solve. There is no use in thinking that men on a couple of acres of arable
land and with a few more acres of mountainy grazing can be prosperous
by agriculture alone. They may, indeed, if we get a better class of experts
who advise by example, have a greater and more varied production of food
stuffs from whatever land is capable of being tilled, but the
prosperity of people living on the western coast must be brought about
by a mingling of agriculture, fisheries, and industries. There is the
harvest of the sea yet to be exploited, and the marketing undertaken by
the fishermen on their own behalf, and once the co-operative movement
is strong and its ramifications are widespread, and there is no
accumulation of capital, this may and will become possible. We believe in
the future of the West of Ireland. With its endless harbours, its face
turned to the Atlantic, the Gateway of Europe to the New World will not be
neglected, its fisheries may be developed, and with increasing co-operation
the population along the coast may well become adventurous and
aspiring and imaginative in their economics. If we had Government
departments which were not bound by red tape and prejudice, and politicians
who thought of something other than the manipulation of votes, and
165
who really were profoundly stirred by
imaginative schemes for the building up of an Irish civilisation, they
would back up the co-operative movement with all their might. Well,
economic power finally brings with it political power, and as these
societies increase their trade and membership it will be to them the
officials and politicians will turn, and it will be their
representatives that important people will visit rather than the
gombeenmen, when the circumstances of the western peoples are discussed.
That time is not far distant now. To-day the co-operative society is the
most important fact in the Dungloe district, most important by reason
both of trade and human support. In a few years time the new societies and
others to be created will have dominated their districts, and political
power will follow, and we will have new political ideals based on a
democratic control of agriculture and industry, and political theory will
fit the facts in Ireland as it does not now fit them, and State and people
will move harmoniously to a common end. At present the politicians
favour the profiteering individualist. They will soon find the real forces
in Ireland are making for quite different ideals, and they will change, and
we will have a democracy in our economic life and an aristocracy of
character in leadership. That ought to be our ideal, and in working for
that we will be in full accord with national character and in harmony with
the ideals of an Irish civilisation formulated by the best minds in
Ireland.”
We left Templecrone and Dungloe full of admiration, returning the way we
came. Nearing Lough Neagh, we took a southern route, and passing by the
industrial town of Portadown, we followed the high way back to Dublin
via Newry, Dundalk, and Drogheda.
Thus I finished my tour around Ireland. If I were to do it over again, I
would include in it a few places I was compelled to omit. Circumstances
prevented me from seeing more of the scenery of the volcanic County
166
of Antrim, and visiting the
Giant's Causeway, the most weird and wonderful portion of all
the coast of Ireland, and which is particularly rich in tradition, and in
geological interest. I would have paid a visit to Achill Island,
which, with its rock-fringed bays and stupendous cliffs and wonderful
colour-studies, forms, I am told, one of the most beautiful sights in
Ireland. I would not miss Sligo, with its charming Lough Gill and
beautiful wooded mountains. Other places of beauty and interest I
would like to have seen, but, whatever I may have missed, my tour remains a
representative one. I hope one day that my shortcomings in the effort to
acquaint my people with Ireland and the Irish will be made good by the
study, experience, travel, and writings of my own countrymen. I am aware of
many defects in this book. It suffers no doubt from the difficulty of free
expression in a foreign language, and from my occupation in economic
research which obliged me to devote a good deal of my time to study. My
desire to become personally acquainted with the Irish people necessitated
my moving amongst all classes, with much travelling and attendance at
social functions. The book-shelf, the railway carriage, the drawingroom and
the writing-desk had all equal claims on my activities. The professor, the
mere citizen, the patriot, the artist and the charm of social life,
drew me in turn. Human weakness, no doubt, often upset my sense of
proportion, and may have disposed me at times to linger longest in the Cailie and the ballroom. I hope that, one day when I
get home and settle down, I shall be able to write a more complete
account in my own language of my experience in Ireland and my impressions
of the Irish people. There are a good many resemblances between Egypt and
Ireland apart from our similar political situations. Both are
agricultural, both are countries of early civilisation and culture. Both
peoples are generous, clever, religious, patriotic, sympathetic,
good-hearted and hospitable. I believe that once these two peoples begin to
develop
167
on the lines congenial to them, the
world will be the gainer by the unique gifts of Egypt and Ireland. We
both have a struggle before us. We in Egypt have to raise the social
standard of our people which has been lowered for many generations. The
Irish have to work hard to re-establish their language and culture, and
build their society on lines suitable to the development of their
national genius. We in Egypt have to work hard to become economically
strong. The Irish have to find a way of welding into one nation Ulster and
the rest of Ireland. We in the East have our troubles, Ireland in the
West has hers, but both our Nationalists—we mean Nationalists in
the widest sense, that is, those who work publicly or privately for Egypt
and Ireland as distinct and independent nations—have the same
work to accomplish. We are confident that our work will have its
result in the transformation of our society and the realisation of those
national aspirations without which no country can contribute to the full
extent of its powers to the progress of the human race.
“We may hope and believe,” writes A. E.,
“that this transformation of the social order will make men
truly citizens, thinking in terms of the nation, identifying national with
personal interests. For those who believe there is a divine seed in
humanity, this atmosphere, if any, they may hope, will promote the swift
blossoming of the divine seed which in the past, in favourable airs,
has made beauty or grandeur or spirituality the characteristics of ancient
civilisations in Greece, in Egypt, and in India. No one can work for his
race without the hope that the highest, or more than the highest,
humanity has reached will be within reach of his race also. We are
laying foundations in dark places, putting the roughhewn stones together in
our civilisations, hoping for the lofty edifice which will arise later and
make all the work glorious.”
CHAPTER XII WOMEN'S ORGANISATIONS IN PEACE AND WAR
In Ireland a number of women's organisations play an active part
in the reconstruction of their country on national lines. Among these are
the United Irishwomen, the Irishwomen's Franchise League, the
Irish Women Workers' Union, the Irish Co-operative
Women's Guild, the Women's National Health
Association, the Irishwomen's Council, and others. I would have
liked to have spoken on the work of them all, but space does not
allow. However, I will describe the work of two of the leading
organisations, one during peace and the other during war.
THE UNITED IRISHWOMEN
Some years ago, George Russell, the prophet of rural civilisation, said,
“Women are the reserve force of humanity, who have never
been called into action in Ireland.” Recently he
said,” Some Irishwomen here and there have heard beyond the
four walls, in which so much of their lives are spent, the music of a
new day, and have started out to help and inspire the men and be
good comrades to them.”
The United Irishwomen's Society owes its existence to a
correspondence opened in Mr. Russell's weekly paper, The Irish Homestead, by Mrs. Harold Lett, of
Enniscorthy, and to which Mr. Russell gave that help and encouragement
he extends to every movement for the betterment of his country. The
correspondence dealt with the conditions of Irishwomen in the
rural districts, their domestic and economic difficulties, and
169
the remedies that might be applied
to these. Other Irishwomen joined Mrs. Lett in the correspondence,
ideas were freely canvassed, a women's organisation was
suggested in The Homestead, and at a meeting held
in Plunkett House in 1910 under A. E.’s chairmanship
the society was inaugurated. Mrs. Harold Lett was its very able
first President.
The future of a country depends not so much on the excellence of its
public institutions, as on the individual homes of its people, a fact
which is exemplified in our own country, Egypt. In those homes woman is
the dominant influence. “For good or for evil she
moulds the coming race, and in her hands lies the destiny of the
nation. The home is the cradle of the nation.”
The first aim of the United Irishwomen as stated by themselves, is
“to rouse in the women of Ireland a sense of their
responsibility—to make every individual woman realise that
her aid is indispensable to the task of nation-building, whether she
gives it by serving on the boards of public bodies, or in the
activities of the home. Having roused this spirit, the United
Irishwomen have next to see that none of the energy so generated
runs to waste; that no individual efforts are lost for lack of
support. Therefore, the watchword of the United Irishwomen is
co-operation. They aim at uniting the women of Ireland without regard
to class, politics, or religion, in seeking the general good of the
community.”
The society consists of branches in the rural districts and a central
executive committee, composed of representatives of the branches. This
committee meets monthly at its offices in Dublin to deal with all
matters affecting the work of the society. Under this committee
there are several sub-committees, whose business is to collect
information and to give such advice and assistance as may be required
by the branches.
As regards the branches, these are formed in rural districts among the
women of the neighbourhood, and are governed by their elected
committee. Each branch.
170
is free to take up the special
forms of work its members consider most needed in the district. In
doing so they co-operate with other organisations working for the
same ends, and on the same principles.
The society has organisers who are at the disposal of such branches as
need information or expert advice.
They visit the rural districts for these purposes, and also to hold
meetings and help in forming new branches. There are also
instructresses who, when invited by a branch, take up their residence
for some months amongst the members, and hold classes in such
subjects as hygiene, gardening, cookery, dressmaking,
poultry-keeping, etc.
This is only a short sketch of the organisation of the society, whose
treasury depends entirely on the members' subscriptions.
Young as it is, for it only came into being some ten years ago, it has
already done a great deal towards carrying out the third portion of Sir
Horace Plunkett's now famous formula: “Better
Farming, Better Business, Better Living.” The first two
portions of that formula, as I have explained before, have been
taken up by the Department of Agriculture and the Irish Agricultural
Organisation Society. With the third part of that three-fold problem,
that which deals with all that elevates the homes and raises social
life in the countryside, none is better qualified to deal than an
organisation of women.
We in Egypt are in great need of such a formula as that of Sir Horace
Plunkett, particularly the third portion of it. Our prosperity depends
almost entirely upon the development and stability of our
agricultural community. At the present time we cannot very well
call our toilers on the land a “community.” They
are only a “population.” In a
“community” which is organised, the interest of
the community makes a direct appeal to the individual, and the
community in its turn develops an interest in the welfare of the
individual member. This organisation of the community helps to
171
create a definite public opinion
which moulds the life of the people. This is not the case with an
unorganised population, where the interests of the unorganised
masses have no claim on the activities of individuals, nor can
unorganised individuals have much effect in shaping the form of
society. This statement may raise the wrath of some of my compatriots.
But, I ask them patiently to consider it. I am sure they will then
agree with me that the poor Fallah, who is the unit of our
agricultural population, has no conception of any definite duty towards
the community in which he lives. I admit that he is hospitable and
friendly towards his neighbours, but he has no idea of united action
with them. Each acts for himself, and they, thus unorganised, form
a mere population. And what consideration has the State for them? What
do the English people themselves think of them? The latter have been
in Egypt now nearly forty years, and the Fallah is the same old
Fallah, ignorant, living in a mud cottage, and without a voice in the
government or legislation of his land. And it looks as if things would
remain in this condition as long as the English remain in Egypt.
Perhaps our countrymen will feel aggrieved by my talking thus openly and
accuse me of giving colour to the accusations of our enemies. But this
is absurd. The English people are very well aware of our position.
And the sooner we realise this and begin to study certain problems on
our own account, the better for ourselves. Setting aside English
interference in our affairs, we should ourselves take the initiative in
reforming our people and our land, thus shall we more quickly
realise our hopes and attain our objects, and the Englishman himself
will be the first to admire our spirit and respect our actions.
To come back to the work of the United Irishwomen. Their activities may
be considered under three headings: agriculture and industries;
domestic economy; and social and intellectual development.
172
Under the first heading, women can do a great deal by standing beside
their men folk and supporting their agricultural organisations. They
assist them where the intelligent co-operation of women is of the
greatest value, as in the raising and marketing of poultry and
eggs, the rearing of pigs, cottage gardening, bee-keeping, dairying,
etc. They can support Irish industries by purchasing home-manufactured
goods. They can revive cottage industries, as hat making, needlework,
knitting, spinning, weaving, dressmaking, etc.
The domain of domestic economy is enlarged and rendered more interesting
when the spirit of co-operation penetrates it. In a village where women
are organised there is always a friendly feeling and a healthy
rivalry prevailing. Every home strives to make itself at least as
comfortable and presentable as the others. There is every chance for
organised women to learn and practise all that is necessary to make the
home comfortable and pleasant. The health of mothers, the
nourishment of children, the teaching of hygiene, cooking, thrift,
tidiness, etc., are all matters within the scope of the activities of
the United Irishwomen, and even the poorest of homes must benefit by
attention given to such subjects.
As for the third department of women's activity, the social
and intellectual, it is more important than many people think. It is
because of the neglect of this factor that the countryside is being
deserted. The monotony and dullness of village life drive away the best
of the young people to the more attractive and cheerful town life.
Realising this, the United Irishwomen are making every endeavour to
procure village halls and libraries. In the former they organise
classes and debates, give cinema lectures and concerts, get up plays
and organise dances. Through the latter, the libraries, books on a
variety of subjects particularly suited to rural conditions and tastes,
are circulated among the branches. Country sports, open-air meetings,
flower-shows, and in fact all
173
that promotes friendly feeling,
enlarges the interests of the community and elevates social life in the
countryside receives the cordial co-operation of the United
Irishwomen.
This establishing of women's societies in the countryside for
the better development of rural life has given very satisfactory
results. We see it here in Ireland, and we read about it in other
lands. In America, in France, in Germany, in Belgium, in Italy, in
Poland and in other countries, their work has been highly useful.
My compatriots would find invigorating reading in the reports of the
“Women's Institutes in Canada,” or of
the “East Prussian Union of Farm Women's
Societies,” or Monsieur Paul de Vuyst's
delightful treatise, Woman's Place in
Rural Economy.
THE IRISHWOMEN'S COUNCIL,
or as it is better known by its own Gaelic name, the “Cumann na mBan,” is an
organisation of Irishwomen, founded to advance the cause of Irish
liberty. Its inception dates from the time of the Irish Volunteer
Movement. Professor Eoin MacNeill, in outlining the scheme for the
formation of the Volunteers in 1913, stated that there would be special
work for women to do. This announcement, which was made in a mass
meeting, set the minds of the various groups of women present thinking
how best to take up their proper position. They held meetings among
themselves, and finally decided to form a women's society,
which, although working independently would do its best to help
the Volunteers and co-operate with them or with any other association
working for Ireland. They founded their independent society, formulated
its constitution, and announced its aims.
It is only possible to give a brief account of what the women of Ireland
are doing at home and abroad. In the former case their activities are
directed towards organising
174
their rank and file in every
possible way, in the latter, towards propaganda work.
In order that the work of any organisation be effective, it must have a
paper for the instruction of its members and the expression of their
views. Such a paper forms a kind of bond between the members and
enables weak branches to gain courage and confidence from the work
executed by the stronger ones, about which they read.
“In Ireland, at the present time, there is an absolute
necessity for a woman's paper if only to stem the tide of
English literature with which we are inundated. Week after week
millions of copies of English periodicals are dumped into this country
to be bought up eagerly by our young girls, and, indeed, most of our
older women. The slimy matter contained in these magazines is
greedily devoured and the week seems unending till the feast comes
again. I will not enlarge upon the demoralising effect of these papers
upon our women, but our antidote must be an Irish paper to nourish
and elevate all that is pure and noble in the Irish character,
attractive enough to appeal to our younger girls, and containing useful
household information for our older women. … So long as
England controls and supplies the literature of the women of Ireland,
the foundations of the Irish Nation are weak and unsafe.”
These are the views of the women of Ireland themselves: in quoting them
I wish to give a chance to our women in Egypt to hear as it were the
very voice of the women of Ireland stating their case on this very
important subject.
Many a time I have wished our women in Egypt could come abroad after
they have finished their studies at home, not with the idea of going to
a University or College to learn a few more theories or win one
academic distinction or another, but to join such women's
organisations as those I have tried to describe here, with the
view of learning how to organise and lead our disorganised and
leaderless women at home. We realise
175
that each country has its own
needs, that what Irishwomen want is different from what Egyptian
women want, but the fact remains that both require to be organised
and led, and the power to be employed for this end is the same in all
civilised countries. The more civilised a country grows, the more
perfect its power of organisation becomes.
On last Easter Sunday, while news was being widely spread by mischievous
English agents, of the rising that was about to take place in Dublin, there
sat in the City Hall a fine body of athletes, “The Gaels of
Ireland,” peacefully discussing the affairs of their association
in their annual congress. I had the good fortune to attend that congress
and meet delegates from all parts of the country who came to speak for
the Gaels of their district on matters concerning the welfare of their
great organisation, the Gaelic Athletic Association (G. A. A.).
My interest in this movement was roused by watching Irish games in the
playfields of Dublin. I observed the partiality certain young Irishmen had
for their national games and sports, and the way they shunned those
that were English as foreign. This could not have been simple dislike to
English games, I thought, there must be something deeper than that. But
when Dr. Croke's famous letter came under my notice, my own
thoughts on the matter were confirmed, and I wished to know more about the
organisation that embodied this spirit of young Ireland.
In acceding to a request to become a patron of the G. A. A., Dr. Croke,
Archbishop of Cashel, wrote to Mr. Michael Cusack, the founder of the
Association, saying:
“… One of the most painful, let me assure you, and, at
the same time, one of the most frequently recurring reflections that, as an
Irishman, I am compelled to make in connection with the present aspect
177
of things in this country, is derived
from the ugly and irritating fact, that we are daily importing from
England, not only her manufactured goods, which we cannot help doing, since
she has practically strangled our own manufacturing appliances, but
together with her fashions, her accents, her vicious literature, her
music, her dances, and her manifold mannerisms, her games also and her
pastimes, to the utter discredit of our own grand national sports, and to
the sore humiliation, as I believe, of every genuine son and daughter
of the old land. … And, unfortunately, it is not our national
sports alone that are held in dishonour and are dying out, but even our
most suggestive national celebrations are being gradually effaced and
extinguished one after another as well. They are all things of the past,
too vulgar to be spoken of, except in ridicule by the degenerate dandies of
the day. … Indeed, if we continue travelling for the next
score years in the same direction that we have been going for some
time past, contemning the sports that were practised by our forefathers,
effacing our national features as though we were ashamed of them, and
putting on, with England's stuffs and broadcloths, her masher
habits and such other effeminate follies as she may recommend, we had
better, at once, and publicly, abjure our nationality, clap hands for joy
at sight of the Union Jack, and place ‘England's
bloody red’ exultantly above the ‘green.’
… In conclusion, I earnestly hope that our national journals
will not disdain in future to give suitable notices of these Irish
sports and pastimes which your society means to patronise and promote, and
that the masters and pupils of our Irish colleges will not henceforth
exclude from their athletic programme the manly exercises of
Ireland.”
From this letter alone, which has been justly called the charter of the G.
A. A., we realise the spirit that permeates this patriotic movement which
is now
178
achieving magnificent work in
nationalising thousands of the rising generation and saving them from
pernicious foreign influences.
When Citizen Cusack, as Mr. Cusack liked to be called, founded the G. A. A.
in 1884, his ambition was not solely the creating of an athletic
organisation; it was far more patriotic. To develop the muscle of the
rising generation and give it a taste for healthy pastimes is a
praiseworthy object, but to do so and at the same time foster the sense of
nationality and inspire Irishmen with the love and duty that is due to
their native land are more praiseworthy objects still. This is what
was at back of Cusack's mind. Athleticism and patriotism
were inseparably associated with his scheme. ‘No
movement,” he said, “having for its object the social
and political enfranchisement of a nation from the tyranny of imported
and enforced customs and manners can be regarded as perfect if it has not
made adequate provision for the preservation and cultivation of the
national pastimes of the people. Voluntary neglect of such pastimes is
a sure sign of national decay and of approaching dissolution. The strength
and energy of a race are largely dependent on the national pastimes
for the development of a spirit of courage and endurance.”
The G. A. A., which is now one of the greatest athletic organisations in the
world, started from a small beginning. It fought its way through stormy
times, had to contend with opposition from the enemy camp, and at the
same time withstand the sneers and apathy of that large section of the
Irish people whose sense of nationality had degenerated. The association
outlived all that, and has done much to revive Irish pastimes, and
popularise ancient games. It must be admitted that the great national
leaders of the day gave it their blessing, and with this it set forth in
good faith on its mission. The names of distinguished Irishmen
appeared on the roll of its illustrious patrons. Amongst these were
Archbishop Croke; Charles S. Parnell; Michael
179
Davitt, the labour leader; John
O'Leary, the Fenian Chief, and Douglas Hyde, who once admitted
that the G. A. A. paved the way for the Gaelic Language Movement, with
which his illustrious name will always be associated. On the question of
games and nationality Dr. Hyde wrote:
“All good Irishmen desire to see Ireland a self-reliant nation.
Nobody, I think, would wish to see the old Irish nation classed as an
English county, nor to see the men inhabiting it fall into the ranks of
imitation Englishmen. This, however, was very near happening, and no
one seemed to know how to prevent it. Now that our eyes are open, it is
plain to all men that there is really and truly only one possible way, and
that is the vigorous revival throughout Ireland of all the different
marks of nationhood. And what are the marks of nationhood? They may vary a
little with time and place, but practically they are pretty much the
same in every country. The marks or ‘notes’ of
nationality are the language, manners and customs that distinguish a
particular people inhabiting a particular country from the different people
that inhabit other countries. These manners and customs include the
national games, sports, music, plays, dances, and, of course, above all the
language of the country.”
In his plea for a closer union between the Gaelic League and the G. A. A.
Dr. Hyde said: “One society is improving the intellect, the
other the physique of Ireland. Neither of them is complete without the
other. Well-developed Irish brains in well-developed bodies is the
true ideal of the Gaelic League, well-developed bodies with well-developed
Irish brains is the ideal of the G. A. A.”
Having told something of the spirit and aims of the G. A. A., I may now say
a few words as to its laws and constitution. The hurling, football,
handball, athletic, cycling, and cross-country running clubs, which
are scattered all over the country, form the basis of the
180
Association. Each of the thirty-two
counties forms its own committee from the affiliated clubs within its
boundary, for the management of county business. A Provincial Council is
formed for each of the four provinces for the management of provincial
business, and to hear appeals from county committees. Above these
there is the Central Council for the management of the affairs of the G. A.
A., and of All-Ireland Championships. This Council is also a court of
appeal in disputes from provinces. An annual congress or general
convention is held on Easter Sunday and is attended by delegates from all
the counties to discuss the affairs and welfare of the Association. To
this convention, reports and balance sheets from the different
councils, as well as motions, are submitted. It elects officers for the
coming year.
The Association, which is in a good financial position, has its headquarters
and its own playgrounds at “Croke Park,” in Dublin,
and publishes The Gael, its official organ. The
latter describes all the big championship matches, tournaments and athletic
meetings held under the auspices of the Association, and defends the
vigorous policy of the Executive in enforcing the rules against clubs or
individuals.
Two outstanding features of the Association are its attitude towards
intemperance and betting. The crusade the Association opened against these
two curses of sport meetings is worthy of an organisation with so high
an ideal.
This is how Young Ireland fortifies herself from within. In other chapters I
have described her political institutions, in this her athletic
institution. If any two purposes should go together, they ought to be
politics and athletics. The Irish people knew that well long ago. I quote
from an article to this effect which appeared in The
Irishman some thirty-six years ago:
“A political people we must be; the exigencies of our situation
force us into perpetual war with England.
181
Her repressive and oppressive measures
keep us eternally on our defence. While fighting the enemy in the
byeways which are called constitutional, we must maintain a certain degree
of readiness to meet our enemy in the field, when the occasion arises. Our
politics being essentially national so should our athletics. We must
maintain a stout physique and cultivate a hardy constitution. A townsman
unexercised in the field is stiff-limbed, short-winded, and unable to
endure hardship and privation. In fact, he cannot suffer and be
strong. This defect would tell heavily against the townsman in a war with
any recognised army.”
I have written at length about the Association without giving my readers the
faintest idea of what the Gaelic games are like. I admit I have not played
any of them myself, but I have watched several times good games of
hurling and Gaelic football.
Hurling is a very old game. It was played in Ireland over two thousand years
ago. It is very much like the English hockey, and is played by teams of
fifteen players. The ball is like a hockey ball, and the sticks which
are called “Camans” or “Hurleys,”
have a similar shape to that of a hockey stick but with broader faces.
The ball can be handled and struck while in the air, The game is fast to
play and interesting to watch. It needs skill and stamina. Points as well
as goals are scored.
Englishmen and, more so, Anglo-Irishmen look down upon Gaelic games with
contempt. Their sarcastic references to them are very irritating to the
Irish. Once, one of these foreign wits in defining the three varieties
of football, said: “In Rugby you kick the ball; in
‘Soccer’ you kick the man if you can't
kick the ball; in Gaelic you kick the ball if you can't
kick the man.” “And,” he added as an
afterthought, “in the last-mentioned game the use of the knife
is not permitted before half-time.”
182
Gaelic football, which looks like a mixture of Rugby and Association,
certainly possesses the risks of both with the addition of a few of its
own. Nevertheless it is highly scientific and sportsmanlike, and is
essentially a “man's” game. The ball,
which is handled and kicked by the players is the same as the
“Soccer” football, and the number of players is
fifteen a side. A goal is scored when the ball passes between the goal
posts and under the cross-bar, but when it is driven over the cross-bar and
between the goal posts it is counted a point. A goal is equal to three
points.
For further information about these or other Irish games we refer our
readers to the Book of Rules and Official Guide of the G. A. A., but, of
course, nothing but playing the games, or at least watching them, will
convey their real value and merit.
The activities of this and other national organisations do not only brighten
Irish rural life, enlighten the masses and improve their lot, each in its
own way, but each organisation, while bent on its purpose, whether
political, social, economic or athletic, helps others on the same national
field directly or indirectly. By the united action of all together a new
spirit has been created in the country, intensely Irish and
self-respecting.
To explain to our countrymen how one national organisation helps another, I
cite the example of the G. A. A., which encourages the work of the
Gaelic League as much as possible. Gaelic players use the Gaelic
language on Gaelic fields. All publications of the G. A. A. are at least in
both languages, Gaelic and English. Whatever goods are required by the
Association and its members are, wherever possible, of Irish make. In
addition to medals with Irish designs awarded as trophies in connection
with matches and contests, artistically bound books dealing with Irish
history, biography, antiquities, etc., are given. Books like Speeches from the Dock, Mitchel's Jail Journal, Irish
183
Readings, Dr.
Healy's Island of Saints and Scholars,
Father Kavanagh's History of the
'98 Insurrection, Father
Bourke's Refutation of Froude,
Davis's Essays, Kickham's Knocknagow, Miss Hall's Pagan Ireland, Mrs. J. R. Green's Irish Nationality, and Dr. Douglas Hyde's Literary History of Ireland, are greatly valued, and
they will not fail to make a good Irish patriot of anyone with a drop
of Irish blood in him or in her. Such souvenirs of victory will have a
lasting effect on the rising generation.
In connection with the annual congress, a “Céilidh” is held on the preceding evening,
which the delegates from the provinces attend, and this helps to
emphasise the national character of the Association and infuse a
healthier spirit of nationalism into the members.
While on the subject of Cailies, I must say a few words on the activities of
the Association in the realm of Irish womanhood. So far the G. A. A. has
not done much for the development of “Camoguidheacht,” or girls' hurling clubs.
They have been allowed to work out their own salvation, which is perhaps
the best thing to do in the initial stages of any organisation. At
present the Association is just beginning to extend its helping hand for
the promotion of Camoguidheacht and to do for Irish
womanhood something of what it has done for Irish manhood.
Since Ireland came under the rule of the English, that ruthless conqueror
has spared no effort to anglicise the country. Language, dress, customs,
and, in fact, all things Irish were suppressed with the mailed fist.
By degrees, and after many struggles, the whole nation was becoming
transformed to all intents and purposes into an English one. It was
divorced from its culture, it was losing its language and with it its
personality, being humiliated in every possible way. The people were
deprived of their property, turned out of their homes, persecuted for their
religion, and most cruelly treated till quite a large proportion of them
left the country, some willingly and some unwillingly, for other
lands. Of those who were left behind, poor and sad as they were, with
nothing left to them but their spirit and their faith, many were driven out
to live in the “Wild West,” leaving the richest of
pastures and best of land to the heartless conquerors, English and
Scotch. There they simply existed as remnants of a noble race, forced
to content themselves with the wild country and harsher climate. Under
these conditions it was that Ireland lost its native culture, and even its
language was on the verge of extinction. When this decadence reached
its climax, a reaction began to take place. Modern progress began to
influence people all over the world, but while they progressed on their own
lines, the Irish, being under a foreign yoke, progressed on the lines
of their masters. Irish modern civilisation was established on English
bases and interest in things Gaelic was dying out.
185
It was as late as the middle of the nineteenth century that the people
became alive to the fact that such civilisation as they had attained was
alien, unsuited to Irish temperament, and producing a type which was
neither Irish not English, possessing the faults of both races and the
virtues of neither. Cut off from their past culture they had missed their
way as a nation. They were awakened to the peril of their position by
certain Irishmen of deeper vision than their fellows. Foremost amongst
these was Thomas Davis, the poet and patriot. He was one of the first to
realise the fundamental importance of building Irish culture on a
native basis starting with the Gaelic language.
“What business,” he cried, “has the Russian for
the rippling language of Italy or India? How could the Greek distort
his organs and his soul to speak Dutch upon the sides of Hymettus or the
Head of Salamis, or on the waste where once was Sparta? And is it
befitting the fiery, delicately-organed Celt to abandon his beautiful
tongue, docile and spirited as an Arab, ‘Sweet as music, strong
as the wave’—is it befitting to him to abandon this
wild, liquid speech for the mongrel of a hundred breeds called English,
which, powerful though it be, creaks and bangs about the Celt who
tries to use it?
“A people without a language of its own is only half a nation. A
nation should guard its language more than its
territories—'tis a surer barrier, and more important
frontier, than fortress or river. …
“What! give up the tongue of Ollamh Fodhla and Brian Boru, the
tongue of MacCarthy and of the O'Nials, the tongue of
Sarsfield's, Curran's, Mathew's, and
O'Connell's boyhood, for that of Strafford and
Poynings, Sussex, Kirk, and Cromwell!
“No, oh no! the ‘brighter days shall surely
come,’ and the green flag shall wave on our towers, and the
sweet old language be heard once more in college, mart and
senate.”
186
Davis's was not a voice in the wilderness. John Mitchel, Charles
Gavan Duffy, Callanan, Mangan, Sir Samuel Ferguson, and even the poet
Moore, beloved as he was of English drawingrooms, turned the thoughts
of Ireland back to Gaelic origins. With Standish
O'Grady's History of Ireland, Heroic
Period, started the Irish Literary movement, and the key to its
Gaelic past was thrust into the hands of a generation that gave
Ireland Hyde and Yeats and A. E. and Synge. In 1893 Douglas Hyde founded
the Gaelic League, an organisation started with the direct intention
of reviving the fast-dying Gaelic language. The League spread rapidly
over Ireland, fanned by the enthusiasm of its founder, himself a fluent
speaker of Gaelic, a poet and a man of the widest sympathies.
“If we take a bird's-eye view of our island
to-day,” wrote Douglas Hyde, “and compare it with
what it used to be, we must be struck by the extraordinary fact that
the nation which was once, as everyone admits, one of the most classically
learned and cultured nations in Europe is now one of the least so; how one
of the most reading and literary peoples has become one of the least
studious and most un-literary, and how the artistic products of one of the
quickest, most sensitive, and most artistic races on earth are now only
distinguished for their hideousness. I shall endeavour to show that
this failure of the Irish people in recent times has been largely brought
about by the race diverging during this century from the right path and
ceasing to become Irish without becoming English.”
Indeed, Ireland has lost a great deal by giving up her Irish characteristics
and gained very little by adopting English ways. She by her own hand has
made herself look small in her own estimation and smaller still in the
estimation of the world, particularly of those whom she chose to take as a
model. Perhaps it would be hard to put all the blame on poor Ireland, but
surely on her the greatest share falls, and she must bear it
187
with patience and hope and try to make
good her past faults and follies. Her thinkers are alive to that, and
between the lines one reads with pity and love what goes on in the
nation's mind and what it intends to do.
“But, alas, quantum mutatus ab
illo,” writes Hyde, “what the battle-axe of the
Dane, the sword of the Norman, the wile of the Saxon, were unable to
perform we have accomplished ourselves. We have at last broken the
continuity of Irish life; and just at the moment when the Celtic race is
presumably about largely to recover possession of its own country it
finds itself deprived and stript of its Celtic characteristics, cut
off from the past, yet scarcely in touch with the present. It has lost
since the beginning of this century almost all that connected it with the
era of Cuchulain and of Ossian, that connected it with the
Christianisers of Europe. … It has lost all that they had
in language, tradition, music, genius, and ideas. Just when we should
be starting to build up anew the Irish race and Gaelic nation—as
within our own recollection Greece has been built up anew—we
find ourselves despoiled of the bricks of nationality. The old bricks
that lasted eighteen hundred years have been destroyed; we must now set to
work to make new ones, if we can, on other ground and of other clay.
Imagine for a moment the restoration of a German-speaking
Greece!”
Thus, in anglicising themselves so thoroughly, the Irish people have thrown
away with a light heart their best claim to be a distinct and living
nation. And now it fell to the lot of the Gaelic Leaguers to undertake
the immense task of making Ireland a nation once again.
“But you ask,” writes Hyde, “why should we
want to make Ireland more Celtic than it is—why should we
de-anglicise it at all? I answer, because the Irish race is at present in a
most anomalous position, imitating England and yet hating it. How can
it produce anything good in literature, art or institutions as long as
it is actuated by motives so contradictory?
188
Besides, it is our own Gaelic past
which, though the Irish race does not recognise it, is really at the
bottom of the Irish heart and prevents us becoming citizens of the
Empire.”
With this inspiration Douglas Hyde set to work. He gathered round him what
was best in the young and ardent and founded the Gaelic League. This
great national organisation consists of several branches scattered all over
the country. Each branch elects a representative to the central body,
called the Ard Fheis or High Assembly, which meets
once a year to discuss the affairs and welfare of the movement. This Ard Fheis elects a President and Coiste Gnotha, or Executive Committee, to direct the policy and
to supervise the work of the League. In addition there are County
Committees, which have control over local affairs. At the time of the Ard Fheis, which is held each year in a different
centre, a festival is held which lasts for several days. In this Oireachtas, as it is called, games and competitions
and entertainments, all Irish, take place, and thus Gaelic Leaguers from
the ends of Ireland are given an opportunity of meeting one another in
a purely Irish atmosphere and under the most favourable conditions for
social and friendly intercourse. To come back to the unit of this elaborate
organisation, I mean the Branch: what sort of work does it perform? To
give a true picture of the subject, I cannot do better than describe the
activities of the branch I myself belong to. This is “The Branch
of the Five Provinces,” or as it is generally called,
“Craobh na gCuig gGuigi.”
It occupies a small house of three storeys not far from Saint
Stephen's Green, Dublin. The ground floor is used for clubrooms
for the members and their friends, the first floor as a dancing hall, and
the second floor for class-rooms and a small Irish library. It has a
membership of nearly two hundred, of both sexes, of all ages, and all
social grades. These members support the branch financially by their
subscriptions and class
189
fees, and evening entertainments given
now and then. In addition to these sources of income large sums of
money are raised by means of voluntary contributions to the branch
directly, or to the movement in general.
The most important function of the branch is the teaching of the Irish
language. This is carried out in various classes, elementary, intermediate,
and advanced; the spirit of all is democratic, encouraging and
cheerful. The “Direct Method” of teaching is
generally adopted. In this way the tediousness and the drudgery of
grammar are overcome, and their place is taken by the repetition of
familiar expressions and the keeping up of short, easy and pleasant
conversations in Gaelic, not without gesticulations on the part of teacher
and pupils in turn. With mingled feelings of amusement and pathos I
have often seen in these classes old people stumbling through
elementary exercises, and next to them small children solemnly correcting
them. In addition to these language classes, lectures are given on Irish
subjects, mainly literature and history. Besides these, the branch
offers prizes for essays in Gaelic on Irish subjects, holds Gaelic
choir practices, gives lessons in traditional singing and dancing,
organises Irish plays, and last, but not by any means least, holds a Cailie every Saturday evening.
A Cailie, or as spelt in Gaelic, “Céilidh,” is a social
entertainment where Irish dances, music, songs and recitations form the
features of the evening. The songs are sad but melodious, while the dances,
which are cheerful, are either step dances or figure dances, the
former are clever and performed singly, while the latter are more social
and amusing. Most of the dances are named either by the number of those who
take part in them, as, for instance, “Eight-hand
Reel,” and “Sixteen-hand Reel,” or after
certain towns, as “Walls of Limerick,” and
“Siege of Ennis.” Putting aside the step dances,
which need agility of the feet and plenty of practice, I think the figure
dances are easy to learn, and there should be no difficulty in dancing them
well,
190
especially for those who have a good
sense of rhythm, and the necessary accomplishments for winning favour
with the fair.
These Cailies or “Céilidhthe” form one of the best features
of the Gaelic League. They are, and I speak from knowledge and experience,
free from any vanity or vulgarity. They are healthy, social and
pleasant entertainments which bring variety and liveliness into the
lives of the great mass of the people, and in a pleasant way bring them
together and strengthen their sense of nationality. Big Cailies sometimes last throughout the whole of Saturday night.
Refreshments (no strong drinks are allowed) are served at midnight,
after which the gay crowd resume their dances till early the next
morning when they leave and go directly to church to attend
“Mass.”
Besides the Cailies, the Branch arranges open air
excursions or “Turas” to some place
of interest or beauty. These, in favourable weather, are fascinating
as they combine interest, good company and pleasure. It is a pleasing sight
to see the members making for an old historic ruin right out in the middle
of the green fields, and on reaching it, gather round one learned
Gaelic Leaguer to hear of their ancestors. They learn, they play, they
sing, they dance, all as native Irish, and when the day closes they return
indeed better citizens of Ireland.
From this short account of the branch it will be observed that it is a
social as well as an intellectual centre, and for some years past these
branches have been very influential factors in the life and thought of
Young Ireland.
Realising its great responsibility, the Gaelic League took the lead in
educational matters, and by its influence and efforts brought about the
teaching of Irish in the Primary or “National
Schools,” in the Secondary or “Intermediate
Schools,” and in the University, Its magnificent fight for the
last cause,
191
that is, for the making of Gaelic
compulsory on entering the National University, was a memorable one.
It forms a golden chapter in the history of education in Ireland. The
names of Hyde, McNeill, O'Hickey, and others will be written in
big type in the record of the University as the centre for all Irish
thought and activities.
The Gaelic Leaguers, being conscious of the difficulty of Gaelic as a
language, are making every endeavour to make its teaching easy for
beginners, and to encourage the learning of it. They have hit upon the
happy thought of founding “Summer Schools,” at
which students can spend their summer holidays on moderate inclusive
terms. These schools—and there are over twenty-five of them
now—are in the Irish-speaking districts, mostly round the west
coast, where the language has just managed to survive in the wild parts of
the country. There, those who are really keen to learn, have an
admirable chance of making a good beginning in a practical way and under
good tuition, and above all in an atmosphere that is all Irish. The
students of each school, who average about a hundred each summer, live
in the peasant cottages round the schoolhouse amongst Irish native
speakers. They are thus afforded a splendid chance not only of hearing
Gaelic spoken at all times, but of being forced to speak the language
themselves in order to make themselves understood. In the midst of that
Gaelic population they hear the everyday language, while in the school they
learn the grammar, history and literature of Ireland. By the time the
school course is finished, the students will have acquired a fair working
knowledge of the language. The masters, like the students, are great
enthusiasts for all things Irish. For their work they are either not
paid at all, or else paid just enough to cover their expenses; all is done
for the Cause.
From this brief account of the strenuous effort made by the Gaelic League to
revive the Irish language,
192
which after all is the basis of all
native culture, my readers will be able to foresee what the future has
in store for Ireland.
“With a determined body,” writes Mr. D. Coffey in his
Life of Douglas Hyde, “gradually
increasing in numbers, who are learning Irish, with the sympathy of
the vast population of the country behind it, even if that sympathy is not
so much active as passive; with the support of the Church of the majority
of Irishmen, and a growing spirit of tolerance in that of the
minority, it is not too much to expect that the speaking of Irish will
gradually increase. Once that is so, it is not at all impossible that there
may be a real return to Irish speaking, and that Ireland may become a
bilingual nation in the course of the present century.”
So writes Mr. Coffey on the outlook of Gaelic. If he had lived say fifty
years ago, and were writing then on the prospects of the same language in
its own home, he would have probably told us of the impossibility of
its revival as a national language. But since then herculean work has been
accomplished towards that end, and if any one man can claim to have led
the people of this holy island to speak and think in Irish it is
Douglas Hyde. As Miss Mitchell, in her delightful book on George Moore,
says, he is:
“The man who drew out of the gutter where we ourselves had flung
her the language of our country, and set a crown upon her; who by sheer
force of personality created the movement in Ireland for the revival
of Gaelic, blowing with a hot enthusiasm on that dying spark of nationalism
and recalling it to life. Those who know The Love Songs
of Connacht will not need to be told that here was the soul of a
poet. The movement he blasted out of the rock of Anglo-Irish prejudice
in his epic. … We know what Ireland owes to Hyde's
fiery spirit, his immense courage, his scholarship, his genius for
organisation, his sincerity, his eloquence, and the kindness of his
heart.”
193
When the Gaelic League started, it steered away from two big obstructions
that hampered the progress of all forms of effort to improve national life,
we mean politics and religion. God forbid that we talk slightingly of
religion or undervalue the importance of politics, but in a country like
Ireland where there are various forms of each of these, and the feeling
between them is far from being friendly, it becomes almost essential
for any movement, if it wants to comprise the whole nation, to build
its foundation on a non-political and non-sectarian basis. The League
welcomed all who had any interest in a distinctly Irish culture; unless
the whole nation were won to its cause it would have failed in its
purpose. That is why it definitely and wisely decided not to place itself
under the influence of any political or religious organisation.
The twentieth century dawned on Ireland, and from behind thick clouds there
arose a new light on Irish politics. This was the Sinn
Féin1 movement.
Though this policy then made its appearance for the first time in
concrete form, it had been advocated under different names since the days
of Dean Swift, who said, “Burn everything English except her
coals.” In these half-dozen words lay the statement of
nationality for Ireland. Implicit in them are self-respect, self-reliance,
and self-help, the exact policy of Sinn
Féin. At its beginning, Sinn Féin was a purely national movement, it
was not even a party, but simply a policy, which contemplated no
physical violence and relied entirely on the policy of “Passive
Resistance” in the building of Ireland from within. To the Irish
people it said:
1 The Gaelic for “We
Ourselves,” should be pronounced Shin
Fain.
“Turn your eyes and your thoughts away from London and
concentrate them on your own concerns. You are of right a free people, and
no bonds can affect that right, though they may hamper it. Assert it,
not by empty words, but by deeds, so far as you can within
194
the limits of your bonds. Suffer
anglicising and anti-national things only when you must. You send
representatives to the English Parliament, testifying to the world an
acceptance of your bonds. There is no power that can compel you to send
them. Withdraw them, and your honour is once more clean, and your case
becomes an international one, as of right, not a provincial one, which your
parliamentary manoeuvres have almost made it. Establish a National Assembly
in Dublin and let it speak for you. You need not speak English, you
have your own language; you need not base your education on English
culture; you have your own culture. There is no law to compel you to
have recourse to English law courts, establish voluntary courts of
arbitration; there is no law compelling you to buy English manufactures,
buy your own; there is no law compelling you to carry on your trade in
English ships, establish your own mercantile marine. Stand together,
the whole people as one unit, stand up for everything native and reject
everything foreign, and freedom is yours.”
From this it will be noticed that a gigantic boycott against everything
English was the Sinn Féin programme. Such
being the case, it was only natural for Gaelic Leaguers and Sinn Féiners to be drawn towards each
other. Both resist English influence, the former mainly intellectually and
socially, the latter mainly economically and politically. The mutual
sympathy, and in fact common aim, brought about the saturation of
Gaelic Leaguers as individuals with Sinn
Féin ideas. Gradually the central committee of the League
became largely composed of Sinn Féiners,
whose influence on the activities of the League became quite evident, yet
the Gaelic League as a body never allied itself officially with Sinn Féin, and thus remained true to its
principles. Thus the Gaelic League philosophy has created an outlook
and a conviction which without being political had a powerful influence on
political thought and action.
195
This is what is meant when we hear that
Sinn Féin is the inevitable result of
the de-anglicising movement initiated by the Gaelic League.
I have spoken of the hero of the Gaelic League, Douglas Hyde, and now it is
fitting to say a few words of the hero of Sinn
Féin, Arthur Griffith. Associated with these two
movements there are other names, but Hyde's and
Griffith's are foremost amongst them all. “In the
years to come,” writes O'Hegarty, “the
historian will attempt to analyse the rapid anglicisation of Ireland in the
nineteenth century, and the desperate struggle at its close to arrest and
reverse that anglicisation. He will give the greater praise to that
small company of men and women who formed the Gaelic League, and by
their hard work saved the language and arrested the tide of anglicisation;
but, without detracting from either, he will dwell perhaps most
lovingly on the work of Arthur Griffith, upon the brain that took the
several strands of the Irish Ireland movement, took every constructive and
quickening national idea there was, and wove them all into the most
complete and comprehensive national philosophy that has been given to
Ireland—Sinn Féin.”
It is to be noticed that Sinn Féin has been
referred to above as a “national philosophy.” One
admits that its political side is very prominent indeed, but let it be
remembered that it has a non-political, constructive side too. The factor
that contributed most to the prominence of its political side is the
fact that since that side ceased by degrees to be simply a policy and
became a party, hostile to the existing dominant Nationalist Party, the
political overshadowed the other sides of the philosophy. But the
question might be asked, “Why should it be hostile to the
Nationalists?” First of all, sending Irish representatives to
Westminster is giving away the whole case of Ireland, because it is a
recognition of England's right to rule Ireland. Secondly, that
representation proved
196
very ineffective. Thirdly,
Parliamentarianism is decidedly hurtful to the nation. “It has
turned the imagination of the people away from Ireland towards
Parliamentary happenings in a foreign Parliament: it has kept their minds
on the one phase of activity, the oratorical phase, while language,
traditions, and industries vanished from the land, while at every
national artery English civilisation entered: it has gradually
whittled down the national demands as the Party gradually became less Irish
and more English, until it was ready to accept any shameful settlement as a
just settlement: it has been a force, unconscious perhaps, but
powerful, towards making London ‘the capital of
Ireland.’” This was quite enough in the eyes of the Sinn Féiners to condemn any party,
particularly if it claimed to be national. Sinn
Féin, joining forces with other organisations, working
in other fields for the liberation of Ireland, formulated its programme and
set to work, realising that not until it had absorbed all parties and
dominated the political field in the whole country, would it be able to
speak for the whole nation and attain its objective, “the
re-establishment of the independence of Ireland,” not by appeal
to arms, but by general passive resistance. Their policy briefly
stated is:
(a) Deny the legality of the Act of Union and
refuse to send representatives to the English Parliament,
thereby cutting the ground at once from under the Union.
(b) Assemble in Dublin a National Assembly,
elected by the people, to act as a de facto
Parliament, which would take within its purview all Ireland, and
plan for the conservation and development of national resources.
(c) Establish Irish as the national language of
Ireland, remodel the Irish educational chaos, and frame a
system based on Irish culture.
(d) Establish Irish courts of arbitration, to
supersede the Law Courts.
197
(e) Establish an Irish mercantile marine.
(f) Improve transit facilities, cut down
internal rates, and overhaul and extend the canal system.
(g) Establish in foreign countries Irish
representatives, especially trained, who would act in the same
capacity as consuls.
(h) Build up Ireland's manufacturing
arm by protection —voluntary or
legal—developing also Ireland's mineral
resources, especially her coal and iron.
(i) Direct the strength of the Irish people
generally as that of one man in any given direction.
On these issues Sinn Féin began the struggle.
When we realise that it was crippled for want of money, organisation,
and press, in fact, had almost nothing but right and courage on its side,
while its opponents had all the advantage that power and wealth could
give, we can understand what tremendous faith, hope and courage it
needed for its task. It had ups and downs at the outset, mostly the latter,
but the small successes gained in general and municipal elections was
somewhat encouraging. Sinn Féin was never
disheartened. During the General Election of 1910, the party's
fortunes were at their worst. It dwindled down to a mere skeleton.
That was the time when John Redmond, the leader of the Parliamentary
Nationalist Party, was at the height of his power, and when, by his
persistent backing of the English Liberal party, he had obtained from
them a promise of Home Rule. None but Redmond and his party were in the
limelight, and the country definitely condemned Sinn
Féin to the abyss of darkness for three long years.
There it remained, imprisoned, a living force, a dormant volcano,
gathering strength in its seclusion.
The world now knows that England never seriously contemplated giving Ireland
its freedom. English political parties may have played with the idea
at different times, but this was only a game. From the time of
Gladstone to the present day, English parties,
198
no matter by what name they describe
themselves— Tories, Liberals, Coalition, or even Labour, all
dealt and still deal with the Irish Question in the way that suits
their own purpose and strengthens their own position, taking good care that
their promises to Ireland will come to nothing. To me it is surprising that
Irish statesmen, past and present, with all their intelligence,
political aptitude, and past experience, time after time fell into the same
English trap. When one talks with some of one's Irish friends of
their last prominent statesman, John Redmond, one is met again and again
by the statement that he was a gentleman who took the English at their
word, but was cruelly deceived, as if this deception was a new trick played
on Ireland by the English. In the name of God, Irishmen, why this
foolish talk? You are pitted against a rogue, who has been in your
house for nearly seven centuries robbing you not only of your material but
also of your moral possessions. You now possess no wealth, have no
language, have no culture, your children have to leave your homes for a
living somewhere else, your own aristocracy have not the moral courage to
patronise things essentially Irish, your middle class people are shy
of being discovered to have joined Irish movements for fear of being
classed as belonging to the lower orders, and after all that disgrace
brought upon you by the English, you are still fooled by the last conjuror
that plays his tricks on the historic floor of Westminster, be he a
Scottish, an English, or a Welsh wizard.
In Mr. Gladstone's days, that old English statesman could afford
to coquet with Home Rule for Ireland in perfect safety. He knew well that
whatever he advocated in that direction would be rejected by the House
of Lords, so he did not mind playing a friendly game with Ireland, and
whenever foul play was discovered the Lords were the culprits. When Mr.
Asquith was in power and his advanced Radical legislation, which
weakened the House of Lords, was passed, the Commons
199
could no longer blame the Lords, and
they were face to face with the Irish people as regards the Home Rule
Bill promised by the Liberal Party. And what was really this Home Rule Bill
like? Let us hear the description of it from Arthur Griffiths himself.
“The definition of the third Home Rule Bill as a charter of Irish
liberty is subject to the following corrections: The authority of the
proposed Parliament does not extend to the armed man or to the
tax-gatherer. It is checked by the tidal waters and bounded by the
British Treasury. It cannot counter the settled purpose of the Cabinet in
London. It may make laws, but it cannot command the power to enforce them.
It may fill its purse, but it cannot have its purse in its keeping. If
this be liberty, the lexicographers have deceived us. … The
measure is no arrangement between nations. It might equally apply to the
latest British Settlement on a South Sea island. It satisfies no claim of
the Irish nation whose roots are in Tara, or the Irish nationalism,
which Molyneux first made articulate. … The Bill does not alter
the status of Irishmen by an inch. They remain under its provisions as
impotent to affect British Imperial policy as they are at present. England
continues to hold the Irish purse by collecting our revenues, paying
them into her Treasury, or vetoing their disbursement. … I do
not fear the device as an Irish Nationalist. The ideals of nationalism are
not to be bought and sold. If the Bill be amended to give Ireland real
control of her soil and taxes, and power of initiative in her legislation,
I shall welcome its passage as a measure for the improvement of
conditions in Ireland, and as a step clearing the way to a final
settlement between two nations.”
Even that limping and maimed measure of freedom to Ireland was denied (after
being promised) by the so-called Liberal Party. Had the statesmen of
that Party been honourable and sincere they would have either
fulfilled their promises or resigned. But the wily
200
Saxon is ever full of resources which
get him out of difficulties without in the least blemishing his
official reputation. He seems to have no conscience, nor does he
apparently believe in moral obligations; true, he does not tear treaties as
“scraps of paper,” but he carefully puts them up on
the shelf as “valuable historical documents,” which
is in reality as good as putting them in the waste-paper basket, nor does
he break promises, but postpones the carrying out of them to an
indefinite time which is as good as “never,” and so
long as he is not caught red-handed and, what is more important, given a
good thrashing publicly by a stronger power, he is an honourable gentleman
in his own eyes, and commands respect from the world, no matter what
he does, be it massacre or plunder.
In the case under consideration it would seem that he plotted with Edward
Carson and spurred him on to organise the “Ulster
Volunteers.” Having done so, he took refuge behind them, and
expressed his profound regret that in face of the strong armed opposition
in Ulster, he could not possibly give Ireland his promised Home Rule
without risking revolution and bloodshed among his beloved Irish people.
All that he could do, eager as he ever was to see people peaceful and
free, was to give Home Rule on the basis of Partition, that is, one
Parliament for Ulster and another for the rest of Ireland. Of course, to
all who know Ireland, such an offer would never be entertained by the Irish
people, who could not endure the idea of their country being divided
into two separate administrations. All the same, that clever scheme of
partition would have been forced upon the Irish people were it not for the
“Irish Volunteers.” All these occurrences took place
only a few months before the great World War. At that time Britain was
tied hand and foot by her home troubles. Between the revolutionary state of
Ireland, the grave labour unrest all over the kingdom, and the serious
suffragette agitation everywhere, England seemed helpless
201
to deal with the troubles within her
own borders and might, it was thought, be relied upon to keep out of
any troubles taking place outside them.
In the meantime the Kaiser, fully informed as he was of the state of things
in the United Kingdom, was chuckling over it all, and counting the days
till the hour should come to strike the mighty blow which should win
him the world. German arms and ammunition were willingly supplied by
“the Fatherland” to Ireland—without
favouring either the North or the South. Money, too, was never grudged in
order to bring the equipment of both the Ulster and the Irish
Volunteers to perfection. At Larne Harbour great cargoes of German arms of
all sorts were landed by the Ulster Volunteers in April 1914. Three months
later a similar cargo was landed at Howth by the Irish Volunteers.
Thus North and South were well equipped to fly at one another's
throats, and the fire was fanned by Germany in order to distract England
while she herself was busily engaged in perfecting her plans for
world-dominion. Such were the plans of Germany, but what were the aims of
the Ulster and Irish Volunteers? In 1912 the Ulster Volunteers, who
numbered over 200,000 men, bound themselves in solemn Covenant
“to use all means which may be found necessary to defeat the
present conspiracy to set up a Home Rule Parliament in Ireland. And in
the event of such a Parliament being forced upon us we further
solemnly and mutually pledge ourselves to refuse to recognise its
authority.” As for the Irish Volunteers, a fine body of 200,000
strong, they were never formed with any idea of either fighting or
threatening Ulster. Their aims, as stated, were as follows: “In
raising, training, arming, and equipping the Irish Volunteers as a
military body, the men of Ireland are acquiring the power to obtain the
freedom of the Irish Nation.”
The last of the Nationalists under Redmond were for the most part
ineffective politicians. They did not like
202
to be disturbed by alarming news from
Ireland while they were having their siesta on the seats of
Westminster. Such a decadent body could not be expected to support
volunteering. They never did, until they began to realise that the country
was passing over to the Volunteers, and that unless they joined in, they
were threatened with extinction. They made overtures to the Irish
Volunteers, and in short were represented on their Executive. Under the
sane presidency of Eoin MacNeill and the able leadership of Colonel
Maurice Moore, the Volunteer movement continued to grow on its
original lines. Things went well till the landing of arms at Howth took
place. On that day, when the Ulster Volunteers were marching unmolested
through the streets of Belfast with rifles on their shoulders, the
Government gave orders to seize the rifles of the Irish Volunteers. This
resulted in the killing and wounding of some citizens in the streets of
Dublin by the Government forces. This set all Ireland aflame, and drew
Nationalist Ireland into Volunteer ranks. That was the position of Ireland
in 1914: where were two big armies of nearly a quarter of a million each of
well-equipped, and well-trained men, one with headquarters in Belfast
and the other in Dublin.
When the war broke out, things suddenly changed. Carson, who was and is the
leader of Ulster, as well as the head of its Volunteers, made his peace by
directing his Volunteers into the British Army, bidding them
“Go out and win glory for Ulster.” Redmond was not in
a position to do the same, for he was not the head of the Irish Volunteers;
besides, there was a split in the latter's camp. Those who were
with Redmond in wishing to fight for England called themselves the
Irish National Volunteers, and went out. They were the majority, while
the minority, The Irish Volunteers, stayed behind. Prominent amongst the
latter were Pearse and MacNeill. This split brought a blight on the
whole movement; the country began to lose interest
203
in it, and this naturally told on the
numbers in the ranks of both sections. When the split was
accomplished, the Parliamentarian press, in order to colour the
original Irish Volunteers black in the eyes of the nation, dubbed them
“Sinn Féin”
Volunteers, believing that Sinn Féin, as
a policy, was doomed to failure and disgrace, and that anything associated
with its name would be involved in the obloquy. It will be noticed,
later on, that the same tactics were adopted when the insurrection of 1916
was promptly labelled a “Sinn
Féin” insurrection. As a matter of fact, the
Irish Volunteers and Sinn Féin were quite
different bodies, and as for the rebellion, it was not the work of Sinn Féin as a body at all. By adopting
this attitude of misrepresentation, the enemies of Sinn
Féin defeated their own ends; they made the name of Sinn Féin famous in history in their attempt to exhibit it as a discredited
policy. I need not warn my compatriots of the endeavours made every day to
misinterpret things in Ireland. We are already acquainted with the
same methods employed in our own country by the common enemy. Our
Nationalists, who represent the whole nation, are called “a
merely self-interested party,” our intellectuals “a
crowd of schoolboys,” and our masses “the
riff-raff.” Let those who are interested in Ireland come and see
for themselves; there is nothing so instructive as moving about amongst the
people themselves, and hearing their own tales from the mouths of the
leaders who have made, and are still making, history.
To come back to our point, the Irish National Volunteers, after fighting for
England for some time, began to realise that that fight was not for the
cause of small nationalities. The attitude of the British Government,
its stupidity, malice and mistrust led the Irish people to realise that
fighting for England was not fighting for the liberty of Ireland, nor was
it for the liberation of small nationalities, but fighting to instal
“John Bullism” in the place of
“Prussianism.” Should we
204
wonder, then, at the turning back of
“Redmond's” Volunteers repentantly to join
“MacNeill's” Volunteers? Should we wonder
at Casement and his Irish recruits? Should we wonder at the insurrection of
1916? Should we wonder at Ireland's defiance of Britain and
the establishment of an Irish Parliament, Dail
Eireann, in 1919? These are the things I should have liked to
have written on at length, but I fear to go beyond the scope of this
book. I shall, however, attempt to throw a little further light on recent
events in Ireland.
In 1908, a new factor entered into Irish nationalism; this was Labour, led
by James Larkin, a great orator and a fierce revolutionary. Behind Larkin
was James Connolly, the real brain of the Labour movement in Ireland.
Both were convinced Syndicalists, and they were out to emancipate
“Labour,” and to bring about an immediate
amelioration in the lot of the working class. Behind their agitation was
the driving force of economic misery. They differed from Sinn Féin in that they were revolutionary and were
concerned more with the present than with the distant future. They
worked for the individual first, for they believed that even if the
nation became economically strong, the lot of the worker might still be as
bad as it is at present. Above all, their movement was of an international
character. “Internationalism,” Larkin expounded,
“means internationalism and not one nationalism. We, of the
Irish workers, are out to claim the earth for the world's
workers, and our portion as Irishmen is Ireland. So hands off, all
predatory persons, no matter under what name or disguise. We are determined
to weld together the common people of the North, the South, the East,
and the West.”
Larkin, by his great personality, forcible oratory, fiery spirit,
revolutionary ideas, and strong hold on his followers, kept Dublin in a
ferment during 1911, 1912, and 1913. He was supported by the English
Syndicalist leaders (foremost amongst them was Keir Hardie), who
206
worked up great strikes and helped him
in every way, materially and otherwise.
When the martial spirit became prominent in Ulster, and under the leadership
of Carson took a practical form, Larkin's soul was stirred to
its depths and his mighty voice rang amongst his followers:
“If Carson arms his men with rifles, Larkin will arm his men with
rifles too.”
That was quite sufficient to start, under the control of Captain White,
“Larkin's Citizen Army,” with the object
of emancipating labour. Though its foundation in the first place was due to
labour rather than to national aspirations, the national ideal, never very
far away from the hearts of Irishmen, soon dominated it, and it became
definitely republican in its aims. The sufferings of labour in Dublin in
the strike of 1913 added the weight of an economic cause to the national
one and made the Citizen Army the driving force in the Rising of 1916.
Just at the outbreak of the war Larkin sailed for America. Almost two years
later, that seed he had sown among the Dublin workingmen burst into
blossom, and from it burst out a “Rebellion.” The
“Citizen Army,” reinforced by Fenians, Sinn Féiners, and Irish Volunteers, in
number not exceeding 1,500 men, on Easter Monday 1916, proclaimed Ireland a
Republic, seized Dublin, occupied many of its public buildings, and
fought a valorous fight. Regiments from England poured into Dublin, The
Republican forces held out for six days, after which, realising that they
were hopelessly outnumbered, and their strongholds being shelled by
artillery as well as by gunfire from the river, they found their position
untenable and were forced to surrender. During these operations, which left
a great part of the city of Dublin in ruins, the casualties amounted
to over 1,300 all told. When that “Black Week” was
over, and the trials by Field Court Martial duly held, sixteen of the rebel
leaders, including Pearse,
207
the “President of the
Provisional Government,” and Connolly, Larkin's
friend and successor as Labour Leader, and “Commandant
General” of the Rebel Forces, were executed and over one hundred
were sentenced to penal servitude. This insurrection, which from the
beginning was doomed to failure, was wrongly called a “Sinn Féin Rising,” for it was
primarily the outcome of Syndicalism worked out in “Liberty
Hall,” the headquarters of Irish Labour. Thus ended a sad
chapter in the modern history of Ireland. What, however, were its after
effects? Never was there a time in the history of the country in which the
fortunes of Republicanism seemed so hopeless. But the sorrow of
Ireland at the unjust and cruel execution of her would-be liberators
without any public trial grew to resentment, which developed rapidly into
rage and fury. The country realised that if the leaders of the
rebellion had been Englishmen, they would have been tried by English
Courts, if they were captured enemies they would have been treated as
prisoners of war; but being Irishmen they were put in a class apart
and condemned by courtmartial. The feeling against England grew more
bitter day by day. This was intensified by the attitude of the Government,
which persisted in a policy of “inaction” as regards
the Irish problem, refused to treat political prisoners as such, and
placed the country under martial law. Under these conditions the people
began to think and inquire into the deeper causes that produced this state
of affairs. What did Pearse and Connolly aim at? What was the ideal of
Sinn Féin? The movement in the public
mind led to new judgments on men and things. The people became alive to the
real meaning of the Sinn Féin policy
which had been misrepresented by the Government and its agents in their
endeavour to justify repression. In the meantime, the Government
changed hands and Lloyd George became supreme. He, in an attempt to
restore confidence, released the Irish
208
prisoners. But Sinn
Féiners had learnt to play the game, and the sincerity
of any English Government, whether Liberal or Coalition, was no longer
believed in.
The leaders on being released began their work again, but instead of
appealing to a few enthusiasts as they did before, they found hearing from
a wide public eager to listen to and learn from them. The Nationalists
had already learnt another lesson, and that was not to expect anything from
their Party, and they almost en masse turned to Sinn
Féin. The teachings of Sinn
Féin struck root, the country began to rally to that
policy, and a new campaign started. Sinn Féin
no longer appealed to the English Government, it determined to submit
its case to the Peace Conference which was to follow the War. That did not
mean that Sinn Féiners abandoned their
policy of self-reliance. They were merely making use of another opportunity
to advance their cause. They worked at home as well as abroad for the
realisation of a free and independent Ireland. They carried on a great
propaganda in France and in America to insure that the Irish question
should wear an international aspect rather than appear as a mere
domestic British concern. At home they were organising and consolidating
opposition to two measures contemplated by the Government, the partition
of Ireland and the enforcement of conscription. They asseverated that
these measures were incompatible with the policy of self-determination
professed by the Allied Powers.
“When England declared,” wrote Nationality, the leading Sinn
Féin weekly, “that she entered this war with the
object of asserting the freedom of small nations the Lord delivered her
into our hands.”
But England, as usual, was obdurate, and continued her Prussian policy in
Ireland. Newspapers were suppressed, political leaders re-arrested and
deported, and meetings were proclaimed illegal unless a permit from
the police was procured beforehand. That did not in
209
the least hamper the progress of the
movement. As a matter of fact, it spurred it to more vigorous and
determined action. Election after election resulted in a victory for
Sinn Féin. The Parliamentary Party
became alarmed and began to take active steps to secure Home Rule for
Ireland. They withdrew from Parliament and sent a manifesto to the
English-speaking and foreign countries soliciting their help in bringing
pressure to bear on the English Government. At the same time Sinn Féin summoned a Convention in Dublin to
assert the status of Ireland as an independent nation.
This action had the effect of moving the Prime Minister to make an effort
towards bringing about a settlement. He proposed Home Rule on the
principle of partition, a proposal which was promptly rejected by
everybody. Next, he summoned what was entitled a
“representative” body of Irishmen to formulate a
solution of the Irish question, which the country would accept, and which
might form the basis of a Government of Ireland. Thus the Irish Convention
came into being. The attitude of Sinn
Féin towards the Convention of 1918 was somewhat similar to
that of our Nationalist Party, when it was invited in 1919 to co-operate
with the Milner Mission in establishing a form of constitution
agreeable to all concerned in Egypt. Arthur Griffith, the President of Sinn Féin then, like our President
Saäd Zaghlool, refused to negotiate on other ground than that of
complete independence. In stating his case he said:
“Ignoring the Convention which is called into being only to
distract Ireland from the objective now before her, to confuse her thought,
and to permit England to misrepresent her character and her claims to Europe, Sinn Féin summons Ireland to concentrate her
mind and energy on preparation for the Peace Conference, where, citing
the pledges given to the world by Russia, the United States, and
England's Allies, it will invoke that tribunal to judge between
our country and her
210
oppressor and claim that the verdict
which has restored Poland to independent nationhood shall also be
registered for Ireland.”
Leaving out Sinn Féin, which represented the
great majority of the Irish people, a Convention representing Unionist
and Parliamentarian Ireland, and containing only two members who were
unattached to any party, sat behind closed doors in Dublin and exercised
their wits in formulating a scheme for the government of Ireland
within the Empire. The two independent members of the Convention resigned,
seeing that Ulster, secure in a promise given by the Premier that it
should not be coerced, was simply marking time. The remainder of the
body presented a report to Parliament which revealed a compromise between
the Nationalists and Southern Unionists. As for the Ulster Unionists,
they remained totally irreconcilable.
While the Convention was bent on its hopeless task, Sinn Féin was gaining ground everywhere. Seat
after seat was energetically contested for Sinn
Féin and duly won. Nationality,
in recommending for East Clare its Sinn
Féin candidate, De Valera, who had just been released from
prison, wrote:
“The Union is the only means of preventing Ireland from becoming
too great and too powerful. … By giving the Irish a hundred
members in an assembly of six hundred and fifty they will be impotent to
operate upon that assembly, but it will be invested with Irish assent
to its authority.” It then proceeded to give 1914 figures
indicating the unsound economic position of the country under the
“Union.”
“With the exception of the United States, England has no customer
nearly as big as Ireland. England has had the market to herself for
generations; Sinn Féin proposes that England should not continue to monopolise that market
longer. Ireland has £150,000,000 worth of trade to do with the
world each year, £135,000,000 of which is restricted to England.
In return for part of
211
that trade the other countries of
Europe would gladly give Ireland facilities in their markets and Ireland
would compel England to pay competitive prices. … So long
as Ireland sends members to the English Parliament and relies upon that
institution, England will plunder Ireland's revenues and
monopolise Ireland's trade at her own price.”
As a reply to the Government Convention, Sinn Féin decided to hold a Convention of its own. To that, constitutionally
elected Sinn Féin delegates rallied from
all parts of the country. The Convention met on 1st November 1918, and
unanimously elected Mr. De Valera as President of Sinn
Féin and Mr. Arthur Griffith as Vice-President. The
constitution adopted by the Convention states clearly and openly the
objects and policy of Sinn Féin thus:
“Sinn Féin aims at securing the
international recognition of Ireland as an independent Irish Republic.
Having achieved that status the Irish people may by referendum freely
choose their own form of government. This object shall be attained through
the Sinn Féin Organisation, which shall in the name of the sovereign Irish People
(a) deny the right and oppose the will of the
British Parliament or British Crown or any other foreign government to
legislate for Ireland; (b) make use of any and every
means available to render impotent the power of England to hold Ireland in
subjection by military force or otherwise. And whereas no law made
without the authority and consent of the Irish people is, or ever can be,
binding on the Irish people, therefore in accordance with the resolution of
Sinn Féin, adopted in Convention,
1905, a Constituent Assembly shall be convoked, comprising persons chosen
by Irish constituencies, as the supreme national authority to speak
and act in the name of the Irish people and to devise and formulate
measures for the welfare of the whole people of Ireland.”
This declaration indicates that Sinn Féin had
decided
212
to strike out a new line of policy not
strictly in accordance with the old. New Ireland,
the second leading Sinn Féin weekly, made this clear when it
wrote:
“In the years 1903-1910 the policy of Sinn
Féin was a policy of self-reliance in the strictest
sense of that term. It directed us away from Westminster and towards
Ireland. It was revolutionary, inasmuch as it sought to displace existing
British institutions and substitute Irish institutions to which the Irish
people would respond. … The newer Sinn
Féin is not quite the same as the old—it
varies in one essential characteristic. Whereas the old Sinn Féin directed the Irish people towards
self-improvement as a basis of national strength and made it quite plain to
us that many sacrifices might possibly be demanded, there is no trace in
the newer Sinn Féin of these qualities. The older Sinn Féin deprecated the reliance upon any external source of strength and
urged upon us the advantages of self-reliance and passive resistance. The
new Sinn Féin places some of its faith at least in external bodies and does not
inculcate the older doctrines of self-reliance and passive resistance. It
is not, however, Sinn Féin that has
changed so much as the world forces that condition such changes. The old
policy flourished in a period of world peace and was in consequence
disposed rather towards a long-drawn out policy: the new policy is
specially devised to take advantage of the present temporary state of
affairs.”
The Sinn Féin appeal to the Peace Conference,
like that of our Nationalist Party, fell upon deaf ears. It was a
disappointment not expected from the Allied statesmen, who had committed
themselves, seemingly beyond possibility of evasion, to a policy that
protected the rights of small nations, and promised self-determination
to all peoples. Still, Sinn Féiners, like
their brothers-in-arms the Egyptian Nationalists, were not
disheartened; they plucked up new courage and carried on their work,
trusting in the ultimate power of
213
right and final triumph of justice.
Although in their new policy they took advantage of international
relations, they never abandoned altogether the old principle of
self-reliance. They utilised the situation abroad to promote the interest
of Ireland, but they did not neglect things at home that strengthened the
morale of the people, improved their economic position and advanced
their education.
It will be seen that there were two parties anxious for a settlement in
Ireland, each working in its own way; one for Home Rule and the other for
complete independence. I leave out of account that small section of
Ulster Unionists who desired that Ireland should remain part and parcel of
the United Kingdom, as if it were another “Midlands”
or “West of England.”
Sinn Féin, fearing that the Government
Convention would present a report that might look attractive to
moderate men in Ireland although based on the principle of
“Within the Empire,” decided to put the nation to the
test on the question of complete independence before the Convention Report
could be submitted to the Government.
On Saint Patrick's Day, 1918, monster meetings were held all over
the country, at which the following resolution was put and carried almost
unanimously by the enthusiastic masses:
“Here on Saint Patrick's Day we join with our
fellow-countrymen at home and in foreign lands in proclaiming once
more that Ireland is a distinct nation whose just right is sovereign
independence. This right has been asserted in every generation, has never
been surrendered, and never allowed to lapse. We call the nations to
witness that to-day as in the past it is by force alone that England
holds Ireland for her Empire, and not by the consent of the Irish; and that
England's claim to have given the Irish people
‘self-determination’ is a lie; her true attitude
being shown by the recent ministerial statement that ‘under no
circumstances could any
214
English Government contemplate the
ultimate independence of Ireland.”'
Feeling its strength, Sinn Féin carried its
propaganda a step further; it decided to hold a plebiscite on the
issue of complete independence and proclaim the result. While this was
being prepared, the Report of the Convention was announced. It was
complicated and unworkable, and offered no satisfactory constitutional
basis for an Irish Government. Worse still, it came at a most inopportune
time—a time when the Allies were meeting defeat after defeat at
the hands of the Germans, and were calling insistently upon the man-power
of their several countries. Under the circumstances, the Prime
Minister launched his conscription policy on Ireland. This fell like a
thunderbolt on the Irish people, who resented conscription as a point-blank
denial of their rights as a nation. The Irish now saw through the
tactics of English statesmen, they realised that England had no intention
of granting Ireland any acceptable form of self-government, and they
fiercely resented the attempt to force compulsory military service
upon them.
A storm of passionate feeling swept all over the country. In that national
crisis, Parliamentarians, Sinn Féin, and Labour, joined forces, and with
the blessing of the Roman Catholic hierarchy pledged themselves to
resist conscription to the utmost. A conference was summoned at the Mansion
House by the Lord Mayor of Dublin in which the delegates unanimously
adopted the following declaration:
“Taking our stand on Ireland's separate and distinct
nationhood, and affirming the principle of liberty, and that the
governments of nations derive their just powers from the consent of the
governed, we deny the right of the British Government or any external
authority to impose compulsory military service on Ireland against the
clearly expressed will of the Irish people.
“The passing of the Conscription Bill by the British
215
House of Commons, must be regarded as a
declaration of war on the Irish nation. The alternative to accepting
it as such is to surrender our liberties and to acknowledge ourselves
slaves. It is in direct violation of the rights of small nationalities to
self-determination, which even the Prime Minister of England—now
preparing to employ naked militarism and force his Act upon
Ireland—himself officially announced as an essential
condition for peace at the Peace Congress.
“The attempt to enforce it will be an unwarrantable aggression,
which we call upon all Irishmen to resist by the most effective means at
their disposal.”
We mentioned above that “Labour” joined the
Anti-Conscription campaign. It did so with great spectacular effect when it
called a general national strike for one day as a protest against the
Government's action. But it had all the time its own point of
view, which was somewhat different from that of Sinn
Féin. Irish Labour would never accept conscription even
if it were proposed by an Irish Parliament. Its view was clearly
expressed in 1917 in its organ, Irish Opinion, in
which it was said:
“We shall resolutely oppose the conscription of Irish people,
whether for military or industrial purposes. The very idea of compulsory
service is abhorrent to us, and we shall assist in every way every effort
of our people to resist the imposition of such an iniquitous system
upon us.”
But whatever the abstract view of Nationalists, Sinn
Féin, or Labour as regards conscription, they all
agreed in opposing its imposition by the English Government in 1918.
The effect of all this was a complete change in the temper of the Irish
Government, a change which was to lead to the infliction of punitive
measures on the Irish people and to the vigorous use of the
“Iron Heel.” Lord French, an avowed conscriptionist,
was appointed Lord Lieutenant, and as Lord Wimborne, whom he
216
superseded, declared in the House of
Commons, “All those who had been known for their sympathies
with the cause of Irish nationality, or who professed the Catholic
faith,” were removed from office in Ireland. A reign of
unmitigated despotism began. Rigorous military control, suppression of the
Press, proclamations of meetings and gatherings of any kind, arrests of Sinn Féin leaders, imprisonment without
charge or trial of prominent opponents of the Government, raiding
citizens' homes at all hours in search for individuals suspected
of complicity in a suppositious German plot: all these became everyday
happenings in Ireland. In its attempt to crush the forces opposed to it,
Dublin Castle manufactured all sorts of political and non-political
reasons for arresting those whom it regarded as disaffected.
Naturally, this repressive policy evoked an ever-growing resentment against
England, who, for her part, abandoned all pretence of constitutional
government, and treated Ireland as an occupied territory. With this
development all hopes of a “Home Rule” settlement
were abandoned, and the death blow was dealt to the Parliamentary Party.
The way was now clear for Sinn Féin. Not
only had its Parliamentary opponents lost credit, but the rank and file of
their followers turned to join hands with it. In short, almost all
Nationalist Ireland became solidly Sinn
Féin. Such was the condition of Ireland when the General
Election came in December 1918. As was fully expected, it resulted in
a sweeping victory for the Sinn Féin Party: of
106 members returned for Irish constituencies, 73 were Sinn Féin.
I mentioned before that the Sinn Féin
Convention of November 1918 adopted a constitution providing that
“A Constituent Assembly shall be convoked, comprising persons
chosen by Irish constituencies, as the supreme national authority to speak
and act in the name of the Irish people, and to devise and formulate
measures for the welfare of the whole people of Ireland.” After
the
217
general election, the time was
obviously ripe for convening such an assembly. On 1st January 1919 the
promised assembly met in the Mansion House, Dublin, and proclaimed the
independence of Ireland; appointed (uninvited) delegates to the Peace
Conference, and issued a proclamation to the “free
nations” of the world. On that memorable day, the Sinn Féin Parliament, or “Dail Eireann,” was opened. There
Ireland's independence was thus proclaimed in
Ireland's own language:
218
As our people do not know Gaelic, I render this “Declaration of
Independence” into English, a a language with which some of us
at least are familiar.
“Whereas the Irish people is by right a free people; and whereas
for seven hundred years the Irish people has never ceased to repudiate and
has repeatedly protested in arms against foreign usurpation:
“And whereas English rule in this country is, and always has
been, based upon force and fraud and maintained by military occupation
against the declared will of the people:
“And whereas the Irish Republic was proclaimed in Dublin on
Easter Monday 1916 by the Irish Republican Army acting on behalf of the
Irish people:
219
“And whereas the Irish people is resolved to secure and maintain
its complete independence in order to promote the common weal, to
re-establish justice, to provide for future defence, to insure peace at
home and good will with all nations, and to constitute a national
polity based upon the people's will, with equal right and equal
opportunity for every citizen:
“And whereas at the threshold of a new era in history the Irish
electorate has in the General Election of December 1918 seized the first
occasion to declare by an overwhelming majority its firm allegiance to
the Irish Republic:
“Now, therefore, we, the elected representatives of the ancient
Irish people in National Parliament assembled, do, in the name of the Irish
nation, ratify the establishment of the Irish Republic and pledge
ourselves and our people to make this declaration effective by every means
at our command:
“We ordain that the elected Representatives of the Irish people
alone have power to make laws binding on the people of Ireland, and that
the Irish Parliament is the only Parliament to which that people will
give its allegiance:
“We solemnly declare foreign government in Ireland to be an
invasion of our national right which we will never tolerate, and we demand
the evacuation of our country by the English Garrison:
“We claim for our national independence the recognition and
support of every free nation of the world, and we proclaim that
independence to be a condition precedent to international peace hereafter:
“In the name of the Irish people we humbly commit our destiny to
Almighty God Who gave our fathers the courage and determination to
persevere through long centuries of a ruthless tyranny, and strong in the
justice of the cause which they have handed down to us, we ask His
divine blessing on this, the last stage of the struggle we have pledged
ourselves to carry through to Freedom.”
220
The delegates the Dail Eireann appointed to the Peace
Conference were given a mandate by Ireland to strengthen the hands of the
Peace Plenipotentiaries in demanding the freedom of small nations, the
cause for which the war was supposed to have been fought. How these
delegates were received in Paris we all know, As a matter of fact it was
considered by some a fortunate thing for small nations like ourselves and
Ireland that we were refused admission to a conference which, though
in name an international conference, was in fact an inter-Allied conclave.
Had we been admitted, they hold, we would have been bound to accept the
decision of a Conference entirely dominated by the most imperialistic
and hypocritical of nations.
As for the proclamation of the Dail Eireann to the
“free nations” of the world it was issued in French
as follows:
“APPEL AUX NATIONS.
“Aux Nations du Monde! Salut fraternel!
“La nation irlandaise ayant proclamé son
indépendance nationale fait appel à toutes les
nations libres par l'organe de ses représentants
élus, réunis en assemblée nationale dans
la capitale d'Irlande ce 21 janvier 1919, et leur demande
d'accorder leur appui à la Republique irlandaise en
reconnaissant à l'Irlande la qualité de
Nation et son droit de faire valoir ses titres de nation au
Congrès de la Paix:
“Au point de vue intérieur, la race irlandaise, la
langue irlandaise, les moeurs irlandaises, les traditions irlandaises, sont
foncièrement distinctes des éléments
analogues en Angleterre; l'Irlande est une des nations les plus
anciennes de l'Europe et elle a conservé forte et
intacte son intégrité nationale à travers sept
siècles d'oppression étrangère;
elle n'a jamais renoncé à ses droits
nationaux, et, durant, les longs siècles de
l'usurpation anglaise, elle a affirmé hardiment
à chaque
221
génération, et
dernièrement encore par son glorieux appel aux armes de 1916,
ses inaliénables droits de nation:
“Au point de vue international, l'Irlande est la clef
de l'Atlantique; l'Irlande est le dernier avant-poste
de l'Europe du côté occidental;
l'Irlande est le point de convergence des grandes voies
commerciales qui relient l'Europe à
l'Amérique. La liberté des mers exige son
indépendance; ses beaux ports, au lieu de rester exclusivement
aux mains de l'Angleterre doivent s'ouvrir au
commerce mondial. Ses ports sont actuellement déserts et sans
vie pour la seule raison que la politique anglaise a pris le parti bien
determiné de garder l'Irlande comme une
stérile place forte dans l'intérêt
du developpement de l'Angleterre, si bien que la situation
géographique de cette île loin
d'être utile à l'Europe et
à l'Amérique et loin de les garantir, sert
exclusivement aux desseins de domination mondiale de
l'Angleterre:
“Aujourd'hui, à la face du monde
transformé par la guerre, l'Irlande affirme derechef
ses droits authentiques de nation. Elle le fait d'autant plus
hardiment qu'elle accepte la liberté et la justice
comme principes fondamentaux du droit international, qu'elle
reconnaît que la coopération loyale des peuples est
le meilleur moyen de faire valoir
l'égalité civile contre les
privilèges acquis des tyrannies établies, que rien
n'assurera une paix durable en Europe tant que la domination
militaire sera maintenue au profit des puissances
impérialistes, que cette paix demande que dans chaque pays le
pouvoir soit fondé sur la libre volonté
d'un peuple libre, et enfin que l'état de
guerre actuel entre l'Irlande et l'Angleterre ne
pourra prendre fin qu'au moment où les troupes
anglaises auront définitivement évacué ce pays.
“C'est pour ces motifs, entre autres, qu'au
début de cette ère qui promet la
‘self-determination’ et la liberté,
l'Irlande ayant pris l'inebranlable résolution
de ne plus souffrir la domination étrangère, fait
appel à chacune des nations libres pour appuyer les droits
222
qu'elle a, comme nation,
à l'indepéndance absolue sous la forme
républicaine, nonobstant les prétentions
injustifiées de l'Angleterre, dont le seul titre
dérive de la fraude et dépend d'une
écrasante occupation militaire, elle demande à
être mise en présence de l'Angleterre en
séance publique au Congrès des Nations, afin que le
monde civilisé, ayant jugé entre la mauvaise foi
anglaise et le bon droit du peuple irlandais, engage son appui
permanent pour assurer l'indépendance de
l'Irlande.”
All this took place in Ireland and the world looked on with cold reserve.
One might compare Ireland at this stage to a person trying to save his life
in rough seas, no one daring to give him a helping hand, the onlookers
simply sympathising from a distance, watching his cruel struggle with the
waves.
In the meantime the Government began to exercise stronger repressive
methods. These roused a spirit of revenge among the more reckless elements
of the population and drove them into committing all sorts of
political crimes. More soldiers poured in from England till the
“Army of Occupation” approached nearly 100,000. The
Constabulary was reinforced, and at the same time the whole of the Sinn Féin organisation, including the Dail Eireann, was proclaimed. That did not improve
matters in the least; in fact, it created a spirit of intensified
bitterness throughout the country, and in spite of the endeavours of
leaders of moderate opinion like Sir Horace Plunkett, who advocated
Home Rule government on Dominion lines, the effect of the repressive
measures strengthened the cry for complete separation.
Meanwhile propaganda work abroad began to show results. De Valera, the Sinn Féin President, who succeeded in
reaching the United States, carried out his campaign in the cause of
Ireland so successfully that British interests in America suffered
seriously. All parties in England now began to seek a means of
relieving the situation in Ireland before it was too late.
223
The Labour Party sent over to Ireland a
deputation to investigate and report upon the Irish Problem from all
points of view—as if they knew nothing about it before.
In their Report, the Labour delegates committed themselves to the principle
of self-determination. But had not the honourable British nation and the
democratic American people made the same profession before them? Mr.
Lloyd George in 1918 said:
“We believe that before permanent peace can be hoped for three
conditions must be fulfilled”; the second of these conditions
was that “a territorial settlement must be secured, based on the
right of self-determination or the consent of the governed.”
As to President Wilson's declarations, I need not remind my
readers of his famous fourteen points. Experience has taught us that
pledges of statesmen are no longer to be trusted. The world now judges
them by their actions rather than their utterances. Realising that the
Labour Party is not powerful enough now to compel the Government to any
definite action on behalf of Ireland, we need not attach much importance
to their professions. They will show in time the material of which
they are made. When they have the power and begin to use it, then will be
the time to commend or condemn. The Coalition Party has issued a
revised edition of Home Rule on the principle of Partition, and Mr.
Asquith, waking up to address his senile Liberal Party, has mumbled
something about Home Rule. This brings us up to 1920.
In order to complete this review of the present political situation in
Ireland, something must be said about the relationship between Sinn Féin and the Irish Labour Movement.
I do not intend to discuss the movement itself, that would need more space
than can be allotted to it here. I propose merely to glance at those
points at which Labour is brought into touch with the present political
situation.
I have already said something of the part played by
224
Labour in the 1916 insurrection, and
also of the activity displayed in the Anti-Conscription campaign. As
regards the latter, a Labour Conference was held in Dublin, but the Irish
Trades Union Congress, in which the delegates, who numbered over 1,500,
adopted a resolution to resist conscription in every feasible way,
asserting.
“Our claims for independent status as a nation in the
international movement and the right of self-determination as a nation as
to what action or actions our people should take on questions of political
or economic issues.”
From the terms of this declaration and from what I have noted elsewhere, it
is evident that Labour opposed conscription on principle. It has clearly
stated on more than one occasion that it receives its orders from no
government, whether home or foreign, and that it considers itself part of
an international movement.
The alliance in Easter 1916 between the Republican Volunteers, which
included a large number of Sinn Féiners
(although Sinn Féin as a movement stood
out of it), and the Citizen Army, that is, the Labour Army, was only
temporary. It served its purpose in an emergency. The same may be said of
the alliance between Sinn Féin and Labour
during the opposition to conscription. There are many other issues on
which both parties can well work together, to the advantage of both,
as well as to the benefit of the country. But it must be realised that each
has its own point of view and a somewhat different outlook. To those who
know, a clash between the two movements on certain issues, would not
come as a surprise. As a matter of fact, this clash was apprehended by the
Irish people at the General Election of December 1918. Although most
of the Labour candidates were Sinn
Féiners, they were believed to be Labour candidates first
and Sinn Féiners afterwards, and there was reason for anxiety that the small
differences between the respective programmes
225
might blind them to greater issues, and
that the strong position Sinn Féin held
at the election might be weakened by the intrusion of Labour candidates.
Such a split would have given the enemies of both a chance of victory.
However, the danger was averted by the Labour Party. Shrewdly realising the
position, it wisely withdrew its candidates, leaving the field free for Sinn Féin, and allowing the electorate to
decide on the political question only. This action led, as I have
stated, to a great victory for Sinn Féin.
The Sinn Féin Convention of November 1917
passed two resolutions concerning Labour, one affirming the right of
Labour to a “fair and reasonable” wage, and the other
calling on Irish Labour to sever its connection with British trade unions.
On the first of these resolutions, Irish Opinion,
the organ of Irish Labour, remarked:
“The resolution of the Sinn Féin
Convention conceding to Irish Labour the right to fair and reasonable
wages was not by any means encouraging. It was a resolution to which the
assent of even Mr. W. M. Murphy1 might have been secured. It did not go far
enough, and it bore upon the face of it timidity and trepidation. The
Labour demand to-day goes rather beyond fair and reasonable wages: the
British Government is prepared to offer, in fact has actually offered,
some share in direction to British Labour. This being so, there is not much
to be gained from Mr. De Valera's statement in his Mansion House
speech ‘that in a free Ireland, with the social conditions that
obtained in Ireland, Labour had a far better chance than it would have
in capitalist England.’ ‘Our Labour
policy,’ continued Mr. De Valera, ‘is a policy of a
free country, and we ask Labour to join with us to free the country.
We recognise that we can never free it without Labour. And we say, when
Labour frees this country—helps to
226
free it—Labour can look for
its own share of its patrimony.’ We agree that ‘to
free the country’ is an object worthy of all devotion that men
can give to it, but at the same time we would urge that, pending this
devoutly-to-be-wished-for consummation, men and women must live and rear
the families upon which the future of Ireland depends. What Mr. De Valera
asks in effect is that Labour should wait till freedom is achieved
before it claims ‘its share of its patrimony.’ There
are free countries, even Republics, where Labour claims ‘its
share in its patrimony’ in vain. We can work for freedom, and we
will, but at the same time we'll claim our share of our
patrimony when and where opportunity offers.”
1 The late Mr. W. M. Murphy was the powerful
leader of the Dublin employers in the strike of 1913.
This answer of Irish Opinion to Sinn
Féin policy towards Labour indicates clearly the
attitude the latter adopts in the matter; I need not comment on it,
but pass on to the second point.
The resolution calling upon Irish Labour to sever its connection with
English Labour was not heeded at all. Irish Labour, as I have already
stated, intends to be international, and this could not be if it withdrew
from association with English Labour. It would be illogical if the
Irish Labour Movement, calling itself international, were to co-operate
with some countries, and refuse to do so with others on grounds which do
not at all concern Labour as a body. In Ireland Labour is heart and
soul with any movement that works for an independent Ireland; but at
the same time it does not mean to commit itself unnecessarily to any policy
that would render it difficult to co-operate with Labour in other
countries in the great endeavour to emancipate Labour all over the world.
The above points of difference which I have indicated in my attempt to
enlighten our people on the relations between Sinn
Féin and Labour do not by any means exhaust the
subject. There are many others, and still more will crop up as time goes
by. Take for instance
227
the attitude of these two movements as
regards the Church. I mentioned before that the modern Labour movement
in Ireland holds Syndicalist views, the views of the extreme Socialists,
and the Church will not touch Socialism. This puts Sinn
Féin in a difficult position. It has either to disavow
Labour's political philosophy, or else risk opposition from the
Church. So far it has not given its answer, and whether it is going to
reconcile both parties or take sides remains to be seen.
These are problems the solution of which awaits Ireland in the future.
Whether the solution is to be accomplished by human ingenuity or by divine
grace one cannot say. Recent events here and elsewhere have taught us,
now more than in any other time, to look to Heaven for help in the troubles
of the world, and have taught us to distrust the activities and intentions
of men. Can we be blamed for holding this distrust after what we have
seen of the works of man during the last six years?
Still the earth goes round, and man lives upon its surface. His destiny is
no longer controlled by the few. The fate and fortunes of nations are no
longer in the hands of the autocrat or the aristocrat; the masses,
unversed as yet in the arts of government, have now to decide the road
which each nation shall travel; without a light from above they will surely
go astray.
In previous chapters I have given an account of the history and development
of agricultural co-operation in Ireland, and I also attempted to describe
the various types of co-operative societies, and explain their
significance to the countryside. I will now complete my account of the
movement by a statement of its progress in the last ten years. In doing so,
I will deal separately with the several types of societies. The value
attached by the rural community to the services rendered by the
societies cannot be expressed in a more telling manner than by the figures
in the following table which provide more than an evidence of steady
growth.
1 I. A. O. S. Annual Report for the year 1909,
page 113.
2Ibid., 1919, page 116.
There are, however, some things which cannot be learned from mere
statistics. Many societies have increased their activities in different
directions; for instance, by the addition of milling business to the
work of agricultural societies, of cheesemaking to buttermaking in the
creameries, and of agricultural machinery in both. Many more have added new
branches to their business, indicating that organised farmers are
determined to obtain and keep full control of their industry
229
in every department. The tendency
towards big business has developed to a remarkable degree in recent
years as the farmers now gain more confidence in their societies, and are
prepared to give them more capital and place with them more of their trade
than formerly.
The outstanding feature in recent years of the movement for which the Irish
Agricultural Organisation Society (“I. A. O. S.”)
stands is, that it has gone a long way towards its ultimate
aim—that of making every Irish farmer a co-operator, of making
the movement universally efficient and useful to its members, and of
placing the central body in a position of independence, free from the
restrictions entailed by Government grants, restrictions that deprive a
society of liberty of action and hinder it from advancing with the
times.
CREDIT SOCIETIES
This is the only type of co-operative societies in Ireland whose report
is unfavourable. A glance at the following table shows how they have
declined.
1 I. A. O. S. Annual Report for the year
1909, page 113.
2Ibid., 1919, page 116.
3 The increase in total capital is due to
the fact that the societies actually working are holding their own, as
will be explained later.
The reasons held for the decaying state of these societies are:4
4 I. A. O. S. Annual Report for the year
1918, page 13.
(a) The I. A. O. S. through insufficiency of
money has not been in a position to give them sufficient attention.
(b) Since the beginning of the war, all State
loans have been recalled, with the result that only
self-supporting societies survived.
(c) The need for this form of co-operative
activity, judged from the number of loans granted in the last
five years, as will be seen below, grew less essential as progress
in other directions, co-operative and otherwise, developed. The
improvement in the position of farmers as a result of land
purchase, the stimulus given to agriculture by the recent increase
of tillage, the economic advantage derived from the different
activities of the co-operative movement, the increased prices
of produce, the facilities offered by the Joint Stock Banks
which are multiplying their branches, etc., all these changes tend
to check the spread of credit societies.
230
Whether a permanent credit movement is any longer necessary remains to
be seen. Will the existing societies justify their existence, or will
the general agricultural prosperity render them for the future an
unnecessary factor in the economy of small farming? If they
survive, are they likely to do an increasing business should market
prices for farm produce return to normal? All that can be said for them
now is, that those self-reliant societies which depend on local
deposits, and which are maintaining their position, are proving
their utility to farmers in backward districts, and supplying a
need. In the event of a slump, similar societies would be needed
elsewhere, perhaps as much as before the war.
The following statistics, which belong to the war period, throw light on
a few interesting points.
1 I. A. O. S. Annual Report for the year
1915, page 142.
2Ibid., 1916, page 152.
3Ibid., 1917, page 120.
4Ibid., 1918, page 102.
5Ibid., 1919, page 112.
Taking the statistics for 1914, 1915, and 1916, we notice that though
the actual business done has decreased, two points are prominent:
1. Societies which up till then had a good record, continued
their useful work. That in itself is a proof that such
societies rendered useful services in rural economy.
2. While the total loan capital invested in the surviving
societies had diminished, the total deposits had increased.
This indicates that in some parts of rural Ireland the
agricultural banks have a real if limited use.
The statistics for 1917 show that the total loan capital is still on the
decrease, indicating that this branch of the co-operative movement is
on the decline, either having accomplished its temporary mission,
or having failed to become a means of financial support in rural
economy. Whatever the reason, the fact remains that those credit
societies which have survived prove by their survival that they have
important functions to perform, and consequently justify their
existence.
From the above account, it will be seen that credit societies in Ireland
do not fill the same place in the co-operative movement as on the
Continent. Two reasons may be assigned for this.1 In the first place, in Europe
these societies are centres of thrift for the rural population, as the
savings of a district are through them invested in the district. In
Ireland, thrift has been neglected except in those successful societies
which are fortunate enough to possess officials who command public
confidence and encourage thrift. In the absence of such trusted
personalities, credit societies suffer by competition with the Post
Office Savings Banks with their Government guarantee, and with the
Joint Stock Banks, which are often vaguely supposed to have
Government behind them. In the second place, in
232
Ireland credit societies, being
registered under the Friendly Societies Act, with unlimited liability,
are denied trading powers which would have otherwise contributed
to their prosperity. On the Continent, these legal obstacles are
non-existent, and credit societies act as agencies for the collective
purchase of farmers' requirements. So far attempts in
Ireland to remove this disability have failed. It would seem, too,
that greater supervision and controlling authority are necessary in the
case of these societies to insure their stability, and fit them to
command and dispose of large deposits. Such functions are performed on
the Continent by a Central Society. In Ireland such a centre was
established in 1913 under the auspices of the I. A. O. S. with a view
to keeping open the possibility of development in the future.
1 Smith-Gordon's Rural Reconstruction in Ireland (1917), page
147.
This central co-operative credit society acts as:
1. A clearing house between the societies which may have a
superfluity of deposits and others which require additional
capital.
2. A supervising body, aiding the societies with which it
deals, either directly or through the I. A. O. S.
Up till now the work done has been small, but still the machinery for
helping to finance the agricultural credit movement has been preserved.
The report for 1919 shows no extension of the Central
Society's activities, owing to the fact that credit
societies are able to obtain the capital they need, either through
local depositors, or through the Joint Stock Banks, and thus there
is small demand at present for the society's services. The
question of the society's future cannot be decided until it
is known what is to be the future of the agricultural bank movement.
To come back again to the table of statistics: we notice that while in
1918 the loan capital has been reduced, the deposits have increased to
such an extent as to increase the total capital, also that there is
a reduction in the number of loans granted. This change is mainly
due to the fact that old borrowers, now comparatively
233
well off, instead of drawing on
their societies, invest their gains in them. This state of affairs
proves that the urgency of the need for cheap credit has
diminished, at least for the present.
AGRICULTURAL SOCIETIES
The annual Report of the I. A. O. S. for the year 1909 remarks on these
societies: “Agricultural societies are the least
satisfactory of all the forms of co-operation. They still remain small
parish associations of farmers whose system of doing business is
unsatisfactory.” The Report of 1918 adopts another tone:
“This form of co-operative activity continues to grow apace.
Indications continue that the functions of these societies will
become more and more varied as time goes on. There is a wide field of
development in such directions, and it is possible that out of the
agricultural will be evolved ‘the general
purposes’ society, to rival in importance, if not to
surpass, the co-operative creamery.” A glance at the
following table, enables us to perceive how progressive this form of
co-operative activity has become in the last few years.
1 I. A. O. S. Annual Report for the year
1909, page 113.
2Ibid., 1919, page 116.
Apart from the buying of fertilisers, seeds and manures, the
agricultural societies tried their hand at the collective sale of
produce. This proved a more difficult operation, and so far has not met
with much success. Further methods of widening the scope of this
branch of the co-operative movement were to increase its range of
articles, enlarge its trade, and embark on various developments, partly
productive and
234
partly distributive. This policy of
extension provoked violent opposition from the local traders and
disapproval from the Department of Agriculture. The latter
declared in 1910 that agricultural societies should confine their
energies to agricultural business and not encroach upon the functions
of the “Stores.” Since then this unsound attitude
has been gradually modified, and it will not be long before the
obstruction is removed. In a country of small holders like Ireland, the
various economic needs cannot be separated into watertight
compartments, and in the case of labourers, the general store is almost
the only way of bringing them into touch with the movement.1 In the
meantime, the existing societies are widening their sphere of action in
that direction, while the I. A. O. S. is being prevented from
organising new societies for other than agricultural purposes.2 Another method
which has been adopted in widening the scope of agricultural societies
is to make the co-operative ownership of agricultural machinery a
part of their business.
1 Smith-Gordon's Rural Reconstruction in Ireland, page 121.
2 As the book was going to press, I was
informed that this restriction had just been removed.
All this indicates that these societies are many-sided in their
activities, they manage stores, work flour-mills, cure bacon, own
machinery for hire to members, etc. A wide field of development and
great prospects lie ahead of them, for they promise in time to provide
for all the primary needs of the farm, farmstead, and home. The
more this branch of co-operative activity develops, the more pressing
becomes the need of suitable managers and trained officials. The I. A.
O. S., realising the necessity of meeting this need, is making an
effort to arrange for the training of suitable men in order to
meet the growing demand for efficient managers. In the Report for 1919,
it is stated that it must be some time before schemes now being evolved
can result in an appreciable supply of the competent officials
that are essential for the success of the societies.
235
These societies, in number, membership and value of business, are the
most important group of co-operative societies in Ireland. They are
making steady progress as the following statistics indicate.
1 I. A. O. S. Annual Report for the year
1909, page 113.
2Ibid., 1919, page 116.
3 These figures indicate the number of
central creameries and auxiliary creameries separately registered.
“In large areas with a scattered population it has been
found desirable to build auxiliary creameries (either as separately
managed and registered societies, working in conjunction with a
central, or as mere branch establishments entirely owned by the
members of the central society) which merely separate the
members' milk and forward the cream to a central society
within easy hauling distance.”
In addition to the production of butter, many of the societies extend
their activities into other co-operative fields for the benefit of
their members. The making of cheese, the curing of bacon, the
collective purchase of agricultural requirements, the trading in
poultry and eggs, which they collect from their members and sell
through the I. A. W. S., the making use of the available power at the
creamery to carry on such other operations as the grinding or milling
of corn, the sawing of timber for cheese crates and egg cases, the
lighting of the premises by electricity, etc., all have been
accomplished with success.
Although the process of manufacture has been organised and the technique
improved, the problem of marketing the product has not yet been solved,
and the creameries still suffer from the evils of competing with
one another and cutting prices. Attempts to remedy this were made as
early as 1892, when the Irish Co-operative Agency Society
(“I. C. A. S.”) was started at Limerick with the
object of marketing the butter of co-operative creameries all over the
country. Until
236
now, it has been a long, continuous
struggle for that society, and unless full support is given to it by
the creameries, the Agency cannot fulfil the functions of a proper
marketing federation. The majority of the creameries do not lend their
support to the Agency in its effort to solve an important problem which
intimately concerns the creameries themselves. There is another
side to the Agency's activities, and that is supplying the
creameries with their necessary requisites.
There is a growing feeling amongst Irish co-operators that one trading
federation for the whole of Ireland should be able to do all the
co-operative trade of the country. At present there is a certain amount
of overlapping and competition between the I. C. A. S. and the I.
A. W. S. “If this occurred with local societies we should
talk of it. Is there any reason why we should not say the same things
because there are federations concerned and not local
societies?” It is hoped that in time the I. A. W. S. will be
the all-Ireland trading federation, not only for agricultural
co-operation, but also for industrial co-operation as well.
There are two problems with which the dairying industry in Ireland is
faced. One is the general diminution of the milk supply, which affects
the success of dairying in a marked degree. This unsatisfactory
state of affairs will continue so long as Irish farmers fail to adopt
cow testing for milk yield and butter fat as an indispensable part of
their business. The other problem is due to the absence of a guarantee
of uniform high quality in the butter produced by the creameries.
It was not until 1910 that the I. A. O. S. took upon its shoulders the
formation of a “Butter Control” scheme, a system
which contributes to the standardising of Irish butter, improves its
quality, and gives it an assured position in the British market.
It is to be regretted that the creameries have failed to play
their part; it was found difficult to induce them to conform to the
conditions of the Control. The latest reports show brighter prospects
as regards the future of the Butter Control scheme.
237
Another question which is causing great anxiety to creameries is that of
the supply of milk regularly throughout the year. To solve this
difficulty, the farmer must co-operate with the creamery so as to
produce and maintain a uniform supply of milk at all seasons. The
factory must be kept going, neither idle nor short hours at any time of
the year, if the Irish dairying industry is to compete with countries
like Denmark, where the winter production of milk has been so well
developed.
The production of milk in winter on an economic basis depends almost
altogether on an improved system of feeding the cows. A system of
“continuous cropping” has been advocated by
Professor Wibberley, of University College, Cork, to attain that
object. In his recent book, Farming on Factory
Lines, he fully explains the details of that system, which he
actually worked out with satisfactory results on a few Irish and
English farms. So far, however, his system is in the experimental
stage and has not been adopted through the country to any appreciable
extent.
POULTRY SOCIETIES
Poultry-keeping is an industry peculiarly adapted to the farm labourer
and small farmer, and is also one in which the farmer's
women-folk can find congenial and profitable employment. To a country
of small farms particularly, it ought to bring a large accession of
wealth.
Before agriculture was organised on co-operative lines, there was a
considerable amount of restlessness among the young men and women of
rural Ireland, due chiefly to lack of employment. The malcontents, the
healthiest and most vigorous elements of the population,
contributed the larger part of the crowd of emigrants. Those who
were patriotic enough to resist the temptation of seeking wealth in
foreign lands and were content to remain at home and make the best of
things, were in the hands of middlemen who exacted a heavy toll on
their industry. I have already described some of the
238
societies organised by the I. A. O.
S. which opened an outlet to the activities of the young men at
home; poultry societies are one of those outlets which offer
employment to the young women of the country. The Society of
“United Irishwomen” provides a means of bringing
women into the movement in a branch of industry exclusively their own
and capable of almost infinite development.
It will be of interest to glance at the condition that prevailed in the
Irish poultry-keeping industry before the co-operative movement came to
effect a change. Mr. Smith-Gordon tells us that
“The position of Ireland in close proximity to the English
markets would seem to have offered a particular advantage and incentive
to this industry. Nevertheless, it had never assumed its proper
position in the industrial life of the country. The reputation of Irish
eggs in England was no more savoury than of that Irish butter.
Time and again the Glasgow and Liverpool merchants were forced to
announce that they found it impossible to deal in Irish eggs as
supplied to them. Likewise Irish poultry, which was later taken to
England and fattened as Surrey fowl, was in such poor condition
that it brought very low prices. The yearly loss to Irish farmers,
distributed among all classes of the population, and most serious for
the poorest, reached into thousands of pounds. Complete ignorance of
the technical details of the industry, and a lack of proper
arrangements for marketing, the two ubiquitous evils of Irish
agriculture largely accounted for this situation. The women, into
whose hands this part of the farming operations naturally fell, were
even less in touch with modern developments than the men. The hens
roamed at large over the estate or picked up their living along the
‘long pasture.’ Winter egg production was as
unusual as winter dairying. An expert would have found great
difficulty in identifying the constituent breeds of the ordinary Irish
fowl; its chief characteristic was a ripe and unprofitable old age. The
marketing arrangements
239
were crude and inefficient. Eggs
were collected from the fields and hedges as the necessities of the
moment, the visits of the egg collector, and the energies of the
owner directed. No attempt was made to keep them clean or sizeable, no
attempt to ensure a really fresh product. The egg collector was among
the most virulent of the middleman class. He travelled about the
country with his miscellaneous stock of household necessaries and
unnecessaries, and for these received in payment the collected eggs of
the period intervening between his visits. His profit was thus doubled.
If there was no egg collector, the shopkeeper at the crossroads
played his rôle with equal
distinction. Eventually the eggs found their way to the markets; dirty,
ungraded, and badly packed. This last fact accounted, partially at
least for the large percentage of breakages en route
of which Irish shippers were for ever complaining.”
When the I. A. O. S. first extended its propaganda to this sphere of the
farmer's work, it had to decide at the outset whether it
would organise large or small societies. Experience presently showed
that poultry societies to be successful must work on a scale
sufficiently extensive to enable their committees to employ a
really competent business man as manager. In securing markets for the
products of these societies the I. A. W. S. has taken the prominent
part. On these lines the poultry industry has developed
favourably. This would not seem to be indicated by the following
figures, yet the above statement is correct. The reader will arrive at
the reason after the explanations that are to come later.
1 I. A. O. S. Annual Report for the year
1909, page 113.
2Ibid., 1919, page 116.
3 High turnover is due to the soaring prices
of eggs.
Problems affecting the progress of the industry are dealt with as they
arise, and every effort is made by the I. A. O. S. to bring this
important branch of co-operative work up to a high standard. The
societies' attention has been drawn repeatedly to the
importance of the breeding and feeding of poultry in order to
eliminate the worthless layers and substitute for them the profitable
varieties which would give a greater number of eggs and of larger size.
They have been constantly reminded that there is as much need for
the establishment of laying record associations in connection with the
societies of poultry-keepers as there is for the cow-testing
associations which are advocated in connection with the creameries. The
members even yet do not sufficiently realise how seriously they
handicap the industry by the manner in which they conduct it. Little
attention is paid to this most important matter of developing egg
production by choosing the proper breeds of fowl. They do not seem to
realise sufficiently that it is worth the trouble, that they can
almost double the output of eggs without increasing the number of their
fowls or the material cost of their keep.
In spite of the fact that at present there is a great demand for
new-laid eggs at high prices, and in spite of the emphasis laid by the
I. A. O. S. on the advisability of the winter production of eggs with
the view of marketing an even and uniform supply of perfectly
fresh eggs throughout the whole year, there is little evidence to show
that the societies are using their opportunities. Yet there is plenty
of profit in winter production for any poultry keeper who will take up
the business systematically and energetically.
In view of the high prices of table poultry and the fine opening for
this branch of the poultry-keeping industry, it was suggested that
members should rear and fatten fowls of the right breeds, and that
the societies should kill, pluck, truss and market the dead
poultry on their behalf. It is disappointing to find that
241
neither the societies nor their
members give much attention to the subject. Perhaps, as in the case
of fresh eggs, the members are satisfied with the profit they get
now without much trouble. But there is a danger in this attitude: the
Irish farmers may get such a bad reputation for their eggs and poultry
as will cause them a good deal of harm later on when the markets
become normal again.
Some years ago there were many complaints as to the unsatisfactory
condition of Irish eggs, and the method of marketing them in England.
The I. A. O. S. went to great expense and trouble to establish the
“Karka” brand for the use of the societies, and
the I. A. W. S. now exercises control over the use of this brand.
Eggs stamped with it are guaranteed as absolutely fresh, quite clean,
accurately graded, and well packed. This in conjunction with the new
system of purchasing eggs by weight has helped the Irish eggs to
command a high price and establish a good reputation. This introduction
of a system of “Control” among poultry societies
is somewhat similar to what has been devised for the creameries.
Experience has taught poultry societies that it is imprudent on their
part to rely on one branch of enterprise alone, and they have in
several cases added to their business other branches of the
farmers' trade, including store business. The reverse order
has been mentioned in connection with agricultural societies,
which were called upon to add the egg business to their work. In both
cases the departure has been met with success. This is the reason why
the number of poultry societies has been decreasing in spite of the
fact that the amount of business done in this trade on
co-operative lines has been gradually increasing. Agricultural
societies now have egg and poultry departments, and so the societies
which deal solely in that trade are on the wane. It seems evident that
the time is not far off when the co-operative trading societies of
the
242
future will be of two kinds, the
productive society, of which the creamery is a type, and the
distributive society, which will undertake all the farmers'
demands in respect of purchase and sale.
FLAX SOCIETIES
Some twenty years ago danger seemed to threaten one of the most
important industries of the North of Ireland, the linen trade, owing to
a decline in the home cultivation of its raw material. Flax-growers
were discouraged by the low prices of the fibre. They suffered in
competition with Continental countries where technical education in the
cultivation of the crop was constantly improving the methods of
production. Further, the question of pure and reliable seed
suitable for Ireland was not sufficiently considered by the
flaxgrowers. The Report of the Departmental Committee on the Flax
Industry dealt with this matter in 1910 as follows:
“The quality of the seed is an extremely important factor in
determining the character of the crop. Great variations exist in the
present seed supply which comes from Russia and Holland. It is in many
cases doubtful whether the seed so imported is specially selected
with a view to the production of superior fibre, for which purpose
alone it is grown in Ireland.”
Not only did farmers sometimes buy the wrong kind of seeds (for there
are two kinds, one primarily bred for fibre and the other for oil), but
they bought them of inferior quality, and at a high price, from local
traders who knew or cared nothing about the crop as long as they
made money out of it.
Under the crude and dangerous system of marketing by private sales on
the mill premises, the farmer fared very badly. That system was
especially detrimental to producers in remote districts, where, when
the buyers formed a ring, the helpless growers were absolutely at
their mercy.
243
These and other causes contributed to the state to which the flax trade
had fallen. The I. A. O. S. took the matter up, and investigated it
with the usual constructive intent. On the one hand, conferences
were held between growers and manufacturers with a view to
arriving at a solution. On the other, the I. A. O. S., the Department
of Agriculture, and the Flax Supply Association worked admirably
together to promote a general scheme for saving the industry. The I. A.
O. S., having satisfied itself that co-operative control of the
handling and marketing of flax was the only remedy for many of the
grievances of the growers, took on itself the responsibility of
organising the farmers on co-operative lines. In the course of the year
1900, five flax societies were started. These were concerned with
four points: the purchase of guaranteed seed direct from the best
sources, the production of the best quality flax by improved methods of
production, secured by the collective employment of expert advice,
proper scutching by acquiring scutch mills to carry out the
expensive after treatment processes at a reduced rate, and the sale of
the product by combining to maintain an agent for the flax in the open
market. The second point, that of improving the method of
production, was handed over later on to the Department of
Agriculture and Technical Instruction, which is in a better
position to look after the purely scientific part of the industry. Some
years ago, the Department sent a deputation of representatives of flax
societies and scutch mill owners to Belgium and Holland, to study
the methods of production and handling the crop in those
countries. A great deal of interesting and instructive information was
obtained which proved to be of great benefit.
It is interesting to note that the taking up of this industry by the
co-operative movement has helped to extend flax cultivation to the
South of Ireland. New ground has already been broken in County
Wicklow,
244
and the formation of the Flax
Co-operative Society at Avoca, which so far is progressing favourably,
is being watched with interest. There is no reason why the
industry should not be extended to other places outside Ulster. Flax
growing in Ireland as a field for co-operative organisation possesses
large but unrealised possibilities. So far, the number of flax
societies has not grown in any notable degree, as the following
figures show:
1I. A. O. S. Annual Report for the year
1909, page 113.
2Ibid., 1919, page 116.
“It is scarcely to be hoped,” as stated in one of
the I. A. O. S. Reports, “that co-operation among flax
growers will restore those ‘palmy days,’ which
existed before the foreign producer began to compete with us, but
it is believed that the Department and the I. A. O. S., working
together, can bring about improved and more economical methods of
cultivation, after-treatment, and marketing; and that, while the
area under the flax crop may never again reach the 301,693 acres
of 1864, it will be possible to double the present acreage, and put the
industry on a paying basis.”
Recently opinions have been expressed as to the advisability of making
the business of the flax-grower a branch of the operations of an
ordinary agricultural society, which would supply seeds, manures,
feeding stuffs, implements, and machinery, including flax-pulling
machines. This would certainly help the existing flax societies, which
suffer from having little to do at some seasons of the year.
Apart from the five different types of co-operative societies we have
considered in detail there are others
245
which deal with a large variety of
enterprises. In none of these societies, which we might group under the
name of “Miscellaneous Societies,” is there any
important modification of the co-operative principle. Some of
them, for instance, dressed-meat societies, bacon societies and fishing
societies, may become of great importance later on, as Ireland is a
great cattle and pig raising country, and also a country the
possibilities of whose fishing industry are enormous; while others,
concerned with the subsidiary occupations, as, for example,
milling societies, lime-burning societies and bee-keeping
societies, must remain in a secondary position. These exemplify
the facility with which the co-operative system may be applied over a
wide field. After all I have seen, I conclude that there could hardly
be any enterprise, big or small, which is likely to engage the
attention of the farmer, to which the co-operative principle could not
be applied with great advantage.
I have mentioned the bee-keeping societies. Perhaps I ought to say a
little more about them, as this subsidiary industry connected with the
land has lately been rousing much interest in a certain circle of our
own enterprising rising generation in Egypt. Foremost among these
is Dr. A. Z. Abushâdy, our young scientific apiarist, in
whom great hopes are centred for the development of modern bee-keeping
in our country. The keeping of bees offers an opportunity for large
profits with little trouble and expense, and may be advantageously
developed as a national industry on co-operative lines. At present,
little honey is produced, and much of the product is wasted. Yet the
demand is great and the retail price is high. What is the hindrance
to development? There are three main causes: the lack of technical
knowledge of modern and profitable bee-keeping and honey
production,1
the prohibitive prices of the few necessary requisites, and the low
return
246
for honey, as sold in the usual
way, the profits going to the middleman rather than to the
producer. Beekeepers' co-operative societies are easy to
form, since they require practically no capital.1 Their work is largely done
through a central federation, of which they are the constituent local
units. This federation is the I. A. W. S., which has a special
department to provide for their needs. Being members of a large
co-operative movement, these societies benefit economically,
administratively, and educationally. Through the medium of co-operative
literature and meetings they learn what is best for their industry.
Through the wholesale trading federation, they eliminate the
middleman, get all the profit that is their due, and at the same
time acquire all the essential appliances at a much reduced cost. It
has been stated that when these societies began trading through the
Wholesale Society, prices obtained for their product rose eighty per
cent., and the cost of their appliances was reduced by nearly
forty per cent.
1The British Beekeepers' Guide Book, by
T. W. Cowan. The Practical Bee Guide, by J. G.
Digges.
1Co-operation in Bee-keeping, I. A. O. S.
Leaflet.
The I. A. O. S. is ready to organise bee-keeping societies, either as
independent societies or as, what is generally the practice, branches
of the ordinary agricultural society, and once they are formed, it
promotes their interest in a variety of ways. In The
Irish Homestead, edited by “AEL,” there
is always a page or so devoted to queries, replies, notes, and articles
on bee-keeping.
IRISH AGRICULTURAL WHOLESALE SOCIETY—“I. A. W.
S.”
The history of the I. A. W. S. has been one of continuous progress. Its
objects are those common to all co-operative trade federations.
Although the main trade of the society is in fertilisers, seeds,
machinery, etc., such as are dealt in by a federation of
agricultural societies, yet the society is taking upon itself the
functions of a general co-operative organisation. It
247
has thus become the link between
the two classes of co-operative societies, the producers'
and the consumers'. The following departments of the I. A.
W. S., which cover all the branches of trading in which the
societies are engaged, indicate the extent of its activities:
banking; farm and garden seeds; produce marketing; agricultural
implements and machinery; bee-keeping appliances and honey; grocery and
provisions; dairy engineering; fertilisers, feeding stuffs and coal;
drapery, boots and shoes; printing, bookselling and stationery.
The following table shows the growing trade of the society.
A survey of agricultural co-operation in Ireland would not be complete
without mention of the part that women play in the movement. My readers
will remember that in Chapter XII were recorded the activities of
the organised body of Irish countrywomen who bear the name of
United Irishwomen.
CHAPTER XVII AGRICULTURAL CO-OPERATION IN GREAT BRITAIN
In dealing with industrial co-operation in Ireland, I found it necessary to
treat it as part of a movement spread over Great Britain and Ireland.
Agricultural co-operation in these countries had its inception and
first development in Ireland; as established in Great Britain it deserves a
chapter to itself.
The methods adopted in my studies and researches in Ireland, which I have
explained in previous chapters, I employed in Great Britain also.
I toured England and Scotland, and tried to study my subject by first-hand
investigation. I need not go into details, it would mean only a repetition
of much that I have written of my tour in Ireland. I began by getting
introductions to the headquarters of the movements in Britain. The
Agricultural Organisation Society, “A. O. S.,” in
London, and the Scottish Agricultural Organisation Society, “S.
A. O. S.,” in Edinburgh, like the Irish Agricultural
Organisation Society, “I. A. O. S.,” in Dublin,
formed my centres of investigation. There I received every assistance, and
was thus enabled to formulate a practical and comprehensive programme
and proceed on my researches in a systematic manner. I was well received
wherever I went. I got information I wanted by visiting different
co-operative societies, conversing with their officials and members,
and making use of the available literature, whether reports, pamphlets,
books, or periodicals. The only difference I noticed between my work in
Great Britain and in Ireland was that in the former I was simply the
student of economics who had come for research and
249
investigation and nothing more; in the
latter I was the friend as well as the student, and was made welcome
in the social life of the people, and so my work was a pleasure as well as
a duty.
I do not propose to give here a full history of agricultural co-operation in
Great Britain; it would be unnecessary after my account of the history,
aims and development of the same movement in Ireland. In the three
countries it has responded to the same needs, and been run for the same
purposes, on almost the same lines. Ireland took the lead and set the
example, and thanks to favourable circumstances, able leadership and dogged
perseverance, attained the high position she now holds, and the universal
attention she commands.
ENGLAND
The work for the promotion of agricultural co-operation in England has,
since 1901, been conducted by the A. O. S., registered under the
Industrial and Provident Societies Act. Before that time
co-operation was practised in England, and also in Scotland, by
farmers in different places, who grouped themselves together and made
use of the association for certain limited purposes. In this respect
the movement had its start from the people themselves, not as in
Ireland, from the efforts of a member of the upper class who had
the well-being of his country and countrymen at heart.
In 1912, the Society was reconstructed and registered under the
Companies (Consolidation) Act. This reconstruction was due to the
policy of the Development Commission, which selected the A. O. S. as
the body in the best position to promote co-operation in
agriculture. The Society receives an annual grant from the
Development and Road Improvements Fund to enable it to continue its
work and increase its activities.
250
The following statistical figures show that, in spite of the inevitable
check to co-operative enterprise caused by the war, the agricultural
co-operative movement in this country is making sure progress.
1 A. O. S. Annual Report for the year 1913,
page 155.
2Ibid., 1919, Summary of Statistics.
The inclusion of agricultural co-operation in the programme of the
Development Commissioners, and further their decision that part of
their funds should be allotted to the A. O. S. for the promotion of
the principle of co-operation, has not only enabled the Society to
increase its range of work, but has also created a widespread interest
in the Society, which is reflected in the increase of its activities.
As the movement became stronger it was found advantageous to extend the
policy of branch devolution so as to render the propagandist work more
economical, effective and representative. The scheme provided for
the formation of sections of the Central Society in different parts of
the country; through these the local work of agricultural organisations
was to be conducted under the auspices of the central body. Under
this system the country is divided into five
“divisions,” each of which is again divided into
“branches.” Of these there are fifteen
distributed among the English and Welsh counties. Each division has a
divisional organiser, who superintends the work of the branches in
his division, and keeps them in touch with the central organisation.
Each of the branches is provided with a trained branch organising
secretary and the necessary staff. Further, there is a system of
district correspondence adopted in order to utilise the voluntary
251
services of supporters of the
movement, mainly in those districts where there are no branches, which
forms a link between the various localities and the A. O. S., and
enables the latter to know local requirements, a knowledge which is
essential to efficient organisation work.
The latest development has been the formation in various parts of the
country of large societies on a county basis. These organisations have
been generally formed by the amalgamation of a number of societies
existing within a certain area. There are already several of these
societies in existence, such as the Derbyshire Farmers, Limited, the
Leicestershire Farmers, Limited, the County of York Agricultural
Co-operative Association, Limited, and others; they supply farm
requirements and dispose of the principal forms of produce. These
large county societies establish depôts to serve the various
portions of their areas. The A. O. S. not only welcomes this new step
but actually advocates it as a general policy, as long as the societies
do not cover so wide an area that their individual members lose
effective touch with them. It considers that societies should be large
enough to ensure a turnover which would warrant the employment of
competent and well-paid managers, to the satisfaction of all concerned.
Like the I. A. O. S. and the Irish Farmers' Union, the A. O.
S. and the National Farmers' Union are on friendly terms.
The help which the two bodies can and do give one another is great. The
leaders of the two bodies are aware of this fact, and have been
desirous for some time of obtaining a definite understanding and
devising a working basis for mutual assistance. Joint conferences have
been held and the whole question is now receiving the consideration of
both bodies.
To follow the recent progress of the movement and to judge its present
position in the sphere of agriculture, it will be necessary to deal
with the several types of societies separately.
252
CREDIT SOCIETIES
These societies are based, as they are in Ireland, on the German
Raiffeisen principle of unlimited liability. The objection to the
latter induced the Board of Agriculture and the A. O. S. to take steps
in order to make it possible for the societies, if they wished, to have
their liability limited. To meet the difficulty of obtaining
funds, owing to failure to attract deposits, the Board has made
arrangements with the Joint Stock Banks. Although these societies have
been recommended to the farmers for the past twenty years, the
facilities for starting them have been little availed of. There
seems to be little desire on the part of the farmers to avail
themselves of the methods of co-operation in this direction, in spite
of the fact that the small farmers would be greatly benefited by a more
ready access to capital for productive purposes. The following
statistics reveal the scant favour accorded to this type of society.
1 A. O. S. Annual Report for the year 1913,
page 156.
2Ibid., 1919, Summary of Statistics.
The following reasons have been advanced in explanation of the
unprogressive state of credit societies in this country 3:
3Ibid., 1913, page 65.
“1. Rural districts are not burdened by the usurer to
the same extent as in foreign countries.
“2. Extent to which England is served by Joint Stock
Banks as compared with Continental States.
“3. Unpopularity in this country of the principle of
unlimited liability.
“4. Unwillingness of average farmer to disclose his
financial position to his neighbours.
253
“5. General custom of merchants to give long credit to
agricultural customers.
“6. General preference on part of cultivators to
obtain goods on credit rather than to borrow actually in cash.
“7. Lack of enthusiasm on the part of the class of men
required to undertake the responsibility of acting on committees
and the scarcity of keen and properly qualified men to act as
secretaries.
“8. Difficulty of financing societies if
formed.”
To encourage the extension of co-operative credit, investigations made
in 1916 resulted in a scheme submitted to and approved by the A. O. S.
in 1918. It is confined for the present to the subject of credit
on the purchase of goods by the farmer. It is proposed that the Joint
Stock Banks should be asked to finance the scheme, the main proposals
for which are1:
1 A. O. S. Annual Report for the year 1918,
page 16.
“1. That the credit should be closely linked with
trading.
“2. That the condition of the credit should be that
the farmer should buy from the trading society of which he is a
member everything for the purpose of which he wants credit.
“3. That this credit should accordingly be
administered solely by approved agricultural co-operative
trading societies and by their central wholesale purchasing body,
the Agricultural Wholesale Society, and should be available only to
members of such approved societies.”
This scheme is still under consideration, and no steps have yet been
taken to put it into operation.
SOCIETIES FOR PURCHASE OF REQUIREMENTS
Until recently agricultural co-operation in this country has been
developed chiefly along the lines of combination for the purchase of
farmers' requirements. There
254
is evident, too, a growing tendency
towards the development of co-operation for the disposal of
agricultural produce. Societies of this type form the most
important branch of agricultural co-operation in England, and
their progress is shown by the following table:
1 A. O. S. Annual Report for the year 1913,
page 155.
2Ibid., 1919, Summary of Statistics.
Of these societies, some possess depôts, while others do not.
The former are in a position to cater equally for the small and large
farmer, as they can store their stock and offer it in quantities to
suit the convenience of the small man. Among the enterprising
‘societies, such as that of the Farmers’
Co-operative Association of Ipswich, some have erected expensive
seed-cleaning plants, and the germination and purity of all seeds
are tested and guaranteed before they are offered to members. Some
possess milling machinery for supplying meals, guaranteed pure manures,
and compound fertilisers. Some do very large business in all kinds
of farming implements and machinery and even build fully-equipped
dairies. Some undertake the slaughtering of fat cattle, sheep and
calves, acting as Government authorised slaughter-house agents.
In addition to trading in agricultural requirements of every
description, members can place money with their societies at varying
interest for short or long periods; insurances can also be offered
through the societies on favourable terms.
DAIRY SOCIETIES
The disposal of dairy produce co-operatively forms the main feature of
many of the societies affiliated to the A. O. S. This is carried out on
different lines according to local conditions. Where suitable
markets
255
are available and transport easy,
the disposal of the members' produce as whole milk is
preferred. The advantages in doing this on co-operative lines are
numerous. By reason of the large amount of milk dealt with by the
societies, it is possible to regulate to a considerable extent the
quantity to be sent to the market, thus avoiding over-production, and
this helps to keep the price of milk at a remunerative level, and
at the same time avoid waste. Besides, the combined surplus milk can be
dealt with in a more economic and profitable way in the well-fitted
co-operative depôts. In these it is converted into products
such as cheese, butter, or separated milk powder in conjunction
with cream. This leaves the farmer time and energy to devote to
operations on the farm, and he is no longer troubled with the question
of marketing. When we come to realise that the profits which accrue
from such organisation and which were formerly secured by
unnecessary intermediaries, are returned to the members in
proportion to the amount of trade done by each, we can estimate the
value of these dairy societies to the farmer.
Some societies have been established for the manufacture of cheese as
their primary object, while others are concerned with the making of
butter. The production of pure milk is a
speciality of some societies, and there is great scope and need for
this work. Dairy organisation in the latter case has been generally in
the direction of wholesale dealing with milk, but in 1916 some
societies started retailing on a large scale with great success. In the
same year a milk capitalist combine, “The United Dairies,
Limited,” was formed by the amalgamation in London of a
number of joint stock dairy companies. To safeguard the interest of
the farmer against these capitalist profiteers, a federation has
been formed amongst the dairy societies affiliated to the A. O. S. with
the object of obtaining greater unity of action. This Co-operative
Central Association
256
of Dairy Farmers advocates closer
combination amongst the various dairy societies, and the establishment
of factories and depôts collectively by a number of
societies wherever possible and advantageous. Careful consideration is
being given now to the schemes for the amalgamation of the smaller
societies in order to enlarge their sphere of influence, decrease their
overhead charges, and at the same time increase their efficiency
in the handling of milk and the manufacture of milk products.
Many of the dairy societies benefit their members in other ways. They
undertake the purchase in bulk of agricultural requirements such as
feeding stuffs, fertilisers, implements, etc. Some undertake the
collecting, grading, packing and selling of eggs.
The general progress of this type of agricultural co-operation is
indicated by the following table:
1 A. O. S. Annual Report for the year 1913,
page 155.
2Ibid., 1919, Summary of Statistics.
EGG AND POULTRY SOCIETIES
In spite of the difficulties created by the war in getting supplies of
feeding stuffs for poultry these societies made satisfactory progress.
The co-operative movement has exerted a great influence upon the
general egg trade in this country, even where societies have had
only a qualified success. We shall not, therefore, do full justice to
this type of society if we measure its progress by mere statistics,
such as these:
1 A. O. S. Annual Report for the year 1913,
page 155.
2Ibid., 1919, Summary of Statistics.
257
A good deal has still to be accomplished in this line of co-operation,
especially when we realise that the consumption of eggs and poultry is
vastly in advance of production. The A. O. S. Report for 1914 showed
a marked improvement in this trade in many respects. Care had been
exercised by the societies to raise the quality of their supplies by
means of testing eggs for quality and size, and by offering a bonus on
good results, as well as by introducing approved methods of
grading and packing. By adopting more business-like methods, it has
been possible to arrange for a more frequent collection, with the
result that the turnover of the societies has increased and better
prices are realised.
Experience has shown the fact that societies succeed best when they
undertake other activities allied to their proper functions as branches
of their work. For instance, the Framlingham and Eastern Counties
Co-operative Egg and Poultry Society, the largest society of its
kind in England, in addition to purchasing feeding stuffs in bulk, has
been recently doing a considerable trade in poultry and rabbits; it is
also establishing a poultry farm for the breeding and fattening of
poultry. This society has been instrumental in raising and
maintaining the price of eggs and poultry in East Anglia,
experience showing that where no depôts are in existence,
lower prices are current. The Report of 1915 records that some of the
larger societies show a great increase in the number of eggs dealt with
and the value realised, by employing the system of preserving the
eggs in spring to retail them in winter at higher prices. Progress
continues both in regard to turnover and number of societies. A
considerable increase of the number was brought about by the three-week
tour of an Egg and Poultry Demonstration Train, organised to run
through the South-Western counties.
At the present time, notwithstanding the assistance extended by the A.
O. S. Egg Intelligence Bureau to
258
all the egg-collecting societies in
forwarding to them each week information on market prices, the system
of marketing is far from satisfactory. There are several societies
handling eggs on a large scale and competing against one another in the
market. At the same time, a large number of the smaller societies are
marketing their eggs through the Agricultural Wholesale Society,
which in turn competes with the large societies. Such a state of
affairs needs consideration. A special sub-committee was appointed by
the A. O. S. in 1918 with a view to evolving a satisfactory scheme for
a better wholesale distribution of eggs and marketing of poultry.
SMALL HOLDINGS AND ALLOTMENTS SOCIETIES
It is not always possible to draw a line between small holdings and
allotments, but the latter have now come to be understood as the small
allotment gardens of the town worker. In many of the crowded districts
the allotment movement has spread widely on the outskirts of
towns. To the working man, his allotment is his garden, which supplies
him with fresh vegetables and flowers, and at the same time provides
him with an alternative to the publichouse as a means of
relaxation. The need for co-operation among small holders and
allotment holders is great, and it is gratifying to notice this class
of cultivator appreciates the benefits derived from this form of
combination. These benefits are realised in the following
directions1:
“1. The acquisition of land more easily, and the
obtaining of it at a more reasonable price.
“2. The saving of expense in the cost of
production by combined purchase of all sorts of
agricultural requirements.
“3. The possibility of obtaining the use of
agricultural implements and machinery, good teams of horses,
etc.,
259
usually beyond the means of
individual small holders, by co-operative ownership of such
articles and horses.
“4. The possibility of selling produce on
satisfactory lines by an organised scheme for the disposal
of produce.”
1 A. O. S. Annual Report for the year 1913,
page 30.
In all these directions steady progress has been made, as the following
table shows:
1 A. O. S. Annual Report for the year 1913,
page 155.
2Ibid., 1919, Summary of Statistics.
As regards the acquisition of land, it was questioned some time ago
whether there was any real advantage accruing from renting land through
the societies. Some held the view that members would be better off
holding land as individuals, and afterwards forming a co-operative
society for combined work. But when the question was put to the test
and the experience of the existing societies was consulted, the
conclusion arrived at was in favour of the co-operative system of
land renting. Many of the societies maintained that it was this
system alone that had enabled them to obtain any land. The A. O. S.,
observing the development in the co-operative acquisition of land,
which, in 1918, extended to an area of nearly of 15,000 acres, as well
as in co-operative trading, formed an Allotments and Small
Holdings Department in order to meet the demand for assistance.
Lately there has been growing a movement in favour of members owning the
land they cultivate. Several societies have taken up this matter, and
with the aid of the A. O. S. organisers satisfactory arrangements
have been reached. The necessary capital has been raised, partly by
shares held by the members, and partly by mortgage or loan.
260
Another question has been considered in recent years by some societies:
the question of housing. In this matter, the A. O. S. understands that
the Local Government Board is willing to give financial assistance
to small holdings and allotments societies prepared to undertake
schemes for providing houses for the working classes.
Besides the types of societies explained in this account, there are
other forms of co-operative combinations in agriculture, such as
auction mart and produce societies, insurance societies,
slaughterhouses, fruit and market garden produce societies, etc.; all
these are progressing satisfactorily.
THE AGRICULTURAL WHOLESALE SOCIETY—“A. W.
S.”
The question of the federation of affiliated societies for joint trading
purposes was under consideration until the year 1912, when the
Farmers' Central Trading Board came into existence as a
result. The Report of 1914 showed that the Board, which acted as the
central agency of the agricultural co-operative movement, although
it did good work, was not representative of the whole movement, as it
was supported by only a comparatively small number of agricultural
societies. The policy then adopted by the Board of creating
sections in different parts of the country with the object of
ascertaining the local requirements of societies, has greatly
accelerated its rate of expansion. The year 1918 brought with it a new
development; it was decided that a strong Agricultural Wholesale
Society should be formed and that the existing Board should be its
basis. This has been realised, and now the A. W. S. stands as the
trading federation of the movement. Its business has been
departmentalised in such a way as to enable it to supply every kind
of agricultural requirement to the affiliated societies. The A. W.
S. is yet too young to act as a central selling
261
agency for the disposal of the
societies' produce. Its prospects of further development
depend entirely on the societies; if they loyally and stoutly support
their federation, it will be able to buy and sell for them
everything that is best bought and sold on wholesale lines.
SCOTLAND
Up to 1910, the sixth year of its work, the Scottish Agricultural
Organisation Society had been entirely dependent upon private support.
But in that year the Commissioners of the Development Fund, recognising
the society as the body best fitted to promote co-operation in
agriculture, decided to make a grant for its purposes. The society,
therefore, while still retaining its voluntary character, had the
advantage of being a body recognised by the State. Its work has been
progressing satisfactorily, as the following figures show; in spite
of great difficulties, the position of the existing societies has
been consolidated and new societies formed.
1 S. A. O. S. Annual Report for the year
1910, page 86.
2Ibid., 1918, page 84.
262
CREDIT SOCIETIES
A beginning was made in this branch of co-operation by the formation of
one society in 1914. Since then no other societies have been formed. In
the same year the S. A. O. S. applied to the Development
Commisioners for a loan of £5,000 for the promotion of
co-operative Credit, in the belief that with the help of such a
loan, advantage might be taken of the services of the Joint Stock Banks
to bring about a considerable extension of co-operative credit. The
application has not been complied with, and in the absence of some
such help, progress has been slow. No further record of activity
in this line has been reported. In fact, although the name of Kilmallie
Co-operative Credit Society, Invernessshire, is on the list of
societies affiliated to the S. A. O. S., it does not appear at all on
the summary of statistics for the year 1918, showing that the
society exists only in name. The reasons for the failure of this
form of co-operative association in Scotland are similar to those we
mentioned in connection with the same movement in England.
SOCIETIES FOR SUPPLY OF REQUIREMENTS AND SALE OF PRODUCE
These societies are carrying on satisfactorily their good work of
procuring for their members substantial advantages by collective
purchase of the materials, and collective sale of the products of
agriculture. They continue to exercise an influence on the prices paid
and obtained even by outsiders. In spite of war difficulties, they
have given substantial help to the farmer in procuring necessary
supplies.
Lately it has been found that by combining together, societies could buy
for a wider district with great advantage. This development has
conduced to the success of the local societies concerned, and will, it
is hoped, lead to an increase in their number.
263
DAIRY AND CHEESEMAKING SOCIETIES
By these societies, producers of milk have been enabled to obtain higher
returns without correspondingly increasing the cost to the consumer.
The system of milk depôts supplies the distributors in
quantities suited to varying requirements, and at the same time
provides for the profitable utilisation of surplus milk. These
societies show highly satisfactory results, in attaining which their
work has been aided by the use of motor transport. An important
development took place in 1910 in the formation of a federation of such
affiliated dairy societies as desired to enter the combination and
were approved by the joint committee of milk depôts. The
object of the Federation of the Co-operative Milk Depôts, as
it is called, is to facilitate joint action on the part of local
societies and without unnecessary interference with their proceedings,
regulate their trade, guard against injurious competition, and promote
such common action as may be generally advantageous.
Recently the S. A. O. S. has appointed a Special Dairy Committee to
consider the question of the buildings and equipment necessary for the
various forms of co-operative dairying, so as to be able to submit
to affiliated societies plans, estimates and specifications for
building and equipment.
EGG AND POULTRY SOCIETIES
These continue to make good progress. They cooperate with the Highland
and agricultural societies in improving poultry breeding as well as in
improving marketing organisation with excellent results. In 1910,
a development similar to that mentioned above in connection with the
formation of a federation of dairy societies was set on foot. The
project issued in the formation of the Scottish Farm and Poultry
Produce Federation, which acts as a selling agency for the local
264
societies and furthers their trade
interests generally. Like the Dairy Federation it is designed to
develop united action on the part of local societies and secure
their common interests.
Although the number of these societies is small, co-operative trading in
poultry produce is considerable. In addition to the five poultry
societies existing in 1918, there are thirty-one societies classified
under the name of “Societies for ‘Supply of
Requirements and Sale of Produce,” which trade in poultry
produce to the value of over £50,000 a year between
them.
CO-OPERATIVE STOCK IMPROVEMENT SOCIETIES
Gratifying reports have been received from these societies, which, under
a scheme approved by the Board of Agriculture, hire stud animals and
place them at the service of members. Great benefit has thus been
conferred on small farmers where a good class of stud animals is
not available, with the result that where such societies exist, a
marked improvement of farm live stock has been noticeable. Some of the
societies also undertake the business of purchasing farm
requirements. The report of 1918 shows that these societies
continue to be most successful.
WOMEN'S INSTITUTES IN GREAT BRITAIN
In the review of agricultural co-operation in Ireland, I devoted a
section to women's place in rural economy. The part played
in that country by the “United Irishwomen” is
played in Great Britain by the “Women's
Institutes,” which are unions of rural women,
“whose work is for the betterment of homes and
communities, whose ideal is to raise the standard of living in the
country and to stimulate agricultural development through the creation
of a better social order, as well as by engaging directly in
agricultural industries.”
265
Although the aims and work of these
institutions in England and Scotland are similar, the central
organisations for their promotion in the two countries are
different. In England they work under the auspices of the Agricultural
Organisation Society, which gives information as to how institutes are
formed, furnishes speakers, supplies model rules and helpful
literature, assists in securing expert demonstrators and
lecturers, and generally gives the movement every encouragement.1 In Scotland they work in conjunction with the Scottish Board of
Agriculture.2 But both in England and Scotland the institutes are free to
manage their own affairs, control their own funds, and undertake
whatever work seems to the members best suited to their locality.
The affiliation of the institutes to a central body is essential. Apart
from the benefits they receive from it, and to which we referred above,
the existence of a common centre keeps all institutes in touch with
one another, and it arranges conferences where subjects of
importance to the whole movement may be discussed, and unity of purpose
be encouraged. But whether the institutes will form in time their own
independent central body as other women's organisations have
done, or not, remains to be seen.
1 Pamphlet on Women's Institutes, by A. O. S. England.
2 Pamphlet on Scottish
Women's Rural Institutes, by Board of Agriculture
for Scotland.
The objects of these institutes are:
1. To draw together women of all ranks in country districts
for mutual help.
2. To put them in touch with those who have made a special
study of such subjects as domestic economy, home nursing, child
welfare, home influence and control of lads and girls, and
rural education in general.
3. To promote the interest of agriculture, encourage home and
local industries, and develop co-operative enterprise in the
countryside.
4. To arrest rural depopulation by bringing more interest
into country life and to combat isolation by
266
establishing centres for
social intercourse, recreation and local activities.
5. At the present time to bring to the knowledge of the
countrywomen ways in which they can help their country in
playing their part in the reconstruction of rural life.
The organisation of these institutes is very simple, and the rules are
so elastic as to meet the requirements of any district, and to give the
utmost scope for individual development. Each institute has its
own committee and officers, who are responsible for drawing up its
programme, arranging for its meetings, which are held at fixed
intervals, and seeing to its business and welfare in general. A small
membership fee is paid by each member in order to cover the cost of
postage and other incidental expenses. The institutes are
constantly in touch with the central body, which holds an annual
conference to which delegates from the affiliated institutes are sent
to survey the work of the past year, and to draw up a programme for the
coming one. This offers a chance for representatives of all the
institutes to meet and discuss such subjects as concern their
common interests.
As regards the history of these institutes, they originated in Canada,
where they were first formed, in Ontario, in the year 1897. From that
province the movement spread to many parts of the country owing to
the good name the institutes made for themselves by bettering the life
of the countryside. Subsequently the various provincial governments and
public institutions became aware of the economic and educational
value of the institutes. They formed central organisations, and helped
to advance the movement in every way.1
1Handbook for Women's Institutes,
published by direction of the Minister of Agriculture, Canada.
From Canada the movement spread to America through the United States and
to Europe through
267
Belgium. The Government of the
latter country some years ago sent a Commission to Canada to enquire
into the working of women's institutes. On their return
the Commission recommended their formation in Belgium, under the
general title, “Les Cercles des
Fermières.” Since their establishment in Belgium,
they have accomplished good work, and have taken an important
place in village life.1
1Le Role Social de la Fermière, by Paul
de Vuyst, Director General of Agriculture, Belgium.
During the war, the Canadian Government turned to the women's
institutes for help in the organisation in country districts of
different kinds of war work. With the coming of Canadian women to Great
Britain for military purposes, women's institutes were first
introduced here. Since then the movement has grown so rapidly that
there are now over one thousand institutes in England, and over seventy
in Scotland. They proved of great service during the war, their value
in reconstruction is recognised, and great hopes are entertained
of them.
CHAPTER XVIII INDUSTRIAL CO-OPERATION IN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND
In a previous chapter I gave a general account of the rise and development
of this form of co-operation in these countries. I add another chapter on
the subject to show the present place of the movement in industry and
the progress it is making. In order to do this without going into all the
details, which would occupy a big volume by themselves, I will contrast the
movement as it now stands with what it was ten years ago, and explain
the progress it has made during that time, confining my remarks to its main
activities. Its progress may be divided under three headings:
A.—Improvement in Organisation.
B. — Social Work: 1. Educational Activities; 2.
Women's Guilds; 3. Relationship with Employees.
C.—Industrial Aims: 1. Scope of Wholesale; 2. Relation
with Agriculture; 3. Entry into Politics.
Before I go further, I may give a few figures that will indicate broadly the
general progress of the co-operative stores movement.
1 Co-operative Union Congress Report for 1909,
pages 595-597.
2Ibid., 1919, pages 742-743.
3 The decrease in the number of Societies is due
to amalgamation.
4 This figure represents the number of actual
members, but when one considers that each member represents a family, and
taking the average family in these countries as consisting of four members,
one realises how great is the number of co-operators, amounting to fifteen
millions out of a population of forty-five millions, that is, one-third of
the people.
269
A.—IMPROVEMENT IN ORGANISATION
Since its start the movement has been expanding and improving gradually
in all directions, but in an unsystematic and somewhat casual way. It
was not until 1914 that it turned over a new leaf by devising a
new policy of organisation. In that year, the Congress which was held
at Dublin passed the following resolution:
“That this Congress, recognising the importance of efficiency
and economy in its administrative work, and having a strong conviction
that the progress of the movement might be greatly accelerated, calls
for a general survey of the whole field of co-operative activities
from its three main features, viz., Education, Production, and
Distribution; and, having due regard to their relative value, assign to
each one its special sphere of action, and thereby give to the
movement generally that solidarity and flexibility so obviously
lacking at present, and therefore instructs the Central Board to
appoint a Special Committee to consider and report in terms of this
resolution.”
In accordance with these instructions, the Central Board of the
Co-operative Union appointed the General Co-operative Survey Committee.
This committee, which is composed of eighteen members, not only
represents the talent and ability of the movement, but also
represents the various co-operative organisations within it, such
as the Wholesale Societies, the Productive Federation, and the
Women's Guilds. The committee is divided into three
sub-committees, each appointed to investigate a special aspect of
the movement and report upon it. To enter into the bye-paths of
the four “Interim Reports” submitted between the
years 1916 and 1919 inclusive, would be beyond the scope of this
volume. For my purpose here, it will suffice to sketch briefly the
lines on which the recommendations, which are now being adopted
and carried out, were made.
270
The Administration Sub-Committee
This deals with the constitution of the organising and trading
bodies in the movement. It sets forth the defects in their
organisation, which check progress or retard growth, and suggests
remedies. Realising that the extension of co-operative employment
is desirable as a means of securing a greater co-operative
control over industry, this sub-committee emphasises the importance
of a lead from the movement in regard to labour conditions.
The Trade Sub-Committee
Considers closely the two aspects of trade, that is, distribution
and production. It investigates the policies of the individual
societies and the need for more concerted action between them in
order to prevent overlapping; it discusses credit trading, etc It
points out the fundamental importance of the loyalty of the
members in all efforts to extend co-operative activities. It
directs attention to the undue importance attached to dividend
earning, and shows how this interferes with the extension of
co-operation to the poor.
On the side of production, the position and possibilities of
wholesale societies are studied. Problems like collective use of
profits, control over raw material, relationship with co-operative
agricultural organisations, lack of co-ordination between the
co-operative wholesale societies and the productive associations,
etc., all these come under review by this sub-committee.
The Education Sub-Committee
Defines and classifies clearly the principles on which co-operation
is based, and examines how far and to what extent the dissemination
of these principles is being carried out by the individual
societies, through the various organisations within the movement,
and above all by the Co-operative Union itself. It does not
confine itself to questions of education, theoretical
271
and practical; it extends its
inquiries and suggestions to the publication of co-operative
literature, books, and periodicals, to propaganda work for
advancing the cause of co-operation, by holding indoor and outdoor
meetings, by the provision of the necessary appliances, such
as cinematograph films, by the preparation of a suitable
selection of songs, and by arranging exhibitions and tours.
B.—SOCIAL WORK
1.—EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES
The work done by the co-operative movement in this sphere follows
three lines: (i) work undertaken by local societies; (ii) work
undertaken by the Co-operative Union; (iii) work undertaken by
organisations acting in association with the Union, such as the
Co-operative Students' Fellowship, the National
Co-operative Men's Guild, the Women's
Co-operative Guilds, the Educational Associations, the Co-operative
Secretaries' Association, and the National Co-operative
Managers' Association.
(i) The efforts of local societies through their education
committees do not seem to influence sufficiently the movement
as a whole. The work accomplished is generally more of a
municipal than co-operative character, and the feeling is that
the results, as far as co-operation is concerned, do not
justify the expenses incurred by these societies.
(ii) The work carried on by the Central Education Committee
of the Co-operative Union is of considerable value. They hold
that the objects of co-operative education should be:
“Primarily the formation of co-operative character and
opinion, by teaching the history, theory and principles of the
movement, with economics, and industrial and constitutional history
in so far as they have a bearing on co-operation; and, secondarily,
though not
272
necessarily of less import, the
training of men and women to take part in industrial and social
reforms and civic life generally.”
This committee has been described as “the keeper of the
educational conscience of the movement.” Realising their
great responsibility, its members strive to discharge their
important duties in the spirit of that description. An important
step in connection with the development of education in the
movement was the appointment in 1915 of Professor F. Hall as
adviser of studies to the Co-operative Union.
The activities of the Central Education Committee are varied. It
holds classes of a technical nature in book-keeping, management,
the training of secretaries and auditors, etc. It gives various
courses of lectures on the economics of co-operation and allied
subjects, as well as on general economics, citizenship and
political organisation, and it conducts correspondence classes
in these. It holds training classes for teachers, so that
societies may have the services of trained and approved teachers.
It arranges examinations for its students and grants certificates
on the results. It organises summer schools and gives advice to
local education committees. It stimulates informal education by
encouraging the formation of Young People's Circles, and
performs a similar service by co-operating with other
associations having similar aims, and by arranging an annual
Easter Conference of teachers. It co-operates with other
working-class organisations, such as Ruskin College, Oxford, the
Working-Men's College, London, and the
Workers' Educational Association, in promoting
working-class education generally. It awards scholarships and
prizes, and encourages research work in co-operative subjects. It
issues pamphlets and publishes text-books and a quarterly magazine
entitled The Co-operative Educator. The
number of students entered in classes held under the supervision of
the Central Education Committee will give an idea as to the extent
of the
273
educational work it undertakes:
in 19081 the
number was 12,822 students; in 19182 the number was 20,495
students.
1 Co-operative Union Congress Report for
1916, page 343.
2Ibid., 1919, page 292.
Since 1914, when the proposal that a Co-operative College should be
established received official approval, the Central Education
Committee has been active in supporting that movement. In
introducing his “Co-operative College Bill”
to the Congress held at Carlisle in 1919 Professor Hall explained
why the College was wanted.
“Co-operators had,” he said, “their own
special problems, but they found that they could not solve
them without facilities that they did not find in any institution
in the country. They must provide these facilities themselves. I do
not feel that any institution now in existence could give that
stimulus to co-operative development that a Co-operative College
would be able to give. Co-operators also needed a more
intimate knowledge of co-operative history and a wider
knowledge of co-operation, not only in this country, but
abroad, than they had to-day. They required a deeper knowledge
of industrial history than they had been able to have in the past,
and they must have the college as a medium for the dissemination of
right ideas about industrial history. Hitherto they had been
dependent for their text-books on people who believed in
competition as the law of progress. They required their
special institution, because they needed to have their subjects
taught in a special way in order to bring out both sides of a
question where only one side is usually taught at present. In
regard to economics and citizenship, they found themselves entirely
unprovided for by existing institutions. In economics they found
emphasis laid on the utility of competition. Then it was
devoted to a study of wealth. As co-operators, they said there
was something wider and bigger than material wealth
274
and that they should ask for
something bigger and better. But how were they going to put their
view of economics unless they had a college for
teaching—a centre for writing the kind of books they
wished?”
The Congress, after passing the following resolution:
“This Congress, realising the value and necessity of
education on co-operative lines as a means of fostering
co-operation in all its aspects and assisting the establishment of
a co-operative commonwealth, approves the work of the Central
Education Committee and the proposed development of its activities,
including the establishment of a Co-operative College; and is of
the opinion that the committee should be provided with the
necessary staff and financial assistance to develop its work on the
lines indicated in the report to Congress,” voted the
raising of £50,000 for the erection of a Co-operative
College as a memorial to co-operators who have fallen in the Great
War.
(iii) As for the third form of educational activity, the efforts of
the organisations coming under it vary. For instance, the
Educational Associations, “whose objects are to bring
together committees of societies under-taking educational work, for
the purpose of joint action and linking up the local societies with
the Central Educational Authority of the movement,”
taken as a whole (and there are seven of them in seven
sections in England and Scotland), have not realised the
expectations formed of them, while the Women's
Guilds undertake a considerable amount and variety of
educational work with satisfactory results.
Viewing the whole field of operations, it seems that although the
educational work has been developed, the societies do not yet
realise sufficiently the value of a widely diffused knowledge c the
possibilities that lie within the co-operative movement, nor do
they see clearly the importance of a systematic education
which would equip both leaders and employees to play their
part efficiently in the developments that must come as the movement
expands. To remedy these defects
275
the Central Education Committee
has been active since 1917 in influencing the movement to adhere to
the higher ethics of co-operation. Now that the Co-operative
College has been founded great hopes are entertained that through
that institution the movement will be kept on the right path to the
Co-operative Commonwealth.
2.—WOMEN'S GUILDS' ACTIVITIES
Of the three guilds in these islands, guilds established on the same
lines and with the same spirit, I will only deal with the older,
larger and more active English Guild. Its work may be taken as an
example of what these organisations can and do accomplish.
“The work of the Guild,” as its president
declared, “while primarily concerned with co-operation,
has a further side to it, which deals with questions of
industrial and social reform affecting its members as married
women.”
From this we may form a notion of the wide variety of subjects taken
up by the Guild. The progress which it has made in the last ten
years bids fair to lead to greater activity and more far-reaching
influence in the future. Of course, its work has been hampered
by various difficulties, especially during the four years of
the Great War. But when we consider that during those dark days and
darker nights, while its halls were occupied by the military, and
ever-increasing demands were made on women for all sorts of
emergency work, the Guild continued to pursue energetically its
proper task, we must render it the homage of our admiration.
In face of all the difficulties mentioned the Guild increased its
activities and added to its branches and membership.
1 Co-operative Union Congress Report for
1909, page 164.
2 Women's Co-operative Guild
Report for 1919, page 3.
It would be impossible here to describe in detail the operations of
an organisation which is ever breaking new ground as it progresses.
I propose selecting certain notable activities which will serve to
give a view of the whole field of action of the Women's
Guild.
Minimum Wage.
This subject was discussed at the 1908 Co-operative Union
Congress, when resolutions were passed recommending the
establishment in the co-operative movement of a recognised
minimum wage for the remuneration of all co-operative
employees. The minimum wage scale for men was settled in
association with the Amalgamated Union of Co-operative
Employees, and a similar recognition of the claims of women has
been secured by the joint efforts of the A. U. C. E. and the
Women's Guilds. In subsequent years both these
bodies were active in insuring that all societies adopted the
scale in practice. The report of 1915 showed that they
succeeded in doing so, and thus the campaign generally was
brought to a successful issue.
Anti-Credit Campaign.
Realising the evils of credit trading from both the economic and
moral points of view, the Co-operative Union Congress from time
to time condemned that system, but it was not until the year
1905 that it took active steps by appointing an Anti-Credit
Committee composed jointly of the Central Board and the
Women's Co-operative Guild to deal with the
question. Various methods of reform which we need not go into
now, were suggested at different times. In all its
investigations, the committee attempted through
conferences held and literature distributed to dispel the idea
that the thriftless habit of credit trading is a necessity
for weekly wage earners. They at the same time tried to
persuade workmen that cash payment is the best method of
trading. Although the committee has been repaid
277
for its valuable work by
attaining a certain amount of success in reducing the evils of
credit trading, a good deal has yet to be accomplished in that
direction.
School Clinics and Child Labour and Education.
Having satisfied itself of the unsatisfactory provisions for the
medical treatment of school children, the Guild passed a
resolution in support of school clinics, and in conjunction
with other organisations roused public opinion in favour of
adequate schemes. The Guild held meetings and sent resolutions
to educational authorities to press for the establishment of
school clinics under the control of the Educational
authority. Favourable results followed their action.
As regards Child Labour and Education, the Guild at its Annual
Congress of 1909, after some discussion, passed a resolution in
favour of abolishing the “half time”
system. In 1913 it recommended that hours of work for young
persons should be shortened and that attendance at continuation
classes held during the day time should be made compulsory
between the ages of fourteen and eighteen. A memorandum on this
subject was sent to all Members of Parliament on the
Standing Committee considering the Children's
Employment and Education Bill. The new Education Act recognises
the principle for which the Guild has contended.
Co-operative Production and the Extension of Co-operation to
the Poor.
The Guild has played a prominent part in promoting co-operative
production; to secure its extension and, consequently to enable
co-operators to control the sources of supply, its members have
organised “Push the Sales,”
“Save in your Stores,” and other
campaigns with good effect.
As for the extension of co-operation to the poor, the Guild has
co-operated in the efforts made by the Co-operative Union to
induce societies to reduce or abolish
278
their entrance fees, and
the result has been an increase of membership. The evidence
showed that even a small entrance fee is a barrier to the
poorer classes.
Co-operation and Trade Unionism.
The Women's Guild worked jointly with the Amalgamated
Union of Co-operative Employees in endeavouring to bring the
advantages of Trade Unionism before women employees, with the
result that the number of women in the A. U. C. E. has
increased. The desire for a close alliance between co-operators
and trade unionists was endorsed by the Guild in 1913 when
it passed a resolution in favour of co-operative societies
employing trade unionists only. Since then the joint committee
of the Guild and the A. U. C. E. have continued to meet, and
take common action.
This joining of forces proved a menace to capitalism. In 1919, a
joint trade union and co-operative campaign against capitalist
domination began. The Guild took its place in the fighting line
against capitalism, the real foe to humanity. It announced its
policy by unanimously passing the following resolution at one
of its conferences:
“This Conference calls attention to the alarming
extent to which during the war capitalism has strengthened its
position by creating powerful combines, largely increasing its
financial reserves, and securing greater influence over the
Government both in legislation and administration. It,
therefore, urges that the co-operative movement should take
immediate steps to combat this menace by a great extension
of co-operation to cover every shopping area throughout
the country, and that a joint campaign with Trade Unionists
should be organised to secure the capital and custom of all
workers' organisations.”
The National Care of Maternity and Child Welfare.
The inclusion of “Maternity Benefit” in
the Insurance Act of 1910 was largely due to the efforts
279
of the Women's
Guild, which placed before the Government the needs of married
women, both in maternity and other sickness. The unfair
exclusion of married women who were not wage-earners from all
sickness, medical, disablement and sanatorium benefits was
protested against by the Guild, with the result that
women's interests were reconsidered much to their
advantage. The Guild was also represented on a deputation to
the Chancellor of the Exchequer in support of the inclusion of
domestic servants under the Act. This too was secured.
When the war broke out in 1914 the Guild increased its activity,
and by co-operating with other women's organisations
did excellent work. Their immediate object was to urge the
Public Health Authority to provide Maternity Centres, and to
press the War Relief Committees to give special assistance,
such as providing foods and milk, paying for skilled advice in
cases of confinement, where necessary, and organising
schemes for “home helps” for expectant
and nursing mothers. Considerable progress has been made in
providing for maternity needs through the activity of the Guild
and its branches. Not only have they induced local
authorities to extend their work, but they have also been the
means of forming maternity committees under the auspices of
public health authorities, with working-women's
organisations represented on them.
The Guild pressed for the inclusion of certain useful provisions
in the new Maternity and Child Welfare Bill which came into
force in 1918, and it has strongly supported the formation of a
Ministry of Health with a special Maternity Department largely
staffed by women.
The work done is immense, great not only because of its
immediate results, but because it proves the value of a close
touch between an organisation representing women and the
Government Department concerned.
Political Action.
In 1908, the Co-operative Union Congress passed a
280
resolution in favour of
extending the suffrage to women. Guild members supported the
cause by taking part in processions and meetings organised by
suffrage societies. Many branches of the Guild affiliated
themselves to the People's Suffrage Federation. The
year 1917-18 was a fortunate one for the Guild, first
because of the decision of the co-operative movement to
seek direct parliamentary representation, and secondly
because at the same time the enfranchisement of women was
realised. Since then the Guild has been stimulating its members
to active work in bringing the newly enfranchised women into
the Co-operative Party. At its Annual Congress in 1918 it
passed the following resolution:
“That this Congress hails the enfranchisement of
women with enthusiasm, and calls on all co-operative women to
join the Co-operative Political Party, which stands for the
control of industry by the people for the people, and for the
abolition of profit-making and profiteering; and, in order to
secure the return at the next General Election of a
People's Government, pledged to place life before
wealth and the common good before vested interests, this
Congress urges local co-operative parties to join hands with
Labour forces and stand aside from any party whose programme
does not include the replacement of capitalism by the
democratic control of industry, and which does not publicly
state the sources from which its funds are derived.”
To secure these objects the Guild has been active in the
training of its members through classes, meetings, literature
and conferences. The desirability of enlisting the active help
of Women's Guilds was recognised by the Co-operative
Union, on whose Central Parliamentary Representation Committee
the Guild is now represented by its president. A large number
of Guild members are on the local Parliamentary Representation
Councils. In the General Election of 1918 Guild members of
committees or councils worked effectively on behalf of
co-operative candidates or Labour candidates who
281
supported co-operation.
Similar work was done by the Guild branches in connection with
the county and urban district council elections in 1919. In
these local elections, the Co-operative and Labour Parties
worked together in many places, and a considerable number
of Guildswomen were amongst the candidates.
Moreover, the Guild has taken action on several political
questions. It strongly opposed the introduction of military
training in schools, and energetically protested against some
regulations of the Defence of the Realm Act. It supported
Prison Reform and the nine points of the Temperance Council of
Christian Churches.
Standing Joint Committee of Industrial Women's
Organisations.
The bodies represented on this committee include the
Women's Trade Union League, National Federation of
Women Workers, Women's Co-operative Guild, and other
Labour organisations containing a substantial number of women
workers. The committee is now accepted by Government
Departments and the public as the official representative of
industrial women's views on national questions. It
is represented on the Consumers' Council, Ministry
of Food; Old Age Pensions Commission; Housing Advisory
Committee, Local Government Board; Child Welfare Council;
Women's Advisory Council, Ministry of
Reconstruction.
Furthermore, the committee has obtained the representation of
working women on various local committees which are concerned
with the welfare of womanhood. The committee has also been
active in putting forward women's views on subjects
of vital interest, national and international, such as the
inclusion of women amongst labour representatives, the work of
the International Labour Bureau of the League of Nations,
and International Co-operation.
282
Representation of Guildswomen on Public Bodies.
In the co-operative movement, the number of women represented in
1918 on the different boards, associations and committees
exceeded six hundred. On the various public committees it was
nearly one thousand. These include representatives on city and
urban district councils, education committees, poor law
guardians' committees, food control committees,
insurance committees, agricultural wages boards, trade
councils committees, venereal diseases committees, housing
committees, pensions committees, municipal maternity
committees. Labour advisory committees, and others.1
1 Women's Co-operative
Guild Report for 1919, pages 24-25.
A large part is played by the Guild in national life. Realising
this, the Guild, as early as 1913, took measures to qualify its
members for carrying out their duties successfully. In that
year it adopted a scheme for the organisation of definite
educational work in the Guild branches, so as to enable its
members to obtain a systematic training in citizenship
qualifying them to take an intelligent and active part in
practical affairs.
The response made showed keen interest in the study of everyday
problems. As for the results, they are very gratifying.
3.—RELATIONSHIP WITH EMPLOYEES
The Joint Committee of Trade Unionists and Co-operators was formed
in 1908 for the purpose of arbitrating upon disputes arising
between co-operative societies and their trade unionist employees.
Complaints were to be submitted to the arbitration of that
committee before a strike or a lock-out took place. Two years
later, the Amalgamated Union of Co-operative Employees, being
dissatisfied with the committee, sought to set up machinery in
which they would be equally represented with their co-operative
employers. That led to the establishment of the National and
District Conciliation Boards. The Congress in 1915 passed the
following resolution:
283
“That this Congress, believing in the principles of
conciliation and arbitration in industrial disputes, requests the
United Board of the Co-operative Union to arrange for the
establishment of a board to be composed of an equal number of
representatives from societies' committees on the one
hand, and co-operative employees on the other, to whom any dispute
relating to hours, wages, or conditions of labour within the
movement may be referred. Also that, in the event of failure to
arrive at an agreement by this means, provision be made for the
question or questions in dispute to be submitted to some person or
persons to be mutually accepted by the parties to the dispute,
whose decisions shall be binding on all concerned.”
In 1916 the Congress approved of the establishment of the District
Hours and Wages Boards, consisting of representatives appointed by
societies in the several districts concerned. The objects of the
Board are, by conciliatory means, to exercise influence in
averting stoppages, preventing disputes, and settling any
difference arising in a society as to the rates, regulations,
customs, and conditions of employment prevailing. These boards have
been effective in dealing with the many phases of labour unrest
that have arisen in the movement. They often obviate the necessity
of remitting questions to the Conciliation Boards.
Appreciating the importance of amicable relations between employers
and employees within the movement, the Co-operative Union founded
its Labour Department in 1918 and appointed to it a Labour Adviser.
The services of the latter have been instrumental in
preventing a withdrawal of labour after strike notices had
been handed in.
All this testifies to the growing recognition of the common
responsibility of co-operators and their organised employees for
the welfare of the movement.
1 Co-operative Union Congress Report
for 1909, page 596-597.
2Ibid., 1919, pages 742-743.
3 Last year's net profit
amounted to £1,315,155. The big drop in this
year's profits is due to recent purchases of land,
farms, buildings and works by the C. W. S.
1 Co-operative Union Congress Report
for 1909, page 596-597.
2Ibid., 1919, pages 742-743.
4 The decrease in membership is due
to amalgamation of societies.
The progress of the C. W. S. during the last thirty years has
been continuous, but from 1905 onwards the advancement was most
remarkable. Its increasing enterprise in production is meeting
with great success.
Since the establishment of its first flour mill, the society has
been encouraged to add more and more till now it stands as the
largest firm of flour-millers in
285
the kingdom. Similar
extensive success was achieved jointly with the S. C. W. S. in
the tea gardens of Ceylon. At present the two societies between
them control over one-sixth of the tea trade in the United
Kingdom. Since the purchase of its first estate, the society
has embarked on large farming schemes, and now owns over
45,000 acres of land in England, in addition to other estates
in different countries and extensive tracts of corn-growing
land in Canada. Later developments include its purchase of a
colliery and at present it is contemplating the purchase of a
home-fishing fleet.
As for factories, there is a long list of them, including
textile and clothing mills, metal industries, boots and shoes,
soap works, printing and bookbinding, cabinet works, biscuits,
tobacco, brushes, tannery, motor works, jam factories, cattle
feeding cake factories, etc.
At the commercial centres, of which Manchester is the chief,
there are wholesale departments for the sale of all articles
required by the retail societies. These, on market day
especially, are crowded with agents of the various societies
coming to see things and give their orders.
As to the S. C. W. S., a visit to the imposing structure forming
its headquarters, and to its striking and extensive group of
factories and workshops in Glasgow, shows that the Scottish
Wholesale has developed on similar lines, except that it has
not undertaken the business of banking, which was established
by its English sister society early in its history.
Before ending, a word may be said concerning the growing
tendency on the part of some retail societies to produce
certain goods, such as bread, confectionery, boots and shoes,
in their own productive departments, and thus compete with the
wholesale societies.
1 Co-operative Union Congress Report
for 1919, page 123.
1 Co-operative Union Congress Report
for 1919, page 123.
The above table explains the situation. Both forms of production
seems to be progressing at almost the same rate. On the face of
it it looks as if they were competing with each other and
giving occasion to waste and dissension within the movement.
This has attracted the attention of the Co-operative Survey
Committee, which after investigation submitted its
recommendation, in the 1919 report, as follows:
“The future success of the co-operative movement does
not depend so much upon the development of highly centralised
production and distribution as upon the satisfactory
co-ordination of the efforts of virile organisations, each
fulfilling its appointed task in the Co-operative
System.”
2.—RELATIONS WITH AGRICULTURE
As there was no working system through which the agricultural
co-operative movement could be brought into close trading relation
with the industrial movement, the Co-operative Union Congress in
1910 passed a resolution which gave an opportunity to
representatives from both sides to meet and discuss the
possibilities of coming to an arrangement. Joint conferences
were held, but nothing came out of them. In 1913, the question
was urged, that as cases of overlapping between agricultural
co-operative societies and the Co-operative Wholesale Society had
been reported, it was desirable to come to an agreement so as to
prevent friction between the two movements, or rather the two
aspects of the movement, and maintain harmonious relations.
Two courses were open to the contending interests: first, that the
agricultural produce should be marketed through one large
agricultural wholesale society; and second, that the C. W. S.
should buy from farmers direct. The latter proposal was dismissed
as unacceptable on the ground that it was not in accordance
with the spirit of co-operation. As for the former proposal,
287
various difficulties stood in
the way of its adoption. On the one hand, it was stated that
farmers organised by the Agricultural Organisation Society did not
keep their contracts, and that if they would only sell at
market price, and keep their promise in letting the C. W. S. have
the produce, the latter society would deal with them. On the other
hand, the Agricultural Organisation Society complained of the
attitude of the C W. S. in altering their policy and dealing direct
with the farmer. As a matter of fact, there was a good deal of
laxity and mistrust on both sides which prevented them from coming
to an understanding.
As a way out of the difficulty, it was suggested that the C. W. S.
should establish an Agricultural Department, which would enable the
transactions between the two sides to be conducted on business
lines. Several efforts failed to induce the C. W. S. to form an
Agricultural Department, and so the agricultural co-operative
movement found it imperative to create the Farmers'
Central Trading Board as its wholesale trading society. Two years
later, that is, in 1915, the C. W. S. opened an Agricultural
Department. Of course, that led to strained relations. The
agricultural societies claimed that they should have been consulted
before such steps were taken. However, that did not deter the C. W.
S., which offered several reasons to justify their attitude.
These were not accepted by the agriculturists, who considered that
it was not merely a matter of trading that was involved, but a
matter of the fundamental principles of co-operation. Joint
conferences were held between the C. W. S.’s
Agricultural Department and the Farmers' Central Trading
Board, but to no effect. Eventually the C. W. S. reported to the
Conference that there was no necessity for the existence of
the Farmers' Central Trading Board, and recommended
its absorption by the C. W. S. as a way of removing all
difficulties. The C. W. S. afterwards withdrew from the Joint
Conference. The agriculturists regretted the
288
uncompromising attitude of the
C. W. S., and decide to continue their activities. In 1918, the
name of the above-mentioned Board was changed to that of the
Co-operative Agricultural Wholesale Society, and its work was
extended. Now we have the two sides, each progressing on its own
lines without the least regard for the other, and that is how
agricultural distribution is organised at present in the
co-operative movement. It is carried on by antagonistic bodies,
consumers' and producers' associations, with
opposing conceptions of life, and a consequent conflict of
interests.
Agriculture as organised by Consumers' Societies.
These societies aim at supplying their members with produce from
the land at cost of production. They entered the field of
agriculture for that purpose, which is, needless to say,
detrimental to the interests of the farmer as producer. In
districts where there is a demand for whole milk, retail
societies started dairy farming to meet the requirements of
their members. For the same purpose, other societies commenced
fruit farming, and vegetable gardening. More enterprising
societies own estates for growing corn and raising stock. All
these societies organise agriculture co-operatively for the
benefit of the consumer.
Agriculture as organised by Producers' Societies.
Like agricultural societies, dairy societies, societies for
small holders and allotment associations, these societies
organise agriculture primarily in the interest of the farmer as
producer. Though they are, in the main, producers'
associations, they are to a certain extent
consumers' societies also. As a matter of fact,
several of them started as consumers' societies with
the idea of enabling farmers to purchase their farming
requirements, such as artificial fertilisers, feeding stuffs,
etc., at wholesale prices. They are now supplying their
members with more than farming requirements, they
289
are supplying them with
almost all their requirements. These societies sell the produce
of the farmer and buy his requirements to his advantage. They
study the interest of the farmer as the store movement does
that of the consumer.
From the above resumé of the
functions of consumers' and producers'
societies in agriculture, it appears that there is a direct
conflict of interests between the two forms of co-operative
associations. Each is progressing on its own way, and so far no
plan has been found to establish trading relations between
them. The older, richer, and better equipped institution of
consumers is looking forward to the time when it will absorb
its sister institution. It asserts that all the community
is one body of consumers, that those producers who now
manufacture for profit are also consumers, and if co-operative
principles are to be adhered to, profit has to be eliminated.
At present, where agricultural co-operation is in the
ascendant, producers' societies prosper; while in
industrial districts, the consumer's interest is
considered first, consumers' societies occupy the
ground.
3.—ENTRY INTO POLITICS
In dealing with the subject of Parliamentary Representation Sir
William Maxwell, the President of the International Co-operative
Alliance, at the 1913 Congress, advocated that the co-operative
movement should ally itself politically with other organisations
making for the social betterment of the people. The question evoked
much animated discussion in that and the following two years;
but in 1915 Congress definitely decided against joint action with
any political party. In 1917, however, the Joint Parliamentary
Committee put forward the following resolution, which was accepted
by Congress:
“That, in the opinion of this Congress, the time has now
arrived for the Co-operative Movement to take the necessary steps
to secure direct representation in Parliament.”
290
A definite political policy was then adopted, a Parliamentary
Representation Committee formed, and the machinery set in motion.
Friendly relations were maintained with organisations other than
co-operative having similar aims, so as to avoid clashing or
overlapping.
In the General Election of December 1918, out of ten co-operative
candidates nominated, one secured a seat in the Kettering Division
of Northamptonshire. The entry of the movement into the political
arena was not by any means hastily decided on. Even before
1913 the matter had aroused keen interest. It was felt that the
co-operative movement would never receive the recognition that was
its due until co-operators were represented in Parliament and on
local government bodies.
When the war came and behind it a train of upheavals of existing
organisations, the movement was stirred to its depths. In the first
year of the war, the cost of living rose to an alarming extent, and
while the people were suffering from high prices, a few were
making fortunes through profiteering. Conscious of all this,
the organisation representing the industrial classes of the country
pressed the Government to take active steps to protect the
interests of consumers. The co-operators strongly advised the
Government to avail itself of the resources of the co-operative
movement. The Government, having vested interests strongly
represented on its various departments, could not see its way
to take the advice. On the contrary, it issued restrictions and
regulations that hampered the good work administered by the
co-operators in their endeavour to lighten the burden of the
working classes. All this weighed on the minds of co-operators and
stimulated them to activity in seeking representation in
Parliament, where they could make themselves heard on behalf
of the poor consumer. Although the success attained in the 1918
election was not great, still it was
291
a beginning, and a foothold was
gained. The result of even that small success was remarkable.
The Government was brought to its senses, and realising what
forces were behind the co-operators, appointed many of their able
and trusted leaders to help it out of the difficulties of food
supply and control in which it had involved itself. Directors and
officials from the movement carried into Government Committees
and Control Boards the co-operative ideas of business
organisation, and applied them in the interest of the general
public. The success attained by the Food Ministry has been largely
due to the assistance of co-operators. To put it in Mr.
Clyne's, the Food Controller's own words:
“In this work, the help of co-operative societies has
been of the greatest national value.” Thus, early in
their political career co-operators justified their claim for
recognition as a force to be reckoned with in the building up of a
sound and just social order.
In 1919, the co-operative movement decided on forming its own
political party under the name of the “Co-operative
Party.” Under the constitution of this party, the
initial choice of Parliamentary candidates is in the hands of the
local co-operative associations. This democratic form of selection
helps to maintain interest in local organisation, and strengthens
the feeling of confidence in the party.
Co-operators have been active in securing representation on urban
district councils with still greater success.
It has been the practice since days of old that people combine
together if they have to attack a common enemy. We were reminded of
this in 1918, when the two orthodox capitalist political parties in
England, the Conservatives and the Liberals, united and formed
the Coalition Party. Another unity, but with a nobler aim, is
now being formed between the Co-operative Party, the Trade Unions,
and the Labour Party, with a view to a closer federation for
electoral purposes, and with the ultimate object of forming a
united people's
292
or democratic party. In that
direction lie great possibilities. “If a triple alliance
of the labour, trade union and co-operative movements can be
formed, each preserving its own identity to some extent, and yet
working together in the common cause, it might easily
revolutionise the whole realm of politics. Leaders of the
trade union and labour movements realise these great
possibilities, and have shown an earnest desire to arrive at
some form of agreement. The old capitalist parties, too, have
realised that if the workers are united in a common cause, then the
day of capitalist domination in politics is rapidly passing away.
To the bringing about of this great achievement of one united
people's or democratic party, all lovers of freedom must
devote their energies, and if unity can be accomplished it
will mean the dawn of a better day for the toilers.”
PROFIT-SHARING AND LABOUR CO-PARTNERSHIP
In my survey of industrial co-operation in Chapter X, I gave a short
account of profit-sharing and co-partnership. I propose now to show
how this movement has fared in the last few years, and to
examine its present position.
The latest report on the subject, which has just been published,
states1:
1 Report on Profit-Sharing and Labour
Co-partnership in the United Kingdom, by the Ministry of Labour,
1920, page 111.
“The number of schemes which were in existence at the
31st October 1919, so far as reported to the Department, was 182,
and the number of persons employed by the firms having these
schemes was about a quarter of a million. These 182 schemes were
the survivors of 380 schemes which had been started at one time
or another since the year 1865, with an isolated example in
1829. Thus, more than half of all the known schemes have come to an
end. The average durations of these abandoned schemes being about
eight and a half years.”
293
When we come to analyse the causes that led to the abandonment of
the various schemes, we find that we must account for it
differently in different cases. Most frequently the cause is to be
sought outside the system rather than in defects inherent in it.
Among the causes there are three outstanding:
(a) Altered
Circumstances.—Whether due to change of
management, conversion of the business into a limited liability
company or a co-operative society, or municipalisation of the
undertaking.
(b) Financial
Reasons.—In a large number of cases the
abandonment was due to financial difficulties, and the
consequent inability of the firm to earn sufficient profits to
make profit-sharing a success. The difficulties might arise
from the general state of trade, increased taxation, government
control, increased wages or war bonuses, or other similar
strain upon weak resources.
(c) Dissatisfaction with
the Scheme.—In several cases the
abandonment was attributed to the dissatisfaction of the
employers, or of the employees. Sometimes the employers
complained of the apathy of the employees under the scheme;
sometimes profit-sharing was abandoned in favour of bonuses, as
more acceptable to employers and employees.
All this is depressing to the ardent advocates of profit-sharing and
co-partnership as applied to large-scale manufacture. In another
place, I explained the limitations to the general adoption of this
system in the field of industry. It has, no doubt, a useful
part to play, but only within a limited sphere, beyond which
it meets with failure. Although it is applied to many industries,
such as textiles, boots and shoes, metal trades, building,
woodwork, printing, and various others, it is only a small minority
of firms that have adopted it. The gas industry is the only one in
which the system has been adopted on anything approaching a
national scale. This industry is regarded as peculiarly
well-suited to a co-partnership system, largely owing to its
294
substantial and almost assured
profits. Whatever be the industry to which it is applied, it should
not be regarded merely as a wage increasing device. It is
something more than that; it is a means of developing a sense of
community of interest between employer and employed, by giving the
former an insight into the workpeople's problems, and
the latter an insight into the employer's problems.
On the position of the existing societies, and their pecuniary
results, as tested by the amount of dividend paid on wages, the
following figures will throw some light. These statistics, which
are the only ones available, refer exclusively to the societies
which are members of the Co-operative Productive Federation.
The above table shows that though the number of societies has
decreased, the turnover has increased. This indicates that those
societies to which the system of co-partnership did not lend itself
with advantage have been weeded out, and that the rest are now
holding their own. We notice that there is a considerable
increase in the dividend on wages, and as profits are shared
proportionately between workers, capitalist, and consumer, the
other two partners must also have received corresponding increased
returns. Much of this gain is, no doubt, due to the rise in prices,
but allowing for this we must credit the societies with a general
prosperity.
CHAPTER XX A CRITICISM OF THE CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT
In my survey of the co-operative movement in these countries, I noticed the
two distinct forms in which it manifested itself, namely, co-operation of
consumers and co-operation of producers. In the one case, association
was for the purpose of acquiring on the most favourable terms the goods
required by the co-operative consumer; in the other, for the purpose of
making and marketing the goods produced by the co-operative producer
for his benefit. Each of the two systems flourished in its own way, until
the time came when the consumers began to encroach upon the sphere of
the producers, both in town and in country, to such an extent that they
threatened the very life of the sister organisations. Tims conflict began,
and the rival schools disputed over the theory of control of production.
At the present time, there are three forms of production within the
co-operative movement: (1) Production as developed within distributive
co-operation; (2) production as undertaken by agricultural societies;
(3) production as practised by co-partnership societies.
The first form comes into existence when a distributive society, whether
retail or wholesale, undertakes the production of some or all the goods it
distributes. In this case, as far as production is concerned, there is
no difference between the society and an ordinary
proprietor's concern. In both, labour is employed under
very much the same conditions.
The second form appears in different stages from bacon-curing for local
consumption to poultry and egg selling in distant places. But the nearest
approach to co-operative production in the countryside is practised
296
in creameries, where the farmers,
though individually they produce the milk, combine to make butter
collectively. As for the labour employed on the land or in the
creameries, it does not fare any better than in the previous form of
production.
The third form takes us nearer to co-operative production, and in the highly
developed co-partnership societies we see something like real co-operative
production where employees have their share in the profits as well as
in the control of the society.
There is thus a split in the co-operative camp over the question of
production. The social ideal for all co-operators is the co-operative
commonwealth. This cannot be attained until the breach between the
different schools of co-operation is healed, and harmony reigns between
them. Co-operators have the same object in view, that is, to ensure to the
masses the control of the economic conditions under which they live;
but they approach this object from different sides, and represent interests
which have not yet been reconciled. This, however, is no reason why
co-operators, whatever aspect of co-operation they represent, should
not have a common meeting ground. That meeting ground might be found if the
whole co-operative movement were under one central control, and had
only one trading federation. The interests of both consumers and producers
would then be considered, and an understanding would be reached which
would reflect itself in the solidarity of the whole movement. Not
until then can we feel sure that the co-operative movement will form a
sound basis for the organisation of industry, and replace the present
crumbling capitalism. If things go on drifting as they are,
co-operators will be defeating their own ends and offering their
enemies a favourable opportunity for attack. We must admit that attempts
have been made to bring about harmony between the two sides, but none
of them came to anything. They were merely mechanical
297
devices bearing the name of
co-operation cleverly designed by one side or the other to undermine
the forces of the opponent. They were absolutely lacking in the true
co-operative spirit; that was the secret of their failure. It would serve
no purpose to mention some of them, and so I leave them to the
obscurity they deserve.
I believe that the time is not yet ripe for such an understanding as should
exist between consumers and producers; we are as far from it now, as
the Owenites and the Christian Socialists were from the co-operative
movement as we understand it. A good deal of educative work has yet to be
done, and a good many failures are yet to be expected. Rejecting
unsound foundations, we shall no doubt eventually reach the solid rock we
are searching for and build our co-operative commonwealth thereon. The
continuous education of both consumers and producers, with the view of
showing them that their interests and objects are the same, can alone save
the co-operative movement from the disintegration which threatens it. But
let me press again the point that, whatever attempts be made, they
must be made with the sincerity, good will and big heart that characterised
the movement at its beginning, and which was the secret of its success.
In the last few years consumers' co-operation has in its
development invaded the field of productive co-operation, both
manufacturing and agricultural, to an extent which may well alarm the rival
organisations. This movement has been condemned on economic and
ethical grounds by scholars and reformers, among whom are great
economists like Marshall, and master minds like A. E. It is certainly
unco-operative, and when one considers that consumers'
co-operation itself is not the last word in economics, one feels inclined
to ask why it will not give a chance to other institutions to solve
questions which are beyond its own powers. I have no quarrel with
consumers' co-operation; on the contrary,
298
I have great respect for it, but I
cannot give it more than its due credit. Apparently, its aim is to
rally under the standard of its democracy of consumers all the armies of
industry. Its leaders are persistently trying to dislodge the remaining
capitalist middlemen from their position on the field of industry. Its
advocates and disciples are eager to obtain all goods at the very
source, make them, finish them, and serve them, executing all the processes
of industry by its own agents. The ownership and control are entirely in
the hands of its members, whose energies are all directed and rightly
directed to abolishing such vices of capitalism as the cutting down of
wages, adulteration, plotting to defeat rivals, cornering the market, and
speculations, at the same time saving the expenses of extensive
advertising and the extravagant payments to captains of industry. The
last aim is to be realised by a policy which brings more nearly to equality
the remuneration of the brain worker and the manual worker.
As for the “profits,” these are distributed among the
whole community of consumers irrespective of their financial position in
the concern. These “profits” are created by charging
such prices as cover the necessary working expenses, provide for
depreciation and reserve, and leave a modest
“dividend” to be returned to the members in
proportion to their purchases. Through the action of this democracy of
consumers, prices were kept down, and the wage-earning class protected
from exploitation by the credit system. At the same time, each member
is getting sound goods at the market price, he is adding to his personal
wealth as well as to his administrative experience. He is thus elevating
his standard of life to that of a worthy citizen who takes part in the
social, financial and educational affairs of the community in which he
lives. All this is accomplished by the joint efforts of both men and
women, who are admitted to membership in the movement on exactly equal
terms; and full play is given to the
299
inherent powers of all members for the
betterment of society. I have purposely made this resumé of the work of the co-operative associations of
consumers to bring out the great value of their institutions, and to
show how easily one might be led, by the fine record they have gained for
themselves, to the conclusion that if there was nothing to bar the way, all
would soon be well with the world, and we should find ourselves, after
a decade or so, in Utopia.
But on analysing the situation more closely, imperfections are detected,
drawbacks revealed, and limitations to the general application of the
system present themselves, with the result that the hasty conclusion
is quickly modified. This does not by any means detract from the credit
which is deservedly due to this movement, which has proved itself highly
advantageous to a large section of the population. But one cannot
allow oneself to be so entirely carried away by enthusiasm as to believe
that by itself it offers the only alternative to the capitalist system.
There would be room for doubt even if both consumers' and
producers' co-operation were brought to work together in
harmony as every co-operator wishes them to do. This, however, remains
to be done. Reconciliation between consumers and producers has first to be
achieved; they seem now as apart from each other as ever. Let us consider
why consumers' co-operation cannot give all that its ardent
votaries expect from it. Its defects may be enumerated under two headings,
temporary and permanent.
TEMPORARY DEFECTS
1.—Value and Abuse of the
“Dividend.”—It is not so much the
policy of dividends that is open to criticism as that of high prices.
The latter tend to exclude the poorest class from becoming members. It
is true that high dividends following high prices facilitate thrift
and make savings available in a form the housewife appreciates,
300
but at the same time there are
people to whom this policy does not appeal, and these form the
very class which has most need of help from co-operation.
Moreover, the selfish attitude of some societies as regards the
disposition of the common surplus out of which the dividend is paid is
open to criticism. Instead of retaining part of it for common use,
members are disposed to persist that the whole of the surplus
shall be distributed among them. A portion of the surplus is, no
doubt, applied in promoting education, in arranging social meetings,
providing convalescent homes for members, etc.; but much more might be
accomplished in these directions.
2. Overlapping of Rival
Societies.—Societies sometimes spring up within short
distances from one another. This leads to competition, and its
attendant evils. Although this disease of overlapping is partially
remedied by the amalgamation of competing societies and by the
bigger societies multiplying their branches, yet the movement seems to
fail in overcoming the difficulty where the differences are of a
sectarian nature. It is not by any means easy to solve this problem of
overlapping. Human failings, laxity on the part of the societies
in carrying out the Congress recommendations, uncertainty as to the
relative advantages of large and small societies, and many other
difficulties, account for the slow progress under this head.
3. Corruption and Favouritism.—We cannot
absolutely deny that there have been cases of bribery of officials
by agents of capitalist manufacturers seeking orders; at the same time,
it must be admitted that this evil is being dealt with more effectively
than in the capitalist system. As for the second defect, it is true
that the co-operative society is not free from the vice of
favouritism. It is not unknown that preference in appointments is given
to members, or sons and relatives of members, at the expense of
efficiency in the business. The evil is not, however, as rampant among
co-operators
301
as in the capitalist system. What
is alleged against co-operation in these two respects cannot be taken
as proved.
4. Evil of Purchasing on Credit.—In spite
of a general adherence to the rule of cash-payment, there are
occasions when societies allow credit. Whatever the reason, whether
sufficient or not, the fact remains that this form of co-operative
association has not yet completely cured its members of this bad habit.
In spite of all the efforts made to eliminate credit trading in
distributive societies, much has still to be accomplished in that
direction, as the following table shows: