Title: Egypt, handbook for travellers : part second, upper Egypt, with Nubia as far as the second cataract and the western oases [Electronic Edition]

Author: Karl Baedeker
Statement of responsibility:
Creation of machine-readable version: TechBooks,
Creation of digital images: Electronic Resources Center, Fondren Library, Rice University,
Conversion to TEI.2-conformant markup: TechBooks,
Parsing and proofing: Electronic Resources Center, Fondren Library, Rice University,
Distributor: Rice University
Funding from: Funding for the creation of this electronic text provided by the Institute of Museum and Library Services (IMLS) and the Computer and Information Technology Institute (CITI), Rice University
File size or extent: ca. 2 Megabytes
Publisher: Rice University
Place of publication: Houston, Tx
Publication date: 2005
Identifier: TIMEA, BaeEgUE
Availability: Publicly available via the Travelers in the Middle East Archive (TIMEA) through the following Creative Commons attribution license: "You are free: to copy, distribute, display, and perform the work; to make derivative works; to make commercial use of the work. Under the following conditions: By Attribution. You must give the original author credit. For any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you get permission from the copyright holder. Your fair use and other rights are in no way affected by the above." (Status: unknown)
Part of a series: This text is part of the Travelers in the Middle East Archive (TIMEA), funded by the Institute of Museum and Library Services (IMLS) and the Computer and Information Technology Institute (CITI), Rice University.
Note: Illustrations have been included from the print version.
Note: The following plans are not included in this electronic text: SKETCH-PLAN OF KARNAK, p. 116; TEMPLE OF AMMON AT KARNAK, p. 117. Maps that spread across multiple pages are sometimes presented as separate pieces.


Author: Baedeker, Karl
File size or extent: xxxviii, 365 p. : ill., maps (some folded, some col.), plans (some folded) ; 16 cm.
Publisher: K. Baedeker
Place of publication: Leipsic
Publication date: 1892
Identifier: From the collection of Dr. Paula Sanders, Rice University.
Description of the project: This electronic text is part of the Travelers in the Middle East Archive (TIMEA), developed by Rice University.
Editorial practices
The text has been encoded using the recommendations for Level 4 of the TEI in Libraries Guidelines. All electronic texts have been spell-checked and verified against printed text. Quotation marks have been retained. Original grammar, punctuation, and spelling have been preserved. No corrections or normalizations have been made, except that hyphenated, non-compound words that appear at the end of lines have been closed up to facilitate searching and retrieval. Footnotes have been moved to the end of the paragraph in which they are referenced. Images exist as archived TIFF images, one or more JPEG versions for general use, and thumbnail GIFs.
Classification system(s)
Taxonomy LCSH Library of Congress Subject Headings
Origin/composition of the text: 1892
Languages used in the text:
  • English (en)
Text classification
Keywords: (Library of Congress Subject Headings)( Library of Congress Subject Headings )
  • Egypt -- Guidebooks.
Revision/change: July 2007
Statement of responsibility: LMS
Spellchecked, corrected tagging errors, verified and enhanced metadata. Auto-encoded place names against NIMA names database.

Egypt, handbook for travellers : part second, upper Egypt, with Nubia as far as the second cataract and the western oases [Electronic Edition]








‘Go, little book, God send thee good passage,
And specially let this be thy prayere
Unto them all that thee will read or hear,
Where thou art wrong, after their help to call
Thee to correct in any part or all.’


The present volume forms the second part of the Editor's Handbook for Egypt, the first part of which has reached a second edition in 1885.
The materials upon which this Handbook to Upper Egypt is chiefly founded were contributed principally by Professor Georg Ebers of Leipsic, and Professor Johanes Dümichen of Strassburg, and their work, which was mainly finished in 1877, has been revised, augmented, and brought up to date in all practical details by Professor August Eisenlohr of Heidelberg, who has twice visited Egypt for this express purpose. To Prof. Ebers the editor is indebted for the account of the Nile-voyage as far as and including Philæ; Prof. Dümichen contributed the descriptions of the temples of Denderah and Edfu, of the town of Ḳeneh, and of the caravan-routes thence viâ the quarries of Ḥamâmât to Ḳoṣêr on the Red Sea; while the routes in Lower Nubia and to the Western Oases are wholly from the pen of Prof. Eisenlohr.
The practical introduction to the first volume, and the sections on the geography, history, and art of Egypt, there published, apply of course also to the districts of Upper Egypt. The special introduction to the present volume deals chiefly with the Nile voyage and the necessary preparations for it, preceded by a brief survey of the chief steamer-routes between Egypt and Europe and a note on the new Egyptian monetary system, introduced since the publication of the Handbook to Lower Egypt. A list of works on Egypt is added, and, to obviate the necessity of too frequent references to the first volume, also a chronological list of the rulers of Egypt down to the close of the Ptolemaic period, and a selection from the royal cartouches of most frequent occurrence in Upper Egypt. Finally the Arabic Alphabet is given, showing the system of transliteration adopted in this Handbook.
The MAPS and PLANS have been an object of especial care. The former are based upon the large maps of Kiepert, Lepsius, and Linant; the latter chiefly upon the plans of Lepsius, though with the necessary additions and corrections, while some have been specially prepared by Prof. Eisenlohr.


HEIGHTS above the sea-level and other measurements are given in English feet or miles.
Though nearly every page of the Handbook has been compiled from personal observation and experience, and although the conservative East is not nearly so liable to changes as the more progressive West, the Editor makes no claim to absolute accuracy in every detail; and he will feel indebted to any traveller who, from personal experience, may be able to indicate errors or omissions in the Handbook. The same remark applies equally to the PRICES and various items of expenditure mentioned in the volume. The expense of a tour is much more directly affected by the circumstances of the moment and the individuality of the traveller in the East than in Europe; though it may here be added that the arrangements of Messrs. Cook and Gaze (pp. xiv. xv), of which most visitors to Upper Egypt will avail themselves, offer a comparative immunity against extortion. A carefully drawn up contract will similarly protect those who prefer to hire a dhahabîyeh for themselves.


I. Steamer Routes between Europe and Egypt xi
II. Monetary System xii
III. The Nile Voyage xiii
IV. Works on Egypt xxv
V. Chronological List of the ancient rulers of Egypt xxvi
VI. Frequently recurring names of Egyptian Kings xxxi
VII. The Arabic Alphabet xxxviii
1. From Cairo to Assiût 1
a. By Railway 1
b. By the Nile 1
The Pyramid and Maṣṭabas of Mêdûm 2
Aḥnâs el-Medîneh (Heracleopolis) 5
From Beniṣuêf to the Fayûm 5
Convents of SS. Anthony and Paul 6
Behnesah 6
Wâdi eṭ-Ṭer 8
From Minyeh to Beniḥasan 9
Ashmunên (Hermopolis Magna) 19
Beni ‘Adin 29
2. The Fayûm 34
Situation and History of the Fayûm 35
Excursions from Medînet el-Fayûm. Bihamn. Ebgig 38
Pyramid of Hawârah. The Ancient Labyrinth 39
Lake Mœris 40
Pyramid of el-Lahûn. Garob 41
Birket el-Ḳurûn and Ḳaṣr Ḳurûn 42
3. From Assiuṭ to Beliâneh 45
Kâu el-Kebîr (Antæopolis) 47
The Red and the White Convents 49
Akhmîm (Khemmis) 49
4. Abydos 53
Memnonium of Seti I. 54
Sepulchral Temple of Ramses II. 67
Necropolis of Abydos 69
5. From Beliâneh to Ḳeneh (Denderah) 70
Diospolis Parva 70
Ḳaṣr eṣ-Ṣaiyâd (Chenoboskion) 71
Tabenna (Tabennesus) 72
6. Routes through the Eastern Desert 73
From Ḳeneh to Myos Hormos 73
From Ḳeneh or Kufṭ to Ḳoṣêr viâ Wâdi Ḥamâmât 74
From Ḳoṣêr to Laḳêṭah viâ Wâdi Ḳash 77
From Ḳeneh or Redêsîyeh to Berenike 77
The Emerald Mines of the Gebel Zabârah 78
7. Denderah 79

8. From Ḳeneh to Thebes (Luxor) 98
9. Thebes 101
A. The East Bank at Thebes 109
10. The Temple of Luxor 109
11. Karnak 115
I. The Great Temple of Ammon 116
a. General View. The First Main Pylon 116
b. The Great Peristyle Court and its Additions 118
c. The Great Hypostyle Hall 125
d. The North Exterior Wall of the Hypostyle 127
e. The Older E. part of the Temple of Ammon 131
f. The S. side of the Temple of Ammon 141
II. The Northern Buildings 143
III. The Southern Buildings 144
IV. The Temple of Khunsu 148
V. The Small Temple of Apet 150
Excursion to Medamût 151
B. The West Bank at Thebes 152
12. The Colossi of Memnon 153
13. The Ramesseum 158
14. The Tombs of Ḳurnet-Murraï 168
15. Medînet Habu 171
a. Pavilion of Ramses III. 172
b. Large Temple of Ramses III. 174
c. Small Temple of Medînet Habu 184
16. Tombs of the Queens 186
Tomb of Queen Titi 187
Tombs of Queen Isis, Tuattent Apt, Bant anṭa, and Amen-Meri 188
17. Dêr el-Medîneh 188
18. The Tombs of Shêkh ‘Abd el-Ḳurnah 190
Tomb of Kha-em-ḥat 190
Stuart's Tomb. Tomb of Rekh-ma-ra 191
Tombs of Sen-nefer, Amuzeh, and Amen-em-heb 192
Tombs of Pehsu-kher, Piuar, Amen-em-hāt, and Anna 193
Tombs of Horemheb, Tenuna, Amenophis, and Zanuni 194
Tombs of Ramenkheperseneb, Amenemha, Entefaker, Amkhent, Imaiseb, and Neferhotep 195
19. The Mortuary Temple of Seti I. at Ḳurnah 196
Drah Abu'l Neggah 199
20. Bîbân el-Mulûk. Tombs of the Kings 199
a. West Valley of the Tombs of the Kings 202
Tombs of Amenhotep III. and Ai 202
b. East Valley of the Tombs of the Kings 203
Tombs of Ramses VII., Ramses IV., Ramses XIII., Ramses IX. 203–205
Tombs of Ramses II. or XII. and Merenptah I. 207
Tomb of Ramses VI. 209
Tombs of Amonmeses and Ramses III. 212
Tomb of Siptah, Tauser, and Seti Nekht 215
Tombs of Seti II., Merenptah II., and Seti I. 217
Tombs of Ramses X. and Ra-meses Mentu-her-Khopeshf 220

21. From Bîbân el-Mulûk to el-Asasîf and Dêr el-baḥri 221
Shaft of the royal mummies 228
22. From Thebes to Edfu 230
Esneh 231
Convent of Ammonius 235
Pyramid of el-Kulah 236
El-Kâb (Eileithyia) 236
Kôm el-Aḥmar 243
23. Edfu 243
24. From Edfu to Gebel Silsileh 253
Temple of Redêsîyeh 254
Inscriptions near el-Ḥôsh 254
Shaṭṭ er-Regâl 255
Monuments and Inscriptions at Gebel Silsileh 256
25. From Gebel Silsileh to Kôm Ombo 260
26. From Kôm Ombo to Assuân 265
Tombs on Mount Grenfell 269
27. The Island of Elephantine 271
28. From Assuân to Philæ 273
a. Passage of the First Cataract 273
b. From Assuân to Philæ by land 274
1. The Ptolemaic Temple 274
2. The Arab Cemeteries 275
3. The Quarries (Ma‘adîn) 276
4. The Ancient Road and the Brick Wall 277
c. Route through the Desert, partly beside the Cataract 278
Descent of the Cataract in a small boat 279
29. The Island of Philæ 284
The Temple of Isis 284
The Chapel of Hathor. The Kiosque 296
The Cataract Islands 297
Lower Nubia from Philæ to Wâdi Ḥalfah.
Introduction 299
History 300
Population and Language 303
30. From Philæ to Ḳalabsheh 304
Debôt 304
Ḳertassi 305
Tafeh 306
Ḳalabsheh 307
Bêt el-Walli 309
31. From Ḳalabsheh to Dakkeh 312
Dendûr 312
Gerf Ḥuṣên 314
Dakkeh 316
The Gold-mines in Wâdi ‘Olâki 321
32. From Dakkeh to Abu-Simbel 322
The Temples of Ofedînah (Maḥarakah) and Sebû‘ah 322
Ḳorusko 324
Desert-routes to Abu Ḥamed. Temple of ‘Amâdah 325
Derr 328
Ibrîm and Ḳaṣr Ibrîm 329–330

33. The Rock-Temples of Abu-Simbel 331
The Great Temple 332
The Smaller Temple 337
The Temple of Thoth-Harmachis 339
34. From Abu-Simbel to the Second Cataract 339
The Temple of Feraig 339
From Wâdi Ḥalfah to Semneh and Kummeh 342
35. The Western Oases 343
I. Oasis of Jupiter Ammon, now Sîwah 344
II. Oases of Baḥrîyeh and Farâfrah 348
III. Oasis of el-Khârgeh 348
IV. Oasis of Dâkhel 354
Index 357


1. SKETCH-MAP OF THE NILE DISTRICTS, before the Title Page.
2. MAP OF THE NILE FROM CAIRO TO FESHN, between pp. 2, 3.
3. MAP OF THE NILE FROM FESHN TO LUXOR, between pp. 8, 9.
5. MAP OF THE NILE FROM ḲENEH TO DEMHÎD, between pp. 98, 99.
6. SKETCH-MAP OF THEBES, between pp. 102, 103.
7. SKETCH-MAP OF THE NECROPOLIS OF THEBES, between pp. 152, 153.
3, 4, 5. CRYPTS OF THE TEMPLE AT DENDERAH, pp. 96, 97.
6. TEMPLE OF LUXOR, p. 110.
10. THE RAMESSEUM, p. 158.
12. TOMB OF QUEEN TITI, p. 187.
15. TOMB OF RAMSES IV., p. 204.
16. TOMB OF RAMSES IX., p. 206.
17. TOMB OF MERENPTAH II., p. 208.
18. TOMB OF RAMSES VI., p. 210.
19. TOMB OF RAMSES III., p. 213.
21. TOMB OF SETI I., p. 218.
25. TEMPLE OF DAKKEH, p. 317.
are used as marks of commendation.


I. Steamer Routes between Europe and Egypt.

Fuller details as to the steamers in the Mediterranean are given in the first volume of the Handbook (pp. 7–10). The following resumé of the principal routes embodies the most recent alterations.
A. From England direct. Steamers of the PENINSULAR AND ORIENTAL STEAM NAVIGATION Co. (‘P. & O.’), leaving London every week, for India or Australia, sail viâ Gibraltar, Malta, and Brindisi (see below) in 12–13 days to Port Sa‘îd (fares 1st cl. 19l., 2nd cl. 11l., return-tickets 29l., 17l.) and Isma‘îlîyeh (20l., 12l., return 30l., 18l.), whence a special train is run to Cairo on the arrival of the steamer. Passengers for Alexandria change at Brindisi to the fortnightly steamer thence (see below; fares from London, 18l., 10l., return 27l., 10l.). The steamers from London touch fortnightly at Naples (see p. xii). Return-tickets are valid for 3 months.
Steamers of the ORIENT AND PACIFIC Co. (‘Orient Line’), leaving London every alternate week, sail viâ Gibraltar and Naples to Isma‘îlîyeh. Thence by rail to Alexandria (fares 1st cl. 21l., return-ticket, valid for 6 months, 33l.) or to Cairo (20l., return 32l.).
Steamers of the Papayanni Line, Moss Line, Anchor Line, and Ocean Line sail from Liverpool to Alexandria at irregular intervals (fare about 15l.).
OVERLAND ROUTES FROM LONDON TO MEDITERRANEAN PORTS. Brindisi may be reached from London in about 59 hrs., either viâ Paris and Mont Cenis (fares 1st cl. 12l. 8s. 6d., 2nd cl. 9l., 1s.) or viâ Bâle and the St. Gotthard (fares 12l. 5s. 6d., 8l. 17s. 6d.), or in 49 hrs. by the P. & O. Express leaving London every Frid. afternoon (fare, including sleeping berth, 16l. 18s.; tickets obtainable only of Sleeping Car Co., 122 Pall Mall, S. W., or the P. & O. Co., 122 Leadenhall St., E. C.). — Genoa is 30 ¼ hrs. from London viâ Paris and Turin (fares 7l. 16s., 5l. 16s.), or 36 hrs. viâ Bâle and the St. Gotthard (fares 8l. 2s., 5l. 19s.). — Venice is 42 hrs. from London either viâ Paris and Mont Cenis (fares 9l. 1s., 6l. 14s.) or viâ Bâle and the St. Gotthard (fares 8l. 15s., 6l. 8s.). — Marseilles is 25–28 hrs. from London, according to route selected between London and Paris (fares 1st cl. 5l. 19s. 7d. - 7l. 6s. 9d., 2nd cl. 4l. 9s. 4d. - 5l. 10s. 6d.). A ‘Mediterranean Express’ leaves Paris for Marseilles etc. three times a week in winter, once a week in summer; passengers from London by this train pay 4l. 0s. 1d. in addition to the ordinary 1st cl. fare.
B. From Mediterranean Ports. P. & O. STEAMERS, in connection with the P. & O. Express (see above), leave Brindisi every Sun. evening for Port Sa'îd (fares 1st cl. 10l., 2nd cl. 7l.) and Isma‘îlîyeh (fares 11l., 8l.). — Steamers of the same company leave

Venice every alternate Frid. at 2 p.m., for Ancona (weather permitting) and Brindisi (arriving on Sun.). They leave Brindisi on Mon. at 2 a.m. (in direct connection with Sun. morning express from Bologna) and reach Alexandria on Tues. morning (72 hrs. from Brindisi). Return from Alexandria every alternate Mon. at 3 p.m. Fares from Venice or Ancona, 1st cl. 10l., 2nd cl. 7l., from Brindisi, 9l., 6l.; return-ticket from Venice to Alexandria, valid for 3 months, 15l., 11l. — P. & O. Steamers also leave Naples every alternate Sat. for Port Sa‘îd (10l., 7l.) and Isma‘îlîyeh (11l., 8l.).
‘ORIENT LINE’ STEAMERS leave Naples every alternate Sun. at midnight for Port Sa‘îd; returning thence every alternate Wednesday.
The steamers of the MESSAGERIES MARITIMES leave Marseilles every alternate Frid. at 4 p.m. for Alexandria direct (no longer touching at Naples), arriving on Wed. morning. Return from Alexandria every alternate Saturday. Fares, 1st cl. 300, 2nd cl. 210 francs.
The steamers of the SOCIETÀ FLORIO-RUBATTINO (Navigazione Generale Italiana) leave Genoa every Mon. at 9 a.m. touch at Leghorn, Naples (leaving Wed. 7.30 p.m.), and Messina, and reach Alexandria at midnight on Monday. Return from Alexandria every Sat. at 3 p.m., waiting, however, for the steamer from Massowah.
The NORTH GERMAN LLOYD steamers sail from Genoa every alternate Mon., from Brindisi the following Wed., reaching Port Sa‘îd on Saturday. Return from Port Sa‘îd every alternate Saturday. Fares: from Genoa, 1st cl. 400, 2nd cl. 240 marks; from Brindisi, 240 or 175 marks.
The AUSTRIA-HUNGARIAN LLOYD steamers from Trieste to Alexandria now sail viâ Brindisi, and no longer viâ Corfu. Leaving Trieste every Frid. at midday, they reach Brindisi on Sat. at 9 p.m. or sooner, proceed thence on Sun. at 5 a.m., and reach Alexandria on Wed. at 5 a.m. Fare from Brindisi, 1st cl. 88, 2nd cl. 59 florins in gold. The ‘Thalia’ and ‘Euterpe’ are the best ships on this line; some of the others are poor. Second-class passengers have to sleep in the saloon.
All the steamers now lie beside the quay at Alexandria, so that landing in small boats, as described in our first volume, has now become a thing of the past.

II. Monetary System.

The information as to the Egyptian monetary system given on pp. 4, 5 of our first vol., has to be supplemented by the statement that the Egyptian Government has recently issued new silver coins and some gold coins, and that these now form the only legal currency throughout the whole country, where their value is uniform. The unit of reckoning is still the Piastre (Arabic Ghirsh, plur. Ghrush). The Egyptian Pound is divided into 100 piastres or 1000 Millièmes.
ARABIC NAME. Value in Egyptian Money Value in British Money Value in French Money Value in German Money
Piastres Millième Shillings Pence Francs Centimes Marks Pfennige
Gold Coins.
Gineh Maṣri (Egypt. Pound L E.) 100 1000 20 6 25 95 20 80
Nuṣṣeh Maṣri (half an Egypt. pd.) 50 500 10 3 13 10 40
Silver Coins.
Riyal Maṣri. 20 200 4 1 5 20 4 16
Nuṣṣeh Riyâl 10 100 2 2 60 2 10
Rub‘a Riyâl 5 50 1 1 30 1 5
Ghirshên (double piastre) 2 20 5 52 42
Ghirsh (piastre) 1 10 2 ½ 26 21
Nickel Coins.
Nuṣṣeh Ghirsh ½ 5 1 13 10
2 Millième. 2/10 2 ½ 5 4
1 Millième. 1/10 1 ¼ 2 ½ 2
In COPPER there are also pieces of ½ and ¼ Millième (called also 2 Para and 1 Para pieces, from the old system), but these are used only for bakshîsh by tourists.
The difference between Tariff-piastres and Current-piastres has been legally abolished; but it still lingers among shopkeepers, so that purchasers should be careful to ascertain in which reckoning the prices of goods are stated.
The Pound Sterling (Ginêh inglisi) is worth 97 piastres 5 millième; the French Twenty Franc piece (Bint, derived from Napoleon Bonaparte) 77 pias. 1 ½ mill.; the Turkish Pound (L T.; Mejidîyeh) 87 ¾ piastres. A ‘purse’ is equivalent to 500 piastres or about 104s.
Before starting on the Nile-journey travellers are recommended to provide themselves with at least 40 or 50 francs’ worth of small Egyptian coins (especially ½ piastres, 1 and 2 millième-pieces, and copper). Even in Cairo a commission is charged on the exchange.

III. The Nile Journey.

The ascent of the Nile may be made either by Steamer or by Dhahabîyeh. The former is recommended to those who have not more than three or four weeks to devote to a visit to the Nile valley and the monuments of the Pharaohs; and in fact for the immense majority of travellers, especially for those who do not belong to a party, the steamers are the only practicable means of making the journey. Travellers, however, who desire to make a closer acquaintance with the country, who have abundance of time (to Assuân and back at least 7–8 weeks), and who are indifferent to a considerable increase of expense, should hire a dhahabîyeh (p. xix).
The company met with on board the steamers is generally unexceptionable, though, of course, it is always wise to use some little exertion to secure an agreeable and sympathetic cabin-companion. The trunks to be taken into the cabins should be small and handy,

for the accommodation is somewhat limited. Greater care is required in the choice of companions for the dhahabîyeh-voyage, for the close and constant intercourse in rather narrow quarters and for perhaps two months at a time is apt to produce somewhat strained relations between those who are not originally sympathetic. The ‘dhahabîyeh devil’, indeed, is famous in Egypt for causing those who have embarked as friends to disembark as foes. In especial travellers with scientific aims should avoid travelling with those who have no particular interest in the gigantic remains of antiquity, and who are thus constantly wishing to push on hurriedly from sheer ennui. In all cases it is prudent to distribute the various cabins and seats on the dîvân by lot before starting.
A government tax of 100 pias. (20s. 6d.) is levied upon all visitors to the monuments of Upper Egypt, to be devoted to the maintenance of such monuments. The tax may be paid and cards admitting to the temples etc. obtained at the Museum of Gîzeh or at Cook's or Gaze's Office.


The steamers belonging to Messrs. Thomas Cook & Son (offices, see p. XV) are the best on the Nile, as well in point of comfort and cleanliness, as in point of organization and attentive service. Cook's TOURIST STEAMERS between Cairo and Assuân start every alternate Tuesday from the middle of November till the end of December, and every Tuesday from that date until the middle of March, spending 20 days on the voyage to Assuân and back. Extra-steamers are also run at the most crowded time; while two special excursions are organized in the course of the season, allowing four weeks for the double voyage. The three-weeks service is carried on by the steamers Rameses the Great, Rameses, Prince Mohammed Ali, Tewfik, and Prince Abbas, of which the two first are the best. The fare is 50l., or for occupants of the two superior cabins, specially adapted for invalids, 60l. The four-weeks steamer is named Sethi; fare 65l. The fares include provisions (wine etc. excepted), all necessary travelling expenses, donkeys, English saddles for ladies, boats to cross the river, the services of dragomans and guides, and bakshîsh to guides. The donkey-boys, however, usually look for a small bakshîsh from the traveller, who is also expected to bestow a gratuity upon the attendants on board the steamer. The tax levied by the Egyptian Government (see above) is also not included in the fares. Each traveller is entitled to ship 200 lbs. of personal luggage not exceeding 2 cubic mètres in measurement. A physician is carried on each steamer, whose services, if required, are paid for in addition to the fare. A deposit of 10l. must be paid on taking a ticket at Cook's offices in Europe. The name, sex, and nationality of the passenger must be inserted at the time of booking. Tickets are not transferable except with Messrs. Cook's consent. If a traveller be prevented by exceptional circumstances from joining the steamer for which he has booked he may proceed with the following

steamer if there is a berth free. After that, however, the ticket becomes invalid, without any recourse against Messrs. Cook.
In 1889–90 Messrs. Cook also organized a MAIL STEAMER SERVICE between Assiût, the railway terminus, and Assuân (4 days up, 3 days down), starting from Assiûṭ on Wed. and Sat. mornings in connection with the day-trains leaving Bûlâḳ ed-Dakrûr on Tues. and Frid. mornings; and returning from Assuân on Mon. and Thurs. afternoons in connection with the train leaving Assiûṭ for Bûlâḳ ed-Dakrûr on Frid. and Mon. evenings. The names of the mail-steamers are Cleopatra, Nefertari, Amenartas, and Hatasoo. In 1891 a mail-steamer also sailed every Sat. direct from Cairo viâ Assiûṭ to Assuân, in some respects to be preferred to the others. This steamer touches at Beniḥasan (visit to the tombs), reaches Assiûṭ on Tues, evening, and proceeds thence on Wed. morning (as above). The fare from Cairo is 23l. to Assuân and back (14 days, or 18 days if the direct steamer from Cairo be taken) and 20l. to Luxor and back (11 days), including 1st cl. fare from Cairo to Assiûṭ, transfer of baggage at Assiûṭ, provisions on board the steamers, and 3–4 days’ hotel accommodation at Luxor. Incidental expenses for sight-seeing, donkeys, guides, etc. are not included in these fares. About 1 ½ day is spent at Assuân, and on the return voyage 3 hrs. are spent at Edfu and 2 ¾ hrs. at Ḳeneh-Denderah. Kôm Ombo, Esneh, and Luxor are night-stations, and travellers who desire to visit the temples at these places must do so by torch-light. Passengers may also spend additional time at any of the stations en route continuing their journey by later steamers, and paying the fare from stage to stage (to Luxor 2.94l.E., to Assuân 5l.E.) together with 10s. per day for food on board the steamers. These mail-steamers enable travellers to visit the chief points in Upper Egypt at a less expenditure of time and money than the tourist steamers. No one should omit the voyage to Assuân, while Saḳḳârah may be visited from Cairo. The life on board these vessels is often lively; and the scenes at the numerous landing-places are frequently highly entertaining. The mail-steamers touch at the following stations: Abutîg, Nekheleh, Sedfeh, Temeh, Meshteh, Ṭahṭah, Maraghah, Shendawîn, Sohâg, Akhmîm, Menshîyeh, Girgeh, Beliâneh, Abu Shûsheh, Shêkh Amrân, Farshût, Ḳaṣr eṣ-Ṣaiyâd, Deshneh, Ḳeneh, Ḳûs, Naḳâdeh, Kamûleh, Luxor, Erment, Esneh, Baṣalîyeh, Edfu, Sebû'ah, Kôm Ombo, Darâwi, and Assuân.
Detailed information as to all these steamers, as well as the dhahabîyehs mentioned on p. xix, will be found in Cook's Programme, published annually, 6d. post free, and obtainable at any of Cook's offices: London, Ludgate Circus; Alexandria, Place Méhémet Ali; Cairo, Cook's Pavilion, next door to Shepheard's Hotel.
The well-equipped steamers of the Thewfikieh Nile Navigation Co. (managing director, Rostowitz-Bey) afford another excellent means of ascending the Nile. Messrs. Henry Gaze & Son (London, 142 Strand; Alexandria, Place de l'Eglise; Cairo, opposite Shepheard's

Hotel) are the sole agents. The tourist-steamers Memphis, El-Khedevie, and El-Kahireh leave Cairo every alternate Wed., for Assuân and back (21 days; fare 42l.), on conditions similar to those of Messrs. Cook. Special thirty-days expeditions are organized twice during the season (fare 55l.). The company also owns the Shellal (26 berths), Luxor (25 berths), Karnak (19 berths), Denderah (14 berths), Edfou, Philœ, and Elephantine (8 berths each) for smaller parties. Messrs. Gaze & Son have also arranged a series of seventeen-day tours, starting (by train) from Cairo every fourth day from the end of November to the end of March, and proceeding by steamer from Assiûṭ to Assuân and back; fare from Cairo and back, including 4 days’ hotel accommodation at Luxor, 26l.
Dhahabîyehs belonging to the Thewfikieh Co., see p. xix.
Passengers who prefer to proceed by rail from Cairo to Assiûṭ (not recommended) are provided on request with a 1st cl. railway ticket by Messrs. Cook.
1st Day. Leave Cairo at 10 a.m., starting from the landing-stage above the iron-bridge near Ḳaṣr en-Nîl. At midday Bedrashên is reached, where donkeys are in readiness to convey passengers to the site of Memphis: the Step-Pyramid of Saḳḳârah, Serapeum, Maṣṭaba of Ti, and Pyramid of Unas; in all about 3 hrs. (comp. Baedeker's Lower Egypt, pp. 371 seq.). In the evening the steamer proceeds to Kafr el-‘Ayât (36 M. from Cairo).
2nd Day. Steam to (106 M.) Maghâghah, where there is one of the largest sugar factories in Egypt (comp. p. 6), lighted by gas. Sugar manufacturing begins about the beginning of January.
3rd Day. Steam to Beniḥasan (p. 12), whence the Speos Artemidos and the tombs of Ameni-Amenemha and Khnumhotep are visited (p. 14). — Thence to (182 M.) Rôdah.
4th Day. Steam to (250 M.) Assiûṭ (p. 31).
5th Day. Visit Assiûṭ and neighbourhood. In the afternoon steam to (294 M.) El-Maraghât (p. 48).
6th Day. Steam past Beliâneh (Abydos is visited on the return journey) to (388 M.) Deshneh (p. 72).
7th Day. Steam to Ḳeneh, whence the Temple of Denderah (p. 79) is visited. Thence to (450 M.) Luxor (p. 101), which is reached about 5 p.m.
8th Day. Visit the Temple of Ḳurnah, the Tombs of the Kings, and the Temple of Der el-baḥri (pp. 196 seq.); 8 a.m. to 4.30 p.m.
9th Day. Excursion to Karnak (3 hrs.; p. 115); in the afternoon, the Temple of Luxor (p. 109).
10th Day. Visit the Ramesseum (p. 158), the Tombs of Shêkh ‘Abd el-Kurnah (p. 190), the Temple of Dêr el-Medîneh (p. 188), and the Pavilion and Temple of Medînet Habu (p. 171), where lunch is served about noon. Return viâ the Colossi of Memnon (p. 153).
11th Day. Steam to (4 ½ hrs.) Esneh (p. 231), where a short

visit to the temple is paid, then (4 hrs. more) to (515 M.) Edfu (p. 243), where the temple is visited.
12th Day. Steam viâ Gebel Silsileh (p. 255) and Kôm Ombo (½ hr.'s halt; p. 260) to (583 M.) Assuân (p. 266), which is reached about 4 p.m. Visit to the island of Elephantine (p. 271) before dinner.
13th Day. Assuân, its bazaars, etc. Expedition to the tombs on Mount Grenfell (p. 269) recommended.
14th Day. Expedition into the desert on donkey or camel. Then cross to the island of Philœ (p. 281), where lunch is served. Passengers afterwards descend to the First Cataract in a small boat, and ride back to Assuân on donkeys from the Nubian village of Mahâdah. Or they may shoot the cataract (p. 279).
15th Day. The return voyage is begun, Luxor being reached before dark.
16th Day. Karnak may be revisited; or the travellers may inspect the Necropolis of Thebes at their own expense. Arrangements should be made the day before with the dragoman or manager. The steamer starts again at noon, and reaches Ḳeneh (p. 72) in the evening.
17th Day. Steam to Beliâneh, where donkeys are in readiness to convey travellers to Abydos (p. 53).
18th Day. Assiûṭ is reached in the afternoon. Train thence to Cairo if desired.
19th Day. Steam to Gebel eṭ-Ṭêr (p. 7), sometimes visiting the sugar-factory at Rôḍah (p. 18).
20th Day. Arrival at Cairo. Passengers may remain on board until after breakfast on the following morning.
The FOUR WEEKS’ TOUR (usually in the beginning of Jan. and the beginning of Feb.) is much preferable to the above hurried visit. About ½ day is devoted to Bedrashên, Memphis, and Saḳḳârah (instead of 3 hrs.), ½ day to Beniḥasan (instead of 4 hrs.), 2 ½ days to Assiûṭ (instead of ½ day), ½ day to the Coptic Convents of Dêr el-Abyaḍ and Dêr el-Aḥmar, several hours to Akhmîm and to Ḳeneh, 1 day to Denderah (instead of ½ day), 5 ½ days to Thebes (instead of 3 ½ days), several hours to Esneh, 5 hrs. to el-Kâb, ½ day to Edfu, ½ day to Gebel Silsileh, ½ day to Kôm Ombo (where a night is spent), 3 days (instead of 2) to Assuân, Elephantine, and Philœ, 1 day to Abydos (instead of ¾ day), and a morning to Tell el-Amarnah. The steamers, being smaller, have the advantage of conveying a less numerous party. Timely application for a berth is strongly recommended. The itinerary is as follows: —
1st Day. To Bedrashên as on p. xvi. Excursion to Memphis (see Vol. I.).
2nd Day. To Benisuêf (p. 5) or Feshn (p. 6).
3rd Day. To Beniḥasan (p. 12).
4th Day. Excursion to the Speos Artemidos and the tombs of Ameni, Khnumhotep, etc. — In the afternoon to Gebel Abu Fêdah (p. 28).
5th Day. To Assiûṭ (p. 31), arriving about noon.
6th Day. To Sohâg (p. 48).
7th Day. Excursion to the Coptic convents of Dêr el-Abyaḍ and Dêr el-Aḥmar (p. 49). In the afternoon to Girgeh (p. 52), with a short halt at Akhinîm (p. 49).
8th Day. To Ḳeneh (p. 72).
9th Day. Excursion to Denderah (p. 79), lunching in the temple.
10th Day. To Luxor (p. 109), visiting the temple in the afternoon.
11th Day. Excursion to Ḳurnah (p. 196), the Ramesseum (p. 158), Dêr el-baḥri (p. 223), and the Tombs of the Kings (p. 199), as on the 8th Day of the three weeks’ tour.
12th Day. No settled programme; comp. Day 16, p. xvii.
13th Day. Excursion to Shêkh ‘Abd el-Ḳurnah (p. 190), Dêr el-Medîneh (p. 188), Medînet Hâbu (p. 171), the Colossi of Memnon (p. 153); as on Day 10, p. xvi.
14th Day. Visit to Karnak (p. 115), lunching in the temple.
15th Day. Steam to Esneh (p. 231), visiting the temple in the evening.
16th Day. To El-Kâb (p. 236) and in the evening to Edfu.
17th Day. Visit to the temple of Edfu (p. 243), then to Gebel Silsileh (p. 255).
18th Day. Visit the quarries in the morning, then steam to Assuán (p. 266), making a short halt at Kôm Ombo (p. 260).
19th Day. No settled programme.
20th Day. Philœ (p. 281) and the First Cataract (p. 278), as on Day 14, p. xvii.
21st Day. Elephantine (p. 271), and Tombs of Mekhu, Saben, Ranubkaunekht, and Si Renput (p. 269); or to Philæ again, on previous arrangement with the manager. — In the afternoon steam to Kôm Ombo (p. 260).
22nd Day. To Luxor (p. 101), arriving about 4 p.m.
23rd Day. Excursions in Thebes to suit the travellers’ tastes.
24th Day. To Beliâneh (p. 53).
25th Day. Excursion to Abydos (p. 53); lunch in the temple.
26th Day. To Assiûṭ (p. 31).
27th Day. Excursion to the tombs on the hill of Assiûṭ (p. 32); in the afternoon, steam to Hagg el-Ḳandil (p. 22).
28th Day. Excursion to the caves of Tell el-Amarnah (p. 22). In the afternoon steam to Minyeh (p. 9) and visit to the sugar-factory there if the river is high enough.
29th Day. Arrival in Cairo.
Holders of Cooks’ tickets may break their journey at Luxor or Assuân either on the way up or the way down (after previous arrangement with Cooks’ manager in Cairo), and proceed by a subsequent steamer, if there are vacant berths. The mail-steamers, usually less crowded than the others, may be used in descending the stream. In all these deviations from the usual tours, very strict adherence to the terms of the special arrangement is exacted. Travellers are strongly recommended to time their voyage so as to arrive at Luxor 3–4 days before full moon; for moonlight adds a peculiar charm to a visit to the ruins here and at Assuân.
Passengers by steamer should beware of the risk of catching cold by leaving the windows of their cabin open. They should also avoid placing themselves too near the edge of the deck; and it is well to remember (e.g. when shaving) that the steamers frequently run aground, especially above Luxor. Liability to delay through this last fact, makes it impossible to be sure of reaching Cairo in time to make connection with the ocean-steamers.
For the Mail and Tourist Steamers between the First and Second Cataract Philæ to Wadi Ḥalfah), see p. 299.

b. The Dhahabîyeh Voyage.

Though the voyage in a Dhahabîyeh demands much more time and money than the steamboat-voyage, on the other hand it offers the only means of a satisfactorily close examination of the country and its monuments. A party of 4-5 persons will be found advisable, especially as the expense is not much more than for 1–2 persons.
A large selection of good dhahabîyehs is to be found at Cairo, on the left bank of the Nile both above and below the new bridge at Bûlâḳ. Travellers who take the train from Cairo to Assiûṭ should despatch their boat from Cairo about a fortnight in advance, for there are no good dhahabîyehs either at Assiûṭ or farther up at Luxor and Assuân. In Cairo the best dhahabîyehs are those belonging to Messrs. Cook & Son (‘Isis’, ‘Osiris’, ‘Horus’, ‘Hathor’, ‘Nephthis', and ‘Ammon-Ra', costing 130l. per month) or Messrs. Gaze & Son (‘Sesostris’, ‘Cheops’, ‘Herodotus', and ‘Hope', 110l. per month). Other good craft, with the monthly hire, are as follows: ‘Diamond' (100l.), ‘Eva' (80l.), ‘Admiral' (85l.), ‘Timsah' (90l.), ‘London’, ‘Luxor’, ‘Philœ', (each 75l.), ‘India' (85l.), ‘Alma’, ‘Nubia’, ‘Zenobia’, ‘Gamila' (each 90l.), ‘Lotus' (70l.), ‘Meermin’, ‘Manhattan' (each 75l.), ‘Griffin' (80l.), ‘Zingara' (65l.), and ‘Vittoria' (55l.).
These prices include the hire of the dhahabîyeh and its full equipment and the wages of the re‘îs or captain and the crew. For the services of a dragoman, cook, and attendant, and for provisions, saddles, and all the incidental expenses of excursions (excluding bakshîsh), the price per day and per pers. is calculated thus:—
Cook Gaze Dragoman
Party of 2, each pers. 33s. 35s. 30s.
Party of 3 each pers. 28s. 27s. 24s.
Party of 4 each pers. 24s. 25s. 20s.
Party of 5 each pers. 22s. 20s. 18s.
Party of 6 or more, 20s. 16s. 16s.
Thus for a voyage of 60 days from Cairo to Assuân and back, including the payment of a dragoman and all provisions (except wine, etc.), Cook charges 590l. for a party of 5 (i.e. 118l. each pers., or 39s. 4d. each per day). For smaller parties, the cost per head is considerably more. A three months’ voyage in the ‘Manhattan’ (the property of a dragoman) costs 485l. for a party of 4 (i.e. 6l. 10s. per day, or 32s. 6d. each pers, per day). The inclusive charge for Cook's excellent steam-dhahabîyeh ‘Nitocris' (5 berths) is 400l. per month, a sum that will not appear exorbitant when the time saved by steaming is taken into account.
Those who employ Cook's or Gaze's dhahabîyehs are relieved from all trouble in the matter of engaging a dragoman (quite indispensable to the traveller who speaks no Arabic) or purchasing provisions. And there are the additional advantages that the stores of meat, fowls, vegetables, and fruit can be replenished en route from the steamers, and that, in case of head-winds, the small Steam Towing Launches belonging to these firms, may be hired for 6–8l. per day.
The chartering of a private dhahabîyeh is much cheaper though much more troublesome. The first step is to engage a Dragoman, not without a careful enquiry as to his record at the consulate and from the hotel-keepers, and an examination of the testimonials from previous travellers. There are about 90 dragomans in Cairo, all more or less intelligent and able, but scarcely a half of the number are trustworthy. Most of them speak English or French, and a few speak Italian.
The following are well spoken of: Hassan Speke, Aḥmed Ramadan, Ibrahîm Solem, Aḥmed Abderraḥim (owner of the Manhattan, p. xix), Hasan Bibars, Salim Sadjar, Bishai Awad, Abdullah Abdelkhalik (all these Egyptians); Saleh (a Nubian); Michael Galt, Anton Sapienza (Maltese); Mansûr, Lewiz Mansûr, Daeybis Fadûl, Elias Telhany, and Elias Abushâya (Syrians). It cannot be too strongly impressed upon the traveller that it is essential for him to show from the very beginning that he is and intends to remain the master. Even the best dragomans are inclined to patronize their clients, a tendency which must at once be quashed.
The next step is to select a suitable dhahabîyeh assisted by the dragoman. A contract is then made with the dragoman, either entrusting him with the entire preparations, or assigning to him only the duty of engaging and paying the re‘îs and crew, while the traveller retains the commissariat department in his own hands. The re‘îs or steersman is a most important functionary upon whose skill during the often stormy passage the safety of the vessel depends. The crew number from 8 to 12 according to the size of the dhahabîyeh. The vessel is either hired by the day (for 2 pers. 5–6l., 3 or 4 pers. 6–7l.) or chartered for the whole return-voyage to Assuân (for 2 pers. 300–350l., 3 or 4 pers. 350–400l.). In the former case the dragoman will try to travel as slowly as possible to protract his engagement; in the latter case he will press on, so as to save boat-hire and board. The latter arrangement is preferable, but the right of halting for 15–20 days in the course of the journey should carefully be stipulated for. The dragoman must also provide donkeys and camels for the excursions. Farther details are indicated in the following draft-contracts, in which it is believed that nothing of importance has been overlooked. The contract must be signed at the traveller's consulate, either with the dragoman alone if he has undertaken the whole of the arrangements, or with the dragoman and re‘îs, when the traveller has hired the dhahabîyeh and pays board to the dragoman.
Contract with the Dragoman. — Mr. X. and his travelling companions on the one hand, and the Dragoman Y. on the other, have mutually entered into the following contract: —
(1) The Dragoman Y. binds himself to conduct Mr. X. and his party from Cairo to Assuân (or Wâdi Ḥalfah), and back, for the sum of … pounds sterling.
(2) The Dragoman Y. shall exclusively defray the whole travelling expenses of the party, including the hire of the dhahabîyeh, sufficiently manned, and equipped to the satisfaction of Mr. X., the entire cost of food, service, lighting, pilotage, watching the boat, and all charges for donkeys, donkey-boys, camels, and guides.
(3) The Dragoman Y. shall provide a good bed with moustiquaire

(mosquito-curtains) for each member of the party, with all necessary bed and table linen, table-equipage, and implements in good condition. Each person shall have two clean towels every four days, a clean table-napkin every second day, and clean sheets once a week.
(4) The Dragoman Y. undertakes the entire provisioning of Mr. X. and his party. The following meals shall be served daily: 1. Breakfast, consisting of tea, coffee, or chocolate (at the travellers’ option), bread, butter, biscuits, eggs, marmalade (or whatever the traveller is accustomed to); 2. Lunch, consisting of … 3. dinner, consisting of … [The traveller may adjust the bill of fare to his taste, but it may be remarked that Nile-voyagers usually enjoy an excellent appetite, and that a choice of several dishes affords an agreeable variety without adding much to the cost. For lunch 2–3 courses are usually demanded, and for dinner, soup, 3 courses, and desert.] All the dishes shall be well-cooked and properly served. Fresh bread shall be baked every second day. For each guest invited by the travellers to breakfast the dragoman shall receive 3 fr., for each guest at dinner 4 fr.
(5) A lighted lamp shall be affixed outside the dhahabîyeh at night.
(6) A small boat in good condition shall accompany the dhahabîyeh, and shall be at all times at the disposal of the travellers, with the necessary crew. Two or more sailors shall accompany the travellers when the latter desire to land, and shall serve as watches or porters when required.
(7) The dhahabîyeh shall be maintained in a good and efficient condition. The deck shall be washed every morning.
(8) The Dragoman Y. is responsible for the maintenance of order among the crew; and he shall take care that both the crew and the attendants are quiet at night so as not to prevent the travellers from sleeping.
(9) When the wind is unfavourable, the dhahabîyeh shall be towed on the way upstream or rowed on the way downstream.
(10) The Dragoman Y. is alone responsible for any damage that may occur to the dhahabîyeh or the small boat.
(11) No passenger or goods shall be received on board without the express permission of Mr. X.
(12) The travellers reserve to themselves the right of halting for 15–20 days in the course of the voyage, without extra charge, at such times and places as they may select. Halts of less than 2 hrs. shall not be reckoned; but the travellers will not avail themselves of this exception oftener than once a day.
(13) The travellers shall have the right of halting for more days than are stipulated for in paragraph 12, on condition of paying 20 fr. each pers, for each extra day, in addition to the boat-hire. Thus if the dhahabîyeh has been hired for 30l. per month or 25 fr. per day, a party of 3 pers. would pay for each extra day 3×20+25=85 fr.
(14) If the dhahabîyeh reaches a spot during the night, at which the Dragoman Y. has been instructed to stop, a halt must be made; and the day's halt to be reckoned to the traveller shall not begin until sunrise.
(15) The Re‘îs shall have the right of halting for 24 hours on two occasions for the purpose of baking bread for the crew. These periods (48 hrs.) shall not be reckoned against the traveller; nor shall any other halt not expressly commanded by Mr. X., whether due to bad weather or any other cause, be so reckoned. The halt for baking shall be made at Assiût, and not at Girgeh (comp. p. 52).
(16) One-third of the stipulated price shall be paid to the Dragoman Y. before the commencement of the voyage; one-third during the voyage; and the remaining third on its completion. [Or one-half before the voyage is begun and one-half on its completion.]
(17) In the event of disputes or differences in carrying out this contract, Mr. X. and the Dragoman Y. bind themselves to submit unconditionally such disputes or differences to the arbitration of the consul, before whom it has been signed.
(18) The voyage shall begin on such and such a day.
Then follow the signatures of the traveller and the dragoman.
Contract with the Re‘îs. Mr. X. on the one hand, and the Re‘îs Y. on the other have mutually entered into the following contract: —
(1) The Re‘îs V., owner (or captain) of the dhahabîyeh named Z., now anchored at Bûlâḳ (or Ramleh), agrees to hire that vessel with all necessary equipments in good condition to Mr. X. for a voyage to Upper Egypt, for the price of n pounds sterling for the first month, and n pounds sterling for each day thereafter. [If the traveller desires to pass the cataract as described on p. 273, he must ascertain whether the dhahabîyeh is fit for the passage, and in that case add to paragraph 1: The Re‘îs Y. declares the dhahabîyeh fit for passing the first cataract. Mr. X. shall in no wise be responsible for any damage sustained by the dhahabîyeh in passing the cataract.]
(2) The Re‘îs Y. binds himself to present the dhahabîyeh in the best-possible condition for sailing. The mast, sails, and rudder shall be strong and in good condition. The crew shall consist of (at least) 6–8 able-bodied and experienced sailors and a second re‘îs or steersman.
(3) A good and efficient small boat (fellukah) shall accompany the dhahabîyeh, and shall at all times be at the disposal of Mr. X., with at least three sailors as crew, either for excursions, for hunting, or other object.
(4) When the wind is favourable the voyage shall be continued during the night, when Mr. X. desires it. When the wind is unfavourable, the dhahabîyeh shall be towed from sunrise to sunset.
(5) The Re‘îs Y. shall cause the dhahabîyeh to halt or to start at such times as Mr. X. shall direct. He binds himself to select safe and proper anchorages. Mr. X.'s express permission must be obtained before any of the sailors shall be allowed to quit the dhahabîyeh for some hours, either to go to market, to visit their friends, or for any other purpose.
(6) The dhahabîyeh shall be washed daily, special care being bestowed upon the after-deck, on which Mr. X. travels. A good and efficient awning adapted to shade the after-deck shall be provided, and shall be rigged on Mr. X.'s request, unless the state of the wind prevents it. The Re‘îs shall cause a lighted lamp to be hung outside the dhahabîyeh at night.
(7) No passengers or persons other than the crew, and no goods shall be received on board the dhahabîyeh without the express permission of Mr. X. Mr. X. has the right of receiving on board as many companions and as much luggage as he chooses.
(8) When the traveller desires to spend some time on shore (e.g. at Thebes or Philæ), the Re‘îs shall direct at least two sailors to act as guards over the tent, or temple, or other place where the traveller may spend the night.
(9) The Re‘îs and crew shall at all times be obliging and respectful to Mr. X. and his party. Two sailors shall be at all times at the disposal of the travellers to accompany them on shore and to carry provisions, books, boxes, a ladder, or whatever shall be required.
(10) During the absence of the travellers from the dhahabîyeh, the Re‘îs binds himself to maintain it in good condition, and to take charge of any possessions left by the travellers on board. He binds himself also to indemnify the travellers for any of their possessions that may be stolen or injured while under his charge.
(11) The travellers shall be responsible for all damage done to the dhahabîyeh through their fault, but they shall on no account be liable for damage arising from any other cause whatever. If the Re‘îs is prevented by any cause, not due to the fault of the travellers, from continuing the voyage, the travellers shall pay only for as many days as the voyage has actually lasted.
(12) Fees charged for the passage of the bridge at Cairo and the first cataract, by the dhahabîyeh shall be paid by the hirer. [These fees are fixed by Egyptian officials according to the size of the dhahabîyeh.]
(13) Mr. X. and the Re‘îs Y. bind themselves to submit all disputes which may arise as to the carrying out of this contract to the arbitration of the consul in whose presence it has been signed.
Travellers who know some Arabic or who are already acquainted

with Egypt and its people may dispense with a dragoman, engaging only a Camp-Servant (about 4l. a month, with 1–2l. bakshîsh) and a Cook (5–6l. a month and 1–2l. bakshîsh). The former, who must understand some European language as well as Arabic, will assist in the search for a good dhahabîyeh; and the advice of the hotelkeeper will also be found of use. The hire of the boat will be at least 15l. per month, and the wages of the Re‘îs and about 12 rowers 20–21l., with 40–50s. bakshîsh, in all 36–38l.
The Contract with the Servant may be as follows: The Servant Y. binds himself for a payment of —,to accompany Mr. X. on his journey to Nubia (or elsewhere) in the capacity of camp-servant (or cook), and farther binds himself to discharge willingly and attentively the services that may be demanded of him by Mr. X. and his party.
Provisions. The following firms may be recommended from the writer's personal experience to those travellers who attend to their own commissariat: Walker & Co., Ezbekîyeh 16–20, for preserved meats and other eatables; Necola Zigada, beside Shepheard's Hotel, for eatables and wine; E. J. Fleurant, opposite the Crédit Lyonnais, for French and Austrian wine. The following list of articles taken by a party of three for two months voyage, will assist the traveller to select his fare.
  • 2 ⅕ lbs. of tea in tins
  • 15 lbs. of coffee
  • 1 bag of green coffee
  • 1 tin of cocoa
  • 1 doz. tins of condensed milk
  • 1 tin of tapioca
  • 2 tins of Julienne soup
  • 7 lbs. of maccaroni soup
  • 11 lbs. of maccaroni
  • 45 lbs. of rice
  • 1 pot of extract of meat
  • 1 bottle of ket soup
  • 2 tins of condensed vegetables
  • 4 tins of green peas
  • 6 tins of French beans
  • 6 tins of white beans
  • 1 tin of arrowroot
  • 11 lbs. of biscuits
  • 13 lbs. of bacon
  • 15 lbs. of ham
  • 2 tins of ox-tongue
  • 3 tins of preserved meat
  • 1 bottle of Worcester sauce
  • 1 bottle of pickles
  • 18 small boxes of sardines
  • 12 large boxes of sardines
  • 2 bottles of olives
  • 7 lbs. of dried apricots
  • 10 lbs. of plums (in tins)
  • 1 box of figs
  • 1 ½ lb. of candied lemon-peel
  • 2 ⅕ lbs. of Malaga raisins
  • 1 lb. of sultana raisins
  • 2 ½ lbs. of currents
  • 1 bag of maize flour
  • 2 casks of flour
  • 48 lbs. of salt (in tins)
  • 2 bottles of essences
  • 1 packet of spice
  • 1 tin of pepper
  • 2 bottles of vinegar
  • 3 bottles of salad-oil
  • 1 bottle of mustard
  • 1 bottle of French mustard
  • 2 packets of gelatine
  • 2 barrels of potatoes
  • 1 Cheshire cheese
  • 2 Dutch cheeses
  • 11 lbs. of syrup
  • 15 lbs. of loaf-sugar
  • 15 lbs. of butter in ¼ lb. tins
  • 17 lbs. of butter in ½ lb. tins
  • 20 packets of candles
  • 1 bottle of lamp-oil
  • 1 barrel of paraffin-oil
  • 1 box of toilet-soap
  • 4 bars of soap
  • 1 tin of soda
  • 1 packet of starch
  • Blacking and blacking-brushes
  • 3 packets of paper
  • 2 packets of matches
  • Wood and charcoal
  • Corkscrew
  • 2 knives for opening tins
  • 1 tin of knive-powder
  • Baking-powder
  • String and rope
  • Wine, etc.
  • 60 bottles of Medoc at 2 fr. per bot.
  • 36 bottles of Medoc supérieur at 3 fr.
  • 35 bottles of red Vöslauer at 2 ½ fr.
  • 25 bottles of white Vöslauer 2 ½ fr.
  • 20 bottles of beer
  • 1 bottle of brandy 1 bottle of cognac
  • 1 bottle of whiskey
  • 1 bottle of vermuth
  • A little champagne for festivals and the reception of guests.
A hanging-lamp, bought in the Muski for 20 fr., suspended over the saloon-table, and a pack of playing-cards were found very convenient.
The above stores, purchased for 28l., not only were amply sufficient, but 70s. worth was returned to the dealers at the end of the voyage. For no one should omit to make an arrangement entitling him to return unused stores (at a reduction of about 10% on the original price) and to have the agreement entered on the invoice.
Other stores, such as eggs, fresh beef, buffalo-meat, mutton, poultry, oranges, lemons, etc., are taken only in small supplies, it being easy to replenish the larder en route, either from the steamers or still better from the markets on the banks, where prices are moderate. The cook makes the purchases and submits his accounts.
Average prices. Fowl, 4–9 piastres, according to quality; fat turkey, 45–62; hen-turkey 22–36; pair of pigeons 4–8; sheep 128–350; 16 eggs, 5–8; rotl (about 15 oz.) of butter 9–13; rotl of beef, 5–8; rotl of mutton 4–5 piastres.
Various kinds of provisions, including some delicacies, are to be obtained from the bakkals or small dealers of Minyeh, Assiûṭ, Ḳeneh, Luxor, Esneh, and Assuân.
Tobacco for chibouques may be obtained in the bazaars, also at Assiûṭ, Keneh, and Esneh; the best mixture is ½ Gebeli and ½ Kûrâni. The best Turkish tobacco (Stambûli) and cigarettes may be bought in Cairo from Nestor Gianachis and E. Zalichi & Jaconomu in the Muski, Volterra Frères at the post-office, and Cortessi, Ezkebîyeh, next the Café de la Bourse. Good cigars are also kept by Cortessi; those to be obtained en route are bad.
Medicine. Comp. Vol., I. pp. 15, 473. Some Antipyrine, 50 gr. of quinine, some laudanum, a supply of zinc or other eye-wash, rhubarb, etc, should not be forgotten.
Clothing and Equipment. Clothes such as are worn in autumn at home are the best for the Nile. Boots must be stout and water-tight. Slippers, bathing-shoes for the clayey Nile baths, both thick and thin stockings, flannel shirts, a broad-brimmed hat, a warm overcoat, and a substantial rug should not be forgotten. A sun-umbrella and kufîyeh, a silk handkerchief or muffler, blue or grey spectacles, and a leathern cushion stuffed with horse-hair will also be found useful. Saddles, which may be hired in Cairo, should be taken, especially if ladies are of the party, for the donkeys hired at the various points do not always have saddles. — Explorers should provide themselves with a long and strong ladder; as well as a magnesium lamp or magnesium-wire (to be obtained in Cairo). — Photographic apparatus should be brought from home, for chemicals are either not obtainable or very dear in Egypt, and good dry plates are scarcely to be obtained. The plate should not be more than 8 to 10 inches at the largest. The traveller should superintend the custom-house examination in person.
Fowling-pieces and ammunition (including Lefaucheux cartridges) may be bought in Cairo, but not higher up, where only coarse gun-powder can be obtained.
Letters. The letter-post, even in Upper Egypt, is both rapid and punctual. From Cairo to Thebes letters take three days, being forwarded to Assiûṭ by rail and thence by steamer. Passengers going beyond Cairo should instruct the porter of the hotel to forward letters to some fixed point. Cook's manager does this for Cook's tourists. The post goes on even beyond Assuân.

IV. Works on Egypt.

A good selection of books is one of the necessities of the traveller in Egypt. The steamer sometimes steams for an entire day without passing anything of special interest; and the dhahabîyeh-traveller, when his vessel is being slowly towed against an adverse wind, will gladly fall back upon reading when he is tired of walking along the bank with a gun on the chance of a shot. A considerable number of the chief books upon Egypt have been mentioned in Vol. I., pp. 201, 202; a few more are named here; while other special works are referred to in the descriptions of some of the principal monuments (e.g. pp. 83, 95, 244, 255, etc.). For authorities on the Western Oases see pp. 344, 348.


Bell, C. F. Moberley, From Pharaoh to Fellah; London, 1888.
Brugsch, H., Egypt under the Pharaohs, transl. from the German by P. Smith, 1874; condensed and revised ed., by M. Broderick, London, 1891.
Dor, V. E., L‘instruction publique en Egypte; Paris, 1872.
Dümichen (J.) and Meyer, Geschichte des Alten Ægyptens; Berlin, 1877 (specially useful for the ancient geography).
Klunzinger, C. B, Upper Egypt; its people and products; London, 1877.
Lane, Account of the Manners and Customs of the modern Egyptians; new ed., London, 1872.
Lane-Poole, Stanley, Social Life in Egypt; London, 1884.
Marielte-Bey, The Monuments of Upper Egypt; transl. Alexandria, 1877.
Maspero, G., Egyptian Archæology, transl. by Amelia B. Edwards; London, 1887.
Sandwith, F. M., Egypt as a winter-resort; London, 1889.


Du Camp, Maxime, Le Nil, Egypte, et Nubie; 4th ed., Paris 1877.
Edwards, Amelia B., A Thousand Miles up the Nile; London, 1877.
Edwards, Amelia B., Pharaohs, Fellahs, and Explorers; London, 1891.
Lepsius, R., Discoveries in Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sinai, transl. by K. R. H. Kennedy; London, 1852.
Loftie, W. J., A Ride in Egypt from Sioot to Luxor; London, 1879.
Oxley, W., Egypt and the Wonders of the Land of the Pharaohs, 1884.
Rhind, A. H., Thebes, its Tombs and their Tenants; London, 1862.
Rhoué, A., L‘Egypte à petites journées; Paris, 1877.
Stuart, H. Villiers, Nile Gleanings; London, 1880.
Stuart, H. Villiers, Egypt after the War; London, 1883.
Taylor, Bayard, Life and Landscape from Egypt to the Negro Kingdoms of the White Nile, 2nd ed., London, 1855.
Warner, Chas. Dudley, My Winter on the Nile; new ed., London, 1881.
Classical scholars visiting Egypt should provide themselves with the 2nd book of Herodotus, the 17th book of Strabo, and the first book of Diodorus Ṣiculus.
A very complete bibliography of Egypt will be found in Prince Ibrahim-Hilny's Literature of Egypt and the Soudan from the earliest times to the year 1885 inclusive; 2 vols. fol., London, 1886–87.

V. Chronological List of Rulers of Egypt to the end of the Ptolemaic period.

3892-2380. The Primæval Monarchy.
I. DYNASTY (Thinites).
Mena, Greek (in Manetho) Menes.
Atet, Gr. Athotis.
Ata, Gr. Uenephes.
Hesep-ti, Gr. Usaphaïdes.
Mer-ba-pen, Gr. Miebidos.
Sam-en-ptah, Gr. Semempses.
Keb-hu, Gr. Bieneches.
L. 3639. II. DYNASTY (Thinites).
But'au, Gr. Boethos.
Kakau, Gr. Kaiechos.
Bannutru, Gr. Binothris.
Ut'nas, Gr. Tlas.
Sent, Gr. Sethenes.
Neferkara, Gr. Nephercheres.
Sokar-nefer-ka, Gr. Sesochris.
Hat’ efa, Gr. Cheneres.
L. 3338. III. DYNASTY (Memphites).
T' at' aï, Gr. Necherophes.
T' eser, Gr. Tosorthros.
T'eserteta, Gr. Tosertasis.
Ahtes, Gr. Aches.
L. 3124.
W. 2450.
IV. DYNASTY (Memphites).
Snefru, Gr. Soris.
Khufu, Gr. Cheops.
Khafra, Gr. Chephren.
Menkaura, Gr. Mykerinos.
L. 2840. V. DYNASTY (Elephantines, according to Lepsius Memphites).
Userkaf, Gr. Usercheres.
Sahurā, Gr. Sephres.
Kaka. Neferarkara.
Neferkhara, Gr. Nephercheres. Akauhor.
Ra-en-user An, Gr. Rathures.
Men-kau-hor, Gr. Mencheres.
Assa Tetkara, Gr. Tancheres.
Unas, Gr. Onnos.
L. 2744. VI. DYNASTY (Memphites).
Teta, Gr. Othoes.
Pepi I., Gr. Phios. Merira.
Mentu-em-saf, Gr. Methusuphis. Merenra.
Pepi II. Neferkara, Gr. Phiops.
Neitakrit, Gr. Nitocris (Queen).
VII. DYNASTY (Memphites).
L. 2522. VIII. DYNASTY (Memphites).
IX. DYNASTY (Heracleopolites).
X. DYNASTY (Heracleopolites).
L. 2423. XI. DYNASTY (Diospolites, Thebans).
Antef-sa — Ra-ha-hor-apu-ma.
Antef — Ra-tat-har-hi-ma.
Mentuhotep I. — Ra-neb-hotep.
Mentuhotep II. — Ra-neb-taui.
Mentuhotep III. — Ra-neb-kher.
W. 2080.
The Middle Monarchy.
L. 2380. XII. DYNASTY (Diospolites).
Amenemha I. — Ra-sehotep-ab.
Usertesen I. — Ra-kheper-ka.
Amenemha II. — Ra-nub-kau.
Usertesen II. — Ra-kha-kheper.
Usertesen III. — Ra-kha-kau.
Amenemha III. — Ra-en-mat.
Amenemha IV. — Ra-ma-kheru.
Sebek-neferu (Queen).
L. 2136. XIII. DYNASTY (Diospolites).
Sebekhotep I. — Ra-sekhem-uat'-taui.
Sebekhotep II. — Ra-sekhem-uat'-taui.
Neferhotep — Ra-kha-sekhem.
Sebekhotep III. — Ra-kha-nefer.
Sebekhotep IV. — Ra-kha-hotep.
Sebekhotep V. — Ra-kha-ankh.
Anäh — Ra-man-khau.
Sebekemsaf I. — Ra-sekhem-se-sheti-taui.
Rahotep — Ra-sekhem-uah-kha.
XIV. DYNASTY (Khoïtes).
XV. DYNASTY (Hyksos).
XVI. DYNASTY (Hyksos).
Set-āa-peh-ti — Nubti.
Apepi I. — Ra-āa-user.
Apepi II. — Ra-āa-ab-taui.
L. 1684. XVII. DYNASTY (Diospolites).
Raskenen I. — Tau-āa.
Raskenen II. — Tau-āa-ken.
Kames — Ra-uat'-kheper.
L. 1591.
W. 1520.
XVIII. DYNASTY (Diospolites).
Ahmes — Ra-neb-pehti.
Ahmes neferatri.
Amenhotep (Amenophis) I. — Ra-sar-ka. Queen: Aahhotep.
Tutmes I. — Ra-āa-kheper-ka.
Tumes II. — Ra-āa-kheper-en.
Hatasu-Khnumt-amen — Ramaka (Queen).
Tutmes III. — Ra-men-kheper.
Amenhotep II. — Ra-āa-kheperu.
Tutmes IV.
Amenhotep III. — Ra-ma-neb. Queen: Tīi.
Amenhotep IV. — Khu-en-aten.
Amen-tut-ankh — Ra-kheperu-neb.
Ai — Ra-ma-ar-kheperu.
Horemheb Amonmeri — Ra-sar-kheperu, sotep-en-Ra.
L. 1443.
W. 1340.
XIX. DYNASTY (Diospolites)
Ramses I. — Ra-men-pehti.
Seti I. — Ra-ma-men.
Ramses II. — Ra-userma-sotep-en-Ra.
Merenptah — Hotep-hi-ma.
Seti II. — Ra-user-kheperu.
Siptah — Khu-en-ra. Queen: Ta-usert.
1276–340. The New Empire.
L. 1276.
W. 1200.
XX. DYNASTY (Diospolites).
Set-nekht — Ra-user-khau.
Ramses III. hak-an — Ra-userma-meramen.
Ramses IV. to XIII.
L. 1091.
W. 1085.
XXI. DYNASTY (Tanites).
Si-Mentu, Gr. Smindes. Pisebkhannu I.
Pisebkhannu II.
Pinozem I.
Pinozem II.
L. 961.
W. 990.
XXII. DYNASTY (Bubastites).
Sheshenk I., the Sesonchis of the Greeks.
Osorkon I., Gr. Osorthon, the Zerah of the Bible.
Takelut I.
Osorkon II.
Sheshenk II.
Takelut II.
Shesheuk III.
Sheshenk IV.
L. 787.
W. 818.
Osorkon III.
Piankhi, King of Ethiopia, conquers Egypt.
L. 729. XXIV. DYNASTY (Saïtes).
Bek-en-renf, Gr. Bocchoris.
L. 716.
M. 715.
W. 714.
XXV. DYNASTY (Ethiopians).
Shabaka, Greek Sabacon, the Soa of the Bible.
Taharka, Gr. Tarkos, the Tirhakah of the Bible, Tarḳu-u of the Assyrian inscriptions.
Psammetikh (Psamtik) I.
Nekho, Egyptian Nekau.
Psammetikh II., Gr. Psammis, or Psammuthis.
Uahbra, Gr. Uaphris or Apries, the Hophrah of the Bible.
Aahmes II., Gr. Amasis.
Psammetikh III.
XXVII. DYNASTY (Persians).
Darius I.
Xerxes I.
Artaxerxes I.
Darius II. Nothos.
Artaxerxes II. Mnemon.
527-399. XXVIII. DYNASTY (Saïtes).
Amyrtæus, Egyptian Amen-rut.
399-378. XXIX. DYNASTY (Mendesites). Nepherites I., Egypt. Naifâurut.
Achoris, Egypt. Hakar-khnumma.
Psammuthis, Egypt. Psimut.
378–340. XXX. DYNASTY (Sebennytes).
Nektanebus I., Egypt. Nekht-hor-heb.
Teos or Takho.
Nektanebus II., Egypt. Nekht-nebf.
362-330. XXXI. DYNASTY (Persians).
362-340. Artaxerxes III. Ochus.
337-330. Darius III. Codomannus.
323-317. Philippus Aridæus.
323-310. Alexander II.
323-30 B.C. Period of the Ptolemies.
323-286. Ptolemy I. Soter, Son of Lagus (consort Berenice I.).
286-217. Ptolemy II. Piladephus (consort Arsinöe).
247-222. Ptolemy III. Euergetes (Berenice II.).
222-205. Ptolemy IV. Philopator.
205-182. Ptolemy V. Epiphanes (Cleopatra I.).
182. Ptolemy VI. Eupator.
182-146. Ptolemy VII. Philometor (Cleopatra II.).
171. Ptolemy VIII.
171-117. Ptolemy IX. Euergetes II., Physkon (Cleopatra II. and III.).
117-81. Ptolemy X. Soter II., Lathyrus (Cleopatra IV. and Selene).
106-87. Ptolemy XI. Alexander (Berenice III.).
81-80. Ptolemy XII. Alexander II. (Berenice III.).
80-52. Ptolemy XIII. Neos Dionysos, Auletes (Cleopatra V. Tryphæna).
52-47. Ptolemy XIV. and
52-30. Cleopatra VI. (mistress of Cæsar and Antony).
47-44. Ptolemy XV.
44-30. Ptolemy XVI. Cæsarion.
30. OCTAVIANUS conquers Egypt and makes it a Roman province.

VI. Frequently recurring Names of Egyptian Kings.

Selection by Prof. Ebers in Leipsic.

Mena. (Menes) 1.

Snefru 4.

Khufu (Cheops) 4.

Khafra (Chephren) 4.

Menkaura (Mycerinus) 4.

Tat-kara (Tancheres) 5.

Assa. 5.

Teta. 6.

Rameri 6.

Pepi. 6.

Neferkara. 6.

Antef 11.

Amenemha I. 12.

Usertesen I. 12.

Amenemha II. 12.

Usertesen II. 12.

Usertesen III. 12.

Amenemha III. 12.

Amenemha IV. 12.

Sebekhotep. 13.

Set Shalati. Hyksos. (Salatis).

Apepa. Hyksos. (Aphobis).

The numbers placed after the names are those of the different dynasties.

The life-dispensing favourite of (the god) Set.


Aahmes (Amosis). 18.

Amenhotep (Amenophis) I. 18.

Tutmes (Tuthmosis) I. 18.

Hatasu. 18.

Tutmes III. 18.

Amenhotep II. 18.

Amenhotep III. 18.

Amenhotep IV. (Khu-en-ā.ten) 18.

Hor-em-heb (Horus) 18.

Ramses I. 19.

Seti I. (favourite of Ptah) 19.

Ramses II., favourite of Ammon, and his father Seti I., the Sesostris of the Greeks.

Sesetsu (Sesostris.)

Prince Khaem'us.

Merenptah I. (Menephthes). 19.

Seti II. (Merenptah). 19.

Ramses III. 20.

Ramses IV. 20.

Ramses V. 20.

Ramses VI. 20.

Ramses VII. 20.

Ramses VIII. 20.

Ramses IX. (Leps. Ramses XI.) 20.

Ramses X. (Leps. Ramses IX.) 20.

Ramses XI. (Leps. Ramses XII.) 20.

Ramses XII. (Leps. Ramses XIII.) 20.

Sheshenk (Sesonchis) I. 22.

Osorkon I. 22.

Takelut (Tiglath) I. 22.

Sheshenk IV. 23.

Bokenranf (Bocchoris).

Shabak (Sabaco). 25.

Tabarka. 25.

Queen Ameniritis.


Psammetikh I. 26. Nekho 26. Psammetikh II. 26.

Uahphrahet (Uaphris. Hophrah). 26.

Aahmes II. (Amasis). 26.

Kambatet (Cambyses) 27.

Ntariush (Darius). 27.

Darius. 27.

Khesherish (Xerxes). 27.

Amenrut (Amyrtæus). 28.

Nekht-nebf (Nectánebus) 30.

Alexander I. 32.

Philippus Aridæus. 32.

Ptolmis (Ptolemy I. Soter). 33.

Ptolemy II. Philadelphus I. 33.

Queen Arsinoë. 33.

Ptolemy III. Euergetes I. 33.

Queen Berenice II. 33.

Ptolemy IV. Philopator I. 33.

Ptolemy V. Epiphanes. 33.

Ptolmy IX. Euergetes II. (Physcon). 33.

Seven Ptolemaic princesses of the name of Cleopatra occur.

Ptolemy X. Soter II or Philometor II. usually known as Lathyrns. 33.

Cleopatra VI., mistress of Cæsar and Antony. 33.


VI., with Cæsarion, her son by Cæsar, and nominal co-regent. 33. The famous Cleopatra and her son Cæsarion. Cleopatra and her son Cæsarion, her co-regent.

Autocrator (absolute monarch) and Kisaros (Cæsar). Epithets of all the emperors. 34.

Cæsar Augustus 34.

Tiberius. 34.

Caius Caligula. 34.

Claudius. (Tiberius). 34.

Nero. 34.

Vespasian. 34.

Domitian. 34.

Trajan. 34.

Hadrian. 34.

Antoninus Pius. 34.

Aurelius. 34.

Commodus. 34.

Severus. 34.

Antoninus. (Caracalla). 34.

Geta. 34.

Decius. 34.

VII. The Arabic Alphabet.

1. Elif, Alef ا ['] accompanies an initial vowel, and is not pronounced except as a hiatus in the middle of a word.
2. ب b as in English.
3. ت t
4. Thâ ث th as th in ‘thing’, but generally pronounced t or s.
5. Gîm ج g in Syria and Arabia like the French j (sometimes also like the English j), but pronounced g (hard) in Egypt.
6. Ḥâ ح a peculiar guttural h, pronounced with emphasis at the back of the palate.
7. Khâ خ kh like ch in the Scotch word ‘loch’, or the harsh Swiss German ch.
8. Dâl د d as in English.
9. Dhâl ذ dh as th in ‘the’, but generally pronounced d or z.
10. ر r like the French or German r.
11. Zê, Zên ز z as in English.
12. Sîn س s
13. Shîn ش sh
14. Ṣâd ص emphasised s.
15. ḍâd ض both emphasised by pressing the tongue firmly against the palate.
16. Ṭâ ط
17. ẓâ ظ an emphatic z, now pronounced like No. 11 or No. 15.
18. ‘Ên ع a strong and very peculiar guttural.
19. Ghên غ gh a guttural resembling a strong French or German r.
20. ف f as in English.
21. Ḳâf ق emphasised guttural k, replaced by the natives of Lower Egypt, and particularly by the Cairenes, by a kind of hiatus or repression of the voice.
22. Kâf كك k
23. Lâm ل l as in English.
24. Mîm م m
25. Nûn ن n
26. ه h
27. Wau و w
28. Ye ى y


1. From Cairo to Assiûṭ.

Comp. Maps, pp. 2, 8.

a. By Railway.

229 M. The railway-station, Bûlâḳ ed-Dakrûr, which is also the starting-point of the direct line to Têh el-Bârûd and Alexandria, is situated on the W. bank of the Nile, 3 M. from Cairo (connection with main railway-station in prospect). Carriage from the hotel to the station 4 fr.; for heavy luggage a second carriage is necessary, as the baggage-waggons cannot be implicitly relied on. Passengers should be at the station early, as the processes of ticket-taking and luggage-weighing are by no means expeditious. The first-class carriages are, of course, the most comfortable from a European point of view, and first-class passengers are allowed to take with them in their compartment all their smaller articles of baggage and even trunks. The natives almost invariably travel second-class, and those who wish to make a nearer acquaintance with the country and the people should, perhaps, select a second-class compartment, in spite of its offering less resistance to the incursion of the yellow desert sand (comp. Baedeker's Lower Egypt, p. 371). — FARES to Assiûṭ: 1st class 171.8 piastres (Turkish), 2nd class 114.5 pias., 3rd class 57½ pias. Payment at the station may be avoided by previously buying vouchers at the agencies of either Cook or Gaze, and exchanging them at the railway-station through the dragoman of the agency. The trains start (1891) at 8.30 a.m., 3 p.m. (for Wastah and intermediate stations), and 7 p.m. (Tues. & Frid. only). Those who wish to go on at once by steamboat from Assiûṭ should take the morning train on the preceding day (see Introduction, p. xvi; and comp. Cook's or Gaze's Tourists’ Programme). The journey to Assiûṭ takes nominally 10 hrs., but the trains are generally late. A time-table showing the names of stations in French and Arabic and giving distances in English miles is published by Penasson of Alexandria and may be bought at the ticket-offices. Travellers should provide themselves with a supply of meat, bread, and wine, as no stoppage is made for dinner; eggs, bread, water (glass necessary) are offered for sale at the stations. Seats should at first be taken on the right side for the sake of the view of the Pyramids; from Minyeh onwards the left side is preferable, for the views of the Nile valley and Beniḥasan. — The railway follows the course of the Nile pretty closely, and a sufficient idea of the views from the carriage-windows may be obtained from the account of the dhahabîyeh voyage below. The following is a list of the railway-stations, nearly all of which are also steamer-stations. For descriptions, see the text. Stations: Gizeh, Hawamdîyeh; 14 M. (½ hr. from Cairo) Bedrashên (p. 2); 51 M. (1¾ hr. from Bedrashên) El-Wastah (p. 4; halt of 6 min.), the junction of the line to the Fayûm (R. 2, p. 34); Ashment (to the right, in the distance, the pyramid of El-Lahûn); Bûsh (p. 5); 71 M. Beniṣuêf (p. 5; rail. stat. ¾ M. from the Nile); 84½ M. Bîbeh (p. 6), the junction of a branch-line used for the transportation of sugar-cane; 93 M. Feshn (p. 6); 106 M. Maghâghah (p. 6); 117 M. Abu Girgeh (p. 6); Maṭâyeh, with a handsome bridge over a canal (left); 128 M. Ḳolosaneh (p. 7); 131 M. Samallût (p. 7); 148 M. Minyeh (p. 9); Abu Ḳerḳâs; 173 M. Roḍah (p. 18); 178 M. Melawi el-‘Arîsh (p. 22); Dêr Mauâs (to the left or E., Tanuf, with the mound marking the site of Tanis Superior, not to be confused with Tanis in the Delta); 190 M. Dêrût esh-Sherîf (p. 28); Benî-Korrah; 210 M. Monfalût (p. 29); Beni-Huṣên; 229 M. Assiûṭ (p. 31).

b. By the Nile.

252 M. Arrangements, see Introduction, p. xiii.
As soon as a favourable wind springs up (which, however, has sometimes to be waited for for hours), the dhahabîyeh is cast off and

poled out into the middle of the channel. The sailors accompany the hoisting of the lateen sail with a lusty chorus, and if one of the brisk ‘Etesia’ blows, which Herodotus mentions as driving boats up the Nile, the long pointed craft flies quickly along, passing in rapid succession the Khedive's palace and the barracks of Ḳaṣr en-Nîl, Ḳaṣr el-‘Ain, the island of Rôḍah with its palaces (on the E. bank), and the châteaux of Gezîreh and Gîzeh (W. bank). Old Cairo lies on the E. bank, and beyond it rise the Moḳaṭṭam Mts., with the citadel and Sṭabl ‘Antar, a ruined Arab fort on the S. end of one of their spurs; on the W. is the group of pyramids at Gîzeh. To the left (E. bank) farther on, are the quarries and hamlets of Ṭurah and Ma‘ṣarah (see Baedeker's Lower Egypt, p. 403). Opposite, on the W. bank, rise the pyramids of Abuṣîr, Saḳḳârah, and Dahshûr. Near the bank, to the left, amidst a fine grove of palms, is a Coptic convent, and adjacent is a gun-factory, begun by Isma‘îl Pasha, but never finished.
The steamer remains for some hours at Bedrashên (rail. stat., p. 1), where asses are kept ready for a visit to Memphis, Saḳḳârah, etc. (comp. Baedeker's Lower Egypt, R. 4). Opposite, on the right bank of the Nile, lies Ḥelwân (ibid, p. 404), frequented as a watering-place. — On the bank at Kafr el-‘Ayât (W. bank; rail. stat.), where the steamer lays to for the night, are some ancient constructions which may have belonged to the Canal of Menes. The unimportant pyramids of Lisht lie to the right, while the singularly shaped pyramid of Mêdûm (the so-called ‘False Pyramid’) becomes more and more prominent.
Riḳḳah, on the W. bank, is the starting-point of the excursion to the Pyramid and Maṣṭabas of Mêdûm (asses with poor saddles may be procured at the village; 2 fr. and bakshîsh).
The PYRAMID AND MAṢṬABAS OF MEDÛM, the oldest monuments in the world, deserve a visit, which may be accomplished from Riḳḳah in about 6 hrs. (railway travellers may perform it in about the same time from the el-Wasṭah station; comp. p. 1). Crossing the railway, we proceed on donkey-back in about 1¼ hr. to the pyramid, which rises close to the cultivated country on the soil of the desert, 1½ M. to the N. of the village of Mêdûm. This appears to be the oldest of the local names handed down to us, as it is met with on the maṣṭabas of the early period of Snefru.
The Pyramid of Mêdûm is so different from all the other structures of the kind that it is called by the Arabs ‘El-Haram el-Kaddâb’, or ‘the false pyramid’. From a large heap of rubbish which covers its base, the smooth and steep upper part of the structure rises in three different stages at an angle of 74°10′, and is still preserved to a height of 122 ft. The first section is 69 ft., and the second 20½ ft., while the third, now almost entirely destroyed, was once 32 ft. in height. The outer walls consist of admirably jointed and polished blocks of Moḳaṭṭam stone. The holes in one of the surfaces were made by Ḷepsius and Erbkam when they examined the pyramid, the construction of which afforded them an admirable clue to the principle upon which the others were built (Vol. I., p. 350). The Pyramid of Mêdûm was never completed; the heap of debris at its base consists of the material which once filled the angles of the different sections, so as to give the pyramid a smooth surface. The pyramid was pillaged as early as in the time of the 20th Dynasty. It was opened in 1881 by Maspero, who found a long corridor and a chamber without sarcophagus. Perhaps in this pyramid Snefru, the first king of the

THE NILE from Cairo to Feshn, including the Fayûm and the Pyramids.

4th Dyn., was buried, as in the neighbouring tombs persons related to him are interred.
The Maṣṭabas of Mêdûm, which were opened by Mariette, lie to the N. of the pyramid. These were the tombs of the relations of Snefru (4th Dyn.), and in many respects resemble the mausolea of Saḳḳârah which bear the same name. The façades of the most important of them are partly uncovered. The street of tombs, which is now accessible, presents the appearance of a hill-side covered with masonry, incrusted with stucco, and provided with ante-chambers. The mouth of each tomb is towards the E.; the leaning external walls are generally of Nile bricks, richly embellished with the linear patterns which afterwards formed the favourite decorations of the sides of the sarcophagi (which were imitations of the tomb-façades). The vestibule is in most cases comparatively large, but the inner corridors are narrow, slope downwards, and are covered with representations in a remarkably simple and antiquated style. The archaic character of the scenes and of the hieroglyphics proves the great antiquity of these monuments. The influence of the hieratic canon is already traceable here, but it does not appear to have hampered the efforts of the artists as much as it did at a later age. The admirably preserved colours are also less conventional than those seen in later monuments.
The first open tomb which we reach from the S., was that of Prince (Erpa Ha) Nefermât, who lived in the reign of King

Teta. (There were 3 kings of this name, in the 1st, 3rd, and 6th Dynasty). On the left wall of the corridor leading to the tomb-chamber, we see the deceased in a sitting posture, and on the right wall he is represented standing, with his wife behind him. Adjacent are men and women presenting offerings, as in the maṣṭabas of Ti and Ptahhotep. The flesh-tint of the men is red, and that of the women pale yellow, and this circumstance, especially in a monument of this early period, is important as tending to prove the Asiatic origin of the Egyptian nobles. The features of the persons represented are of the Caucasian, and not of the Ethiopian type. Among the villages belonging to Nefermât, which offered gifts, there appears on the left the name of the district of

i.e. ‘Metun of the cattle’. Metun is the oldest form of the name Mêdûm. From the neck of the ox, which represents the victim, flows a black stream of blood. On the right side we find among others a district named that ‘of the white sow’, which proves that pigs were reared in Egypt as early as the time of Snefru. The pig in this group is very true to nature

. In the name of the district Hat en Sek, or ‘place of the ploughing’, the most ancient form of the plough is used as a determinative symbol. The advanced condition of industrial pursuits, showing that the Egyptians already practised the art in which, according to Pliny, they afterwards excelled, is proved by the character of the dress worn by the women represented on the right side of the first passage, consisting of black and white cotton stuff, with pleasing patterns on the borders. He tells us that they were not in the habit of painting the materials for their dress, but of dipping them in certain fluids. They were coloured with boiling dyes, and came out impressed with a pattern. Although the boilers contained one colour only, it is said to have imparted several different tints to the stuffs dyed in them. — In order to impart a durable colour to the larger figures represented here, an entirely unique process was employed. The outlines were engraved on the stone, while the surfaces enclosed by them were divided into deeply incised squares, which were filled with stucco of different colours, the flesh-tint of the men being red, that of the women yellow, and the colour of the robes being white, etc.
A little farther to the N. is the tomb of Atet, the wife of Nefermât. On the architrave over the doorway we see the husband of the deceased engaged in snaring birds, while a servant presents the spoil to the mistress of the house, whose complexion is of a brilliant yellow. On the outside wall, to the left, we observe the cattle of the deceased browsing on reeds. On the right stands Nefermât, who, as the inscription informs us, ‘caused this monument to be erected to his gods in indestructible characters’. Among the domestic animals are several cattle of very bright colours. We also notice a gazelle held by the horns by a butcher, who is cutting off its head. Offerings of wine were also made at this early period. In the passage leading to the Serdâb is a group of labourers busily at work. The hunting-scenes are curious, and, notwithstanding their simplicity, remarkably true to nature. Among them is a greyhound seizing a gazelle by the leg, and another carrying a long-eared hare.
A few paces to the N. E. is another maṣṭaba built of well-hewn blocks of limestone. The hieroglyphics and low reliefs, resembling those in the tomb of Ti at Saḳḳârah, are admirably executed. The deceased interred here was named Khent, and his wife Mara. Traversing the vestibule and a narrow passage, we reach a tomb-chapel with a sacrificial table; in the passage, on the right, is a handsome male figure with a lasso, and on the left are stone-masons, engaged in making sarcophagi. On the left, in the innermost niche of this tomb, we perceive the deceased, and on the right, his wife. We next come to a ruined maṣṭaba, and to another tomb, half excavated, which was constructed for Rahotep, a son of Snefru, one of the highest civil and military dignitaries of the kingdom, and his wife Nefert, a relation of the royal family. The statues of this married couple, who died young, or at least are so represented, which are now among the principal treasures of the museum of Gîzeh, were found here. Farther to the W. are several other tombs, now covered up.
On the right bank, opposite Riḳḳah and about 1½ M. from the river, lies the hamlet of Aṭfiḥ, with some mounds of earth and debris representing the ancient Aphroditopolis, the territory of which, according to Strabo, adjoined that of Acanthus (Dahshûr), while its capital lay on the Arabian bank of the Nile. A town of Aphrodite must also be one of Hathor, the Egyptian goddess of love, to whom the white cow, which Strabo says was worshipped here, was sacred; it was the capital of Matennu, the 22nd nome of Upper Egypt. Its hieroglyphic name was Tep aḥe, head of the cow.
In the Christian period (ca. 310 A.D.) Aphroditopolis gained some celebrity from St. Anthony, who fixed his hermitage in the mountains to the E. of the town, beside a well and a group of palms. So many pilgrims of every class, age, and sex sought out the holy man, that a regular posting route, with relays of camels, was laid out across the desert. St. Anthony, however, fled from his admirers and buried himself deeper in the mountains. But while he thus shook off his earthly visitants, he could not so easily escape those extraordinary tempters from spirit-land, at which Callot has taught us to smile, though to St. Anthony himself, as well as to St. Hilarion and other similarly persecuted anchorites, the contest was one of bitter earnest. The Coptic convent of Mâr Antonios (p. 5), a few leagues higher up, on the E. side of the Nile, still sends supplies to the convent of St. Anthony, situated in the heart of the Arabian Desert (p. 6).
After passing a few small islands, we now reach (W. bank) el-Wastah (pp. 1 and 36; post-office and Arab telegraph at the rail. stat., ¼ M. from the Nile), where passengers bound for the Fayûm leave the dhahabîyeh and betake themselves to the train (see R. 2). El-Wastah is pleasantly situated in a grove of palms and is surrounded with fields of clover.
Visitors to the Fayûm may regain el-Wastah on the following day at 10.15 a.m. or at 4.16 p.m., by leaving Medînet el-Fayûm at 9 a.m. or 2.53 p.m. An extra day allows a visit to the Labyrinth and the Pyramid of Hawârah (p. 39). In this case the dhahabîyeh should not be sent on in advance, but should be ordered to await the traveller's return. — The pyramid and tombs of Mêdûm may also be visited from el-Wastah (see p. 2).
A small canal, beginning near the village of Zâwiyeh (W. bank), runs out of the Nile into the Baḥr Yûsuf (p. 28).
Farther up, in the latitude of Aḥnâs el-Medîneh and Beniṣuêf, there seems to have been another deep channel connecting the river with the Baḥr Yûsuf. These four channels enclosed an inland which has been identified with the Heracleopolitan Nome, unanimously described by Greek authorities as an island. Strabo, who visited it on his way to the Fayûm, after leaving the nome of Aphroditopolis, calls it ‘a large island’, and relates that in the city of Heracleopolis the ichneumon was worshipped, the deadliest foe of the crocodile, held sacred in the neighbouring nome of Arsinoë; for, he tells us, it crawls down the throat of the sleeping monster and devours its entrails. The large mounds of debris at Aḥnâs el-Medîneh, the Umm el-Kîmâm (‘mother of rubbish-heaps’) of the Arabs, have been identified with Heracleopolis; they lie 11 M. to the W. (inland) of Beniṣuêf. The old name of the town was Khinensu, from which Aḥnâs is derived through the Coptic Hnes. The ram-horned god Horshaf, the prince of terrors, was also worshipped here. A few columns still stand, here, and other monuments may be buried under the debris. Systematic excavations are to be undertaken. At present Aḥnâs need scarcely be visited except by those who approach the Fayûm from Beniṣuêf.
On the W. bank the mountains recede a little from the Nile, but on the E. bank their steep and lofty spurs frequently extend down to the bank in rising picturesque forms. None of the Nile-villages before Beniṣuêf need be mentioned. On the E. bank stands the Coptic convent of Mâr Antonios (see p. 4). About 2 M. inland (right) from Zêtûn (W. bank) lies the hamlet of Bûsh (rail. stat., p. 1), which is inhabited by Copts and thus has some interest for those who wish to study these direct descendants of the ancient Egyptians in a community of some size.
Beniṣuêf, on the W. bank, the first place in Upper Egypt (rail. stat., p. 1; stat., ¾ M. from the Nile), is a town of 10,000 inhab., pleasantly situated between the railway and the river. It contains a post and telegraph office and is the capital of a province of the same name, which contains 169 villages and about 220,000 inhabitants. To the left of the rail. station is the Mudîrîyeh, or residence of the mudîr or governor. The houses or rather huts of this provincial capital are, however, constructed merely of Nile mud. The linen-manufacture for which this place was celebrated in the middle ages has greatly declined, but there are several sugar-plantations and a small bazaar. To the left of the railway is a fine grove of palms.
A road which was much frequented before the completion of the railway, leads from Beniṣuêf into the Fayûm (p. 34), and travellers with a tent and plenty of time might still hire camels, asses, or horses here and proceed to Medînet el-Fayûm viâ el-Lahûn (‘gate of the Fayûm’), where the Baḥr Yûsuf enters the Fayûm, and Hawârah. By using the railway for the return-journey and giving up Birket el-Ḳurûn, this excursion can be made in 3–4 days.
Another road, traversing the Wâdi Bayâd, which opens near the village of Bayâd, on the E. bank of the Nile, opposite Beniṣuêf, leads through

the desert to the Convents of SS. Anthony and Paul, a few leagues from the Red Sea. The brotherhood of St. Anthony's Convent occupies the highest rank among the religious societies of the Monophysite Confession; and the Patriarch, or head of the Coptic community, must be selected from their number. A visit to the convents, however, does not compensate for the fatigue and trouble it involves.
As far as Minyeh the space between the E. bank and the hills remains narrow, the limestone rocks frequently abutting on the river in unbroken walls or rounded bluffs. Few villages are seen on this bank, but the fertile alluvial tract on the W. side, 10–12 M. in width, is thickly populated and carefully cultivated, exhibiting in profusion all the cereals that grow on the Nile, date-palms, and sugar-cane. The huge sugar plantations present a busy scene in November, when the sweet juice is collected from the canes and conveyed to the factories, which are a monopoly of the Khedive and follow each other in rapid succession. These factories are connected by the railway, and short branch-lines, used in harvest-time only, run from them to the plantations lying farther to the W. Their lofty chimneys impart a very modern-industrial appearance to the ancient land of the Pharaohs. Large barges full of sugar-canes and others with fellaḥîn going to work in the factories are met on the river. Most of the higher officials in the factories are Europeans. The juice is expressed from the cane and then refined by being boiled twice in closed vessels. In an average year about 25,000 tons of sugar are produced in Egypt; in 1889 the value of the sugar exported amounted to 509,000l..
The boat passes two large islands. On the W. bank lie Balankah and Bîbeh (rail. stat., p. 1), with large sugar-factories. The channel now contracts, and numerous islets are passed. Feshn (rail. stat., p. 1), on the W. bank, is 1½ M. from the river. Near the village of el-Hibeh, on the E. bank, about 4 M. farther up, are the ruins of the town of Kheb or Khebi, which belonged to the nome of Aphrodite (p. 5). These include well-preserved riparian structures of the time of the Pharaohs and some massive walls made of bricks, bearing two different stamps. One of these bears the name of the local goddess, ‘Isis of Kheb’, and the prænomen of Tutmes III. (18th Dyn.); the other, discovered by H. Brugsch in 1853, reads ‘The high-priest of Ammon, Pishem the just, governor of the towns of Urkhenu and Isem-kheb’.
On the E. bank rises the Gebel Shêkh Embârak. The steamer stops at Maghâghah, a pleasant place on the W. bank, with acacias, palms, and large sugar-works (post and telegraph office at the rail. stat., p. 1). The Nile-channel is very wide here (several islands); farther on both banks are flat. At Abu Girgeh (rail. stat., p. 1), with sugar-factories, the railway runs close to the river.
About 12 M. to the E. of Abu Girgeh, on the Baḥr Yûsuf, in the nome of Sep, lies the town of Behnesah, on the site of the ancient Oxyrrhynchus (Demotic; profane name Pe-mzat, Coptic


, now represented only by a few desolate heaps of debris. The fish Oxyrrhynchus,

a species of Mormyrus (Arab. Mizdeh), was held in such high honour here, that the inhabitants refused to eat any fish caught by a hook, lest the hook might previously have injured an Oxyrrhynchus. In the neighbouring town of Cynopolis (see below) the dog was held in equal honour, and Plutarch relates how a ‘very pretty quarrel’, the settlement of which required the intervention of the Romans, arose between the two towns, owing to the facts that the citizens of each had killed and dined on the sacred animals of the other. Juvenal gives an account of a similar strife between Ombos and Tentyra (p. 207). On the introduction of Christianity Oxyrrhynchus became so “full of convents that monkish songs were heard in every quarter”. Convent jostles convent all round, forming as it were a second town of monks. In the 5th cent. the diocese of Oxyrrhynchus is said to have contained 10,000 monks and 12,000 nuns. In the town itself were 12 churches. Under the Arabs it is known only as Behnesah. In the Mameluke period it was still of some importance, but it has since steadily declined. From Behnesah the desert-route leads to the ‘small oasis’ of Baḥrîyeh, also known as the Oasis of Behnesah (comp. p. 343).
About 4 M. above Abu Girgeh, close to the E. bank of the Nile, are the insignificant remains of Shêkh el-Fadhl, near which is Hamathah. Father Sicard's discovery of a large number of dog-mummies here proves that we are standing on the site of the necropolis of Cynopolis (

), the ‘city of the dogs’, which, as the above story indicates, must have adjoined Oxyrrhynchus. Strabo's words are: ‘Next come the Cynopolitan nome and Cynopolis, where Anubis is worshipped and dogs are held sacred and fed with consecrated meat’. Several trough-like hollows and clefts have been found here, some of which, in the rocks, are of considerable size; but no inscriptions have been discovered. Cynopolis itself, according to Ptolemy, lay on an island in the Nile, but no traces of it are now visible. Opposite, 1¼ M. from the W. bank, lies the village of el-Ḳês.
Ḳolosaneh (rail. stat., p. 1), on the W. bank, has a large palm-grove. Opposite (E. bank) lies Surarîyeh. To the N. and S. quarries are worked in the limestone rock. — Among the rocks here is a small temple (not very easily found), bearing the names of Seti II. and of Merenptah Hotepher-ma, supposed to be the Pharaoh of the Exodus (19th Dyn.). The kings are offering sacrifices to the triad of Sebek, Hathor, and Horus, and representations of Sebek (with the head of a crocodile), Hathor, and Ramses III. may be made out on the external wall of the grotto, facing the spectator. The inscriptions are very indistinct but are couched in the usual form of thanksgiving to the gods for the blessing of a long reign.
On the W. bank lies Samallût, with a handsome railway-station (p. 1), sugar-factories, palms, and fields of clover. A little farther to the S., on the E. bank, rise the steep rocky sides of the Gebel eṭ-ṭêr (‘bird-mountain’), with an extensive flat top bearing the Coptic convent of el-Buḳêr. Those who wish to visit the mountain should disembark just before reaching it and ascend on the N.
Now generally called Dêr el-Bukrah, from a windlass (bukrah) used in drawing water. But the name is probably derived from the old legend of the Bukîr bird.

side. The excursion, which has no great interest except for the fine view of the Nile valley, takes 1½-2 hrs. Other convents of a similar kind (see, e.g., p. 51) can be reached more easily. The convent, also named Dêr Sitteh Maryam el-‘Adhrah or convent of Lady Mary the Virgin, consists of a group of miserable huts, occupied not only by the monks but by laymen with their wives and children, and looks like a fortified village. Most of the monks employ themselves in making shoes. The underground chapel in which service is held is uninteresting. The institution is very old, and curious tales are told of it by Makrizi, Kazwini, Suyuti, and other Arabic writers.
‘This convent’, says Makrizi, ‘is ancient, overlooks the Nile, and is reached by a staircase hewn in the hill; it lies opposite Samlut’. Then, following el-Shâboshti, he narrates how it is visited by pilgrims from all quarters and lies on the ‘hill of the caverns’. ‘At one point of the hill’, he continues, ‘is a narrow fissure, and on the saint's day of the convent all the bukîr-birds in the neighbourhood come flying to this fissure, flocking together in a huge crowd and making a tremendous din. One after the other in constant succession thrusts its head into the cleft, and utters a scream, until one comes whose head sticks fast and cannot be withdrawn. The victim then beats its wings against the rocks until it dies, after which all the other birds depart and leave the rock in solitude and silence. ‘This’, adds the writer, ‘is now a thing of the past’. Similar legends are found in antiquity. The Pharaohs, on ascending the throne, let birds loose to bear the tidings to the four quarters of the globe. Herodotus and Ælian tell of feathered ambassadors dispatched in this way from Egypt, and to this category apparently belongs the myth of the birds of Memnon, which on certain days visited the grave of the Son of the Dawn, who fell before Troy, cleansed it with their beaks, and besprinkled it with water by dipping their feathers in the stream. Though this legend may have originated in Asia, it was afterwards, like Memnon himself (p. 154), transplanted to the Nile.
† This bird is described by Suyuti as black and white, with a black neck, ringed near the head, black wing-feathers, and the ability to swim.
The Wâdi eṭ-Ṭêr (E. bank) leads from the Gebel eṭ-Ṭêr to the S. E. About 1½ M. to the S. of its mouth is the village of Ṭehneh eṭ-Ṭahûnah (‘Ṭehneh of the mill’). Before reaching it we pass the ancient Hîtân el-‘agûs, or ‘walls of the old woman’, probably erected as a barrier to the desert-hurricanes. At Ṭehneh, which is about ¾ M. from the Nile, are two groups of tombs, that to the N. belonging to the latest period at which rock-tombs were constructed on the Nile, while that to the S. belongs to the early epoch of the ancient kingdom. The necropolis to which these tombs belonged is supposed to be that of the town of Akoris, mentioned by Ptolemy alone and belonging to the nome of Cynopolis. Mounds mark the site of the ancient town. Beyond rise the rocks, containing tombs of the time of the Ptolemies and several short Greek inscriptions. One sepulchral chapel, containing some singular representations of a late date, is interesting. The colours on the ceiling have faded, but the paintings on the walls are still distinguishable. In front, on the left wall, stands the deceased, in Roman costume; opposite, on the right wall, he appears again, offering a sacrifice, as a sign that though in the Roman service or at least of Roman tastes he yet reveres the gods of his ancestors. The representations of these deities occur on all four walls of the chamber and are so numerous that they must include the local divinities, not only of Akoris, but also of all the other places in the nome, of which the deceased, whose name is not decipherable, may have been nomarch. The only inscriptions extant are on the inner side of the door. Higher up on the rock-walls are two horses in the Roman style, held by men. Between the two were other sculptures, the subjects of which are no longer recognisable. The first-mentioned

THE NILE from Feshn to Luxor

figures have been supposed to be Castor and Pollux, or two Roman emperors, but they rather resemble horses brought as tribute, like the groups in the pediment of the Stele of Piankhi. Farther to the S. is a colossal image, carved out of the rock, of Ramses III. sacrificing to the god Sebek. The inscriptions in the very ancient group of tombs to the S. are in such bad preservation that their date can only be guessed at from their general style.
Minyeh (Minyet-ibn-Khasîb; rail. stat., p. 1), on the W. bank, a well-built and handsome town with 15,900 inhab., is the seat of the mudîr of a district containing 281 villages and 315,000 inhabitants. There is a telegraph-office at the railway-station, and adjacent is the post-office, the director of which speaks Italian. At the hospital is a physician who has studied in Europe. The town possesses two hotels and a large and curiously painted Arab café, in which ghawâzi sing in the evening. Parts of the street running along the river are planted with trees, and in the stream many steamers and dhahabîyehs lie at anchor. The bazaars and the Greek bakkals’ (small dealers) possess large stocks of goods. In the Bazaar street is an Austrian watchmaker and clothier, and among the houses on the river is an Italian tailor. The palace of the mudîr is a plain and lightly-built structure. The large sugar-factory is the oldest in Egypt, and a visit to it during the sugar-harvest is of great interest; most of the officials are French and very obliging. Market-day in Minyeh presents a very gay and characteristic picture of Oriental life. There are no public buildings or monuments of any interest, but the houses of the richer merchant, in spite of their plain exterior, are often fitted up with great comfort. A glance into one of their courts will show what a rich and varied life exists in the interior of houses which from the outside look like miserable huts.
It is uncertain what place of the Pharaohs’ time Minyeh represents; but the assertion of Leo Africanus that it was founded by the Arabs may well be doubted. Among the facts which render it improbable are the old masonry on the river (towards the S.), the ancient architectural fragments immured in one of the mosques, a Coptic inscription, and the very name of the town, which is derived, not from the Arabic, but from the old-Egyptian dialect. Its Coptic name is

(Moone) and this, as Brugsch has demonstrated, is derived from the old-Egyptian Mena-t. This name, however (in full Mena-t Khufu, ‘nurse of Cheops’), belonged to a place which lay nearly opposite to the present Minyeh, on a site still marked by a few remains. At a later date Mena-t was probably transferred, under the name of Minyeh, from the right bank of the Nile to the left, where, presumably, some of the inhabitants had previously settled. To this day the inhabitants of Minyeh maintain a close connection with the E. bank of the Nile, conveying their dead for burial to Zâwiyeh, surnamed el-Mêtin (i.e. ‘of the dead’), 5 M. to the S.
EXCURSION TO BENIḤASAN, 15 M. (see p. 12). After making enquiries as to the security of the route, the traveller hires an ass, ferries to the right bank of the Nile, and ascends the river viâ Zâwiyet el-Métîn (p. 10) and Kôm el-Ahmar (p. 10). Instead of returning to Minyeh, he should continue to follow the right bank of the Nile to the (10½ M.) Ruins of Antinoë, now Shékh ‘Abâdeh (p. 19) and cross the river thence to Rôḍah (p. 18). This is a long but interesting day's journey. Accommodation at Rôḍah may be obtained on application at the railway-station (p. 1).
Opposite Minyeh, on the E. bank, lies Kôm el-Kafarah, where some ancient tombs, perhaps belonging to the 12th or 13th Dynasty, have lately been discovered.
Zâwiyet el-Mêtîn and Kôm el-Aḥmar (‘the red rubbish-mound’), situated on the E. bank, 5–6 M. above Minyeh, may be visited together. We first reach the village of Zâwiyeh, near which are the estate and beautiful garden of the venerable Abu Sultan Pasha. Between the village and Kôm el-Aḥmar, about ½ M. from the latter, lies the fine cemetery of the citizens of Minyeh (p. 9), with its numerous domed tombs and chapels. Thrice yearly, in the months of Regeb, Shawwâl, and Dhilḥiggeh, at the time of full moon, funereal festivals, lasting several days, are celebrated here. Among the ceremonies observed are the offering of dates to the dead, which recalls the funereal offerings of the ancient Egyptians, and the presentation of palm-branches, recalling the Oriental symbolism of early Christianity, still familiar in our churches. A few minutes’ walk towards the S. brings us to the red mound of pottery and rubbish known as Kôm el-Aḥmar, which runs parallel with the Nile. Climbing over this we reach the burial-vaults of the primæval monarchy, which are situated among the Arabian hills, with their gates towards the river.
These months cannot be reproduced by the names of our months, as they pass through all the seasons of the solar year. Thus a festival which is celebrated this year in summer will take place 15 years hence in winter.
The tombs are unfortunately in bad preservation, and some of them have been destroyed by violence, the stones being removed for use in building. It is uncertain of what town this was the necropolis, but it undoubtedly belonged to the 16th nome of Upper Egypt, named Maḥ or Maḥet (gazelle), in which the gazelle was held sacred. In this nome also lay the towns of Heben and Nefrus, the chief deity of which was represented as a sparrow-hawk standing on a gazelle, accompanied by Hathor, Horus, and Khnum. Some of the tombs are still open to visitors. The lower ones are small and dilapidated, including one that was richly adorned with statues. Similar figures, hewn in the living rock, are still distinguishable on the façade and in the rear of the chapel. Farther up is the tomb of Nefersekhru, royal secretary and superintendent of the storehouses of Upper and Lower Egypt, which still contains some good sculptures. This tomb, in the rear of which are three niches, appears to have been constructed under the 18th Dynasty. Among its contents are sacrificial lists and scenes like those in the vaults of ‘Abd el-Ḳurnah: Osiris under a canopy; corpse crossing the Nile, accompanied by female mourners; the deceased in the midst of his family. The tomb of Khunes, a relative of the Pharaohs, situated farther to the S. and lower down, is of earlier origin and in all probability belongs to the ancient kingdom. The scenes of agriculture and navigation in this tomb, reproduced by Lepsius, are now scarcely visible. From the upper tombs we obtain a splendidly varied view of the Nile, its fertile valley and the town of Minyeh, with the red mounds of debris in the foreground, while to the N. stretches the sandy desert, from which the domed tombs of Zâwiyet el-Mêtîn rise like a group of tents. On the mound of Kôm el-Aḥmar lies a colossal figure, 70 ft. long, without an inscription.
Beniḥasan and Speos Artemidos, 15 M. from Minyeh and 162 M. from Cairo, an important steamboat-station.
The ‘three weeks’ steamer halts here 3–4 hrs., while the ‘four weeks’ steamer remains overnight and leaves the entire forenoon for a visit to Speos Artemidos and Beniḥasan. The excursion begins at Speos Artemidos, which lies to the S. (½ hr. on donkey-back), whence we proceed towards the N. to (½ hr.) the foot of the tombs of Beniḥasan. We then walk to (10 min.) the S. graves and descend to Nos. 2 (Khnum-hotep) and 1 (Ameni-Amenemha) of the N. tombs, where the asses are in waiting to take us back to the steamer (¾ hr.). Travellers ascending the river in a dhahab>îyeh should land at Beniḥasan, ride to Speos Artemidos, and send the dhahabîyeh on to meet them near the village of Beniḥasan el-Aḥmar. Those descending the stream save a little time by landing at a point somewhat nearer the tombs of Beniḥasan, almost opposite Beniḥasan el-Kadîm (p. 12).
Speos Artemidos (‘grotto of Artemis’), known to the Arabs as Sṭabl ‘Antar (‘stable of Antar’; comp. p. 33), is reached from the steamboat-landing, where asses are in waiting, in ½ hr. The route crosses fields and sand, finally ascending considerably. On the way carefully rolled cat-mummies are offered for sale, which have retained the unmistakeable odour of cats for thousands of years. The cat was sacred to the goddess Pasht

, whom the Greeks identified with Artemis. The Temple of this goddess, hewn in the rock, consists of a vestibule and of an inner chamber connected with the vestibule by a corridor. Above the door of the vestibule is a long inscription of the time of the 18th Dynasty, which celebrates the goddess Pasht and also speaks, under the name of Amu, of the Hyksos in Avaris who from ignorance of the god Ra destroyed the ancient temples.
The temple itself was founded by Tutmes III. and renewed by Seti I. Of the 8 pillars which supported the vestibule all have been destroyed except two in the front row, which bear inscriptions and royal cartouches on their W. and E. sides only. On the W. side of the recumbent pillar to the right Champollion saw the name of Tutmes III.

. All the other cartouches are those of Seti I., who is described as the favourite of the goddess Pasht, the mistress of

Matennu or the dweller in the mountain

Ånt. On the rear-wall of the vestibule are some interesting representations. To the left is Pasht in the guise of a mighty sorceress, stretching out her left hand to king Seti I., behind whom, sitting in an attitude of benediction, is the god Ammon-Ra. To the extreme left is the small figure of the god Thoth, lord of Hermopolis. Appropriate inscriptions are also furnished. To the right, in three rows, are the deities of Speos Artemidos (12 figures), beginning with Mentu and Tum, in front of whom is Thoth, who conveys to the local gods the command of Ammon-Ra that Seti I. shall be raised to the throne of Horus. In

the doorway to the next chamber are a long inscription and a representation of the king offering a cynocephalus. In the rear-wall is a niche (naos) with the cartouche of Seti I.
To the W. of the Speos Artemidos is a

second grotto (perhaps merely a cat's tomb), on the outside of which are the interesting cartouches of Alexander II., son of Roxana, and six scenes representing the king in the company of the gods.
The dragomans now hurry on to (½ hr.) Beniḥasan, where we ascend to the S. tombs. These, however, have been almost entirely destroyed, and the only one of any interest is No. 7, the tomb of Kheti, which contains hunting-scenes and fine clustered columns. Passing on we soon reach (8 min.) the highly interesting N. tombs of Ameni (No. 1) and Khnum-hotep (No. 2); comp. pp. 14–18.
The necropolis of Beniḥasan is one of the most interesting in all Egypt, not only on account of the remarkable architectural features of the 12th Dyn. seen here, but also for the manifold representations of scenes from the domestic life of the Egyptians at that early era.
The journey from the Nile to the tombs takes from ¾ hr. to 1¼ hr. according to the height of the water and the landing-place selected. Asses, with good saddles, 1–1½ fr. Candles, and if possible magnesium wire, should be taken to light the tombs. The route leads towards the bare limestone hills, at first through groves of palms and then across sand. The ancient Beniḥasan , Beniḥasan el-Kadîm (‘the old’), now deserted, lies to the right; the modern village is to the S. of the usual landing-place. On reaching the limestone hills we see the remains of a dilapidated path, supported by masonry, and ascend over debris to the horizontal hill-path, to the W. of which stretch the tombs.
The place was deserted 30 or 40 years before the visit of the French Expedition, because the inhabitants wished a wider space for cultivation near their village, which they accordingly rebuilt farther to the S. The story that the villagers were expelled by Ibrahim Pasha and exterminated for robbery is a fabrication, although it is true that many of them were executed for this crime.
Champollion named them Proto-Doric or Pre-Doric Columns. Since him many authorities, with these columns as their starting-point, have tried to establish the kinship of the early Greek order with the architecture of Egypt and to prove that the former was derived from the latter. These views, however, aroused keen opposition,

partly because they overshot the mark, and partly because they ignorantly confounded forms peculiar to these rock-tombs with those represented in the entirely independent field of architecture above ground. The connoisseurs and students of Greek art, blinded by their love for the object of their study, refused to allow that a single feature of Hellenic architecture had arisen anywhere but on

Grecian soil, and stigmatised Egyptian architecture as ‘barbaric’ without taking the trouble to investigate its claims. Finally, however, Lepsius, equally at home in both fields, stepped into the fray and his second masterly essay may be taken as the last word on the subject. He shows that the development culminating in the polygonal fluted columns of Beniḥasan can be traced step by step in the cavern-structures of the Egyptians of the ancient kingdom, and he also shows that, though the Doric Column of the Greeks is known to us only in its fully developed form, some inexplicable features in the Doric order are not only justified, but even necessary

in its Egyptian counterpart. The columns of Beniḥasan consist, like the Doric column, of a basis, an octagonal or sixteen-sided shaft with 16 or 20 flutes, a capital, and an abacus. The echinus or chymatium is, however, wanting. While the swelling or entasis on some Doric columns, and also the annuli or rings at the top of the shaft, have hitherto met with no sufficient explanation, the same features appear as natural and necessary parts of the so-called ‘plant column’ of Egypt. The architects of the Nile aimed consciously at a reproduction of the stem of a plant, and as the capitals represented a bunch of buds it was natural that the cords which fastened them should not be absent. Their number is five; and the 3 or 5 annuli at the top of a Doric column, erroneously explained as incisions made for the ropes used in hoisting it to its place, are simply an inheritance from the Egyptian column. The idea of the annuli, as of the entire Doric column, is of Egyptian origin, though the perfect Greek column, with the beautiful transition-member formed by the echinus, is far from a mere imitation. ‘The Greek column has become an entirely new form, animated by a new principle proper to itself, which has thoroughly mastered the heterogeneous elements from without and blended them in a new unity.’ In farther emphasis of the importance of these columns in the history of art, we may remind the reader that the earliest Doric columns known to us date from about the time that the Psamtikidae (p. xxix) were not only allowing the Greeks to enter the valley of the Nile but were inviting them to settle there, and that the columns of Beniḥasan are 1500 years older than this. The columns of Beniḥasan are indeed nothing more than the pillars in the Temple of the Sphinx and the Maṣṭaba (Baedeker's Lower Egypt, pp. 365, 379) provided with flutes and chamfered edges.
The two tombs of chief interest, the farthest to the N., are easily recognised by the beautiful polygonal columns at their entrances. The donkey-drivers make directly for them, paying no attention to the others. The numbering begins at the N. end.
† Some details on this matter will be found in the section devoted to Egyptian art in the first volume of this Handbook (p. 160).
Tomb 1. The exterior of the pronaos or vestibule is distinguished by two fine octagonal columns, bearing a flat vault hewn out of the rock. Four sixteen-edged columns, with narrow fluting, stand in the interior of the tomb-chamber and appear to bear the three beautifully painted arches of the ceiling, which are hewn in the form of shallow barrel vaulting. The side-columns touch the right and left walls of the nearly square chamber, in the rear of which opens a recess containing the statues (much dilapidated) of the deceased and his two wives. The usual long shaft leading to the bottom of the tomb and the chamber for the corpse at the end of it are also present. This is the tomb of Amenemha or Ameni,

the son of the Lady Hannu, who was one of the chief dignitaries of the kingdom, bore the title of an erpa ha or prince, governed the nome of Maḥ in time of peace, and commanded a division of the army in war. To the left and right of the entrance he is depicted on a throne with lions’ feet, holding his commander's baton in his hand. Inside the door are two well-preserved inscriptions, cut in the stone. That to the right (S.) informs us that Amenemha departed this life in the 43rd year of Usertesen I., corresponding to the 25th year of the governorship of Ameni. He undertook all his wars ‘sailing up-stream’: — i.e. he campaigned only against the dwellers of the S., the ‘miserable Kushites’, as they are called in the inscription. In those days the arms of the Pharaohs had not yet been carried towards the E. The Sinai peninsula, with its mines, is the only district in this direction which excited the Egyptian lust of conquest. From his southern campaigns Amenemha brought home much gold and other booty. The inscription to the left (N.) also mentions a victorious campaign towards the S., but is of special interest for the light it throws on the truly human feelings of this bye-gone time. Amenemha describes his occupations in time of peace as follows (beginning at the fourth line from below): ‘I cultivated the entire nome of Maḥ with many work-people. I troubled no child and oppressed no widow, neither did I keep a fisherman from his fishing or a herdsman from his herd. There was no head of a village whose people I had taken away for compulsory labour, and there was no one unhappy in my days or hungry in my times. When, however, a famine arose, I tilled all the fields in the nome of Maḥ, from its S. to its N. boundary, and gave nourishment and life to its inhabitants. So there was no one in the nome who died of hunger. To the widow I allowed as much as to the wife of a man, and in all that I did I never preferred the great man to the small one. When the Nile rose again and everything flourished — fields, trees, and all else — I cut off nothing from the fields’.
The paintings in the interior of the tomb-chamber proper are unfortunately very much faded, and they have also been considerably injured, especially in recent years. Some figures of warriors which still remain, armed with club and axe or club and lance, have a foreign appearance, as their skin is of a lighter colour than that of the Egyptians, and their hair and beards are red.
Tomb No. 2 is that of Khnumhotep, the son of Nehera. It owes its origin to a member of a family of high rank, in which the office of governor of Maḥ seems to have been hereditary for several generations. Amenemha I., Usertesen I., and Amenemha II., the first kings of the 12th Dyn., showered titles and dignities with a free hand on this family, which in return clung to the royal line with peculiar loyalty and affection. By a wonderful piece of good fortune we are able to reproduce the entire family-tree of this family, in

which the names of women fill a very important rôle. Amenemha II. Ra-nub-kau

created Khnumhotep governor of the E. nomes, and as the heir of his maternal grandfather made him priest of Horus and Pasht in the town of Menât Khufu (Minyeh).
The portico or vestibule of this tomb deserves particular attention, as it not only possesses proto-Doric columns resembling those of Tomb 1, but also shows some architectural forms, which seem intended to reproduce the beams and rafters of buildings above ground. The cornice projects strongly above the architrave and is supported by fine laths hewn, like all the rest of the structure, out of the living rock. The resemblance of these laths to the mutules of the Doric order is not especially striking in itself, but taken in conjunction with other points of similarity is, perhaps, worthy of mention. — The interior of Khnumhotep's tomb is richly adorned with paintings. Most of the representations were painted on a thin layer of stucco, with which the limestone walls were coated. At the foot, however, is a long inscription cut in the rock, in lines of a greenish colour, 2½ ft. high. [In 1890 the royal names were cut out of the rock by some vandal hand and offered for sale.] From this inscription we receive information about the family of Khnumhotep, who owed the greater part of his dignities to his maternal grandfather, about his relations with Amenemha II., who, at the intercession of his mother, made him a royal governor, and about the benefits he had conferred on his government and its people and the honour he had done to the gods of his nome and the manes of his forefathers.
The paintings have unfortunately suffered so much in the last 30 or 40 years, that the subjects of some of them are now almost indistinguishable. Most of them, however, were copied by Lepsius, Rosellini, Wilkinson, and others, while they were still in fair preservation; and they have furnished most important contributions to our knowledge of the private life of the ancient Egyptians. In the uppermost row of paintings, above the door, was represented the festival of the opening of the tomb of Khnumhotep. ‘The heaven opens’, says the inscription, ‘as the god (i.e. the deceased transformed into Osiris) steps forth’. To the right, lower down, we see the colonnades of Khnumhotep's dwelling, with servants measuring and registering his treasures and (farther on) bringing his corn into the barns. Two of the lower rows show the operations of ploughing, harvesting, and threshing. Still lower down is a Nile-boat, bearing the mummy of the deceased, as the inscription informs us, to Abydos (the grave of Osiris), while the high-priest imparts his blessing. Below is a representation of the vintage and of the gathering of fruit and vegetables. The cattle in the water and the fishing scene (at the foot) vividly recall the similar scenes in the Maṣṭaba of Ti. To the left of the door, high up, are seen the processes of preparing clay for pottery and sawing wood; in the second row

Khnumhotep appears in a litter, inspecting his potters and carpenters. Some of the latter are felling palm-trees and others are building a boat for the journey to Abydos (see below). The most interesting of the scenes of artizan life in the lower rows are the representations of women baking and weaving, under the supervision of eunuchs. — The entire Rear Wall is occupied by a tastefully arranged representation of the water-sports in which the deceased took delight. A forest of papyrus reeds grows by the water-side, thickly peopled by all kinds of furred and feathered game. To the right and left Khnumhotep is depicted in his boat, accompanied in one instance by his wife Khuti, who is painted a lighter colour. Here he transfixes large river-fish, there he holds the birds he has brought down by his darts. Above are birds caught in a net. In the river swim characteristically drawn fish, and crocodiles and hippopotami are also seen. A man who has fallen into the water is being hauled out again. The dominant idea of the chase is farther carried out in the representations of a hawk seizing a gaily-plumaged bird and an ibis capturing a butterfly.
The N. Wall (to the left on entering) is the most important of all, as upon it is the celebrated picture of a Semitic race bringing cosmetics (mestem) and other presents to Khnumhotep. In the lowest row, to the right, are seen the secretaries of Khnumhotep, receiving the report of the steward of the cattle, who is followed by the herds and shepherds. Just above this is Khnumhotep himself, represented on a scale three times as large as the other figures and accompanied by three dogs and a man with sandals, bearing a staff. In the 4th row from below, on a level with the head and shoulders of this huge figure, is represented a curious procession. Neferhotep, the secretary, and another Egyptian lead towards the governor a number of foreign people in gay-coloured garments, whose sharply cut features, hooked noses, and pointed beards unmistakeably proclaim their Semitic nationality. This Asiatic visit seems to have been one of the signal events in the life of the nomarch. Neferhotep hands his master a document from which we learn that the strangers knocked at the door of Egypt in the 9th year of king Usertesen II. Prince Absha, the leader of the foreigners, leads a gazelle and bows to the ground. The next Asiatic leads an antelope. Four armed men march in front of the harem, which consists of four women and three children. Two of these ride upon an ass, which also bears implements for weaving. The women wear brightly coloured raiment of a curious cut. The clothes and loin-cloths of the men are also brilliantly coloured. A heavily-laden ass is followed by a lute-player and a warrior armed with club, bow, and quiver. The inscription, beginning above the figure of the secretary Neferhotep, is as follows: ‘Arrival of those bringing the eye-salve mestem (koḥl or antimony). He (i.e. Neferhotep) introduces 37 Amus’. The Amus were a Semitic race of Asiatic origin in the N. E. of Egypt. We have

here, as it were, the advance guard of the invasion of the Hyksos, towards the end of the 12th Dynasty. The Hyksos, named ‘Amu’ in an inscription in the neighbouring Speos Artemidos (p. 11), consisted of isolated tribes, who purchased permission to enter Egypt by tribute, crossed its boundaries, and finally penetrated to the interior. The chief Absha here bows before the Egyptian; his successors carried things with a high hand and bent the Egyptians under their yoke. — The flock of ostriches behind the last Amu belongs to the series of pictures on the left side of the wall, representing Khnumhotep, accompanied by his dogs, slaying wild beasts with bow and arrows. Below is a flock of geese and a fowling-scene. In the second row from the foot are bulls fighting and scenes of cattle-tending.
The S. Wall (to the right) is occupied by processions of servants bringing gifts for the dead, a frequent subject in these representations, and the offering of animals in sacrifice. Before one altar is the figure of Khnumhotep, before another his wife Khuti, daughter of Pent.
The traveller will find many of the above scenes now defaced beyond recognition, but he should not let this deter him from walking a little farther to the S. and entering some of the other tombs. That of Kheti, one of the nearest (No. 7), easily recognised by the three pairs of columns supporting the roof, contains interesting, though half-obliterated representations of the innumerable gymnastic and fencing exercises and games of the ancient Egyptians. Girls are seen throwing the ball from one to another, and men ponder carefully over a game of draughts. The Hunting Scenes are of linguistic value, as the names of the different animals are written above them. Among these was a stag, now totally effaced. Mechanics are depicted at work here and elsewhere. — Travellers who see the tombs of the new kingdom at Thebes, after having visited the graves of Beniḥasan, will be astonished at the vastness of the impression made upon the life and sentiment of the Egyptians by the Hyksos period. At Beniḥasan everything recalls the tombs in the Pyramids, and the subjects of representation are drawn wholly from this earth; under the New Empire scenes of the future life and representations of the gods are also given. We should also notice that the horse, so common in later times, never appears under the early empire. The forms of the columns, including the beautiful lotus capitals (see Baedeker's Lower Egypt, p. 164), are of the greatest interest. The proto-Doric column is seen here in all stages of development. The plain pillar, the octagonal pillar, the octagonal and sixteen-sided columns, with and without flutes, all occur at Beniḥasan side by side and may be looked upon as practical illustrations of the section upon the Cavern Building of the Egyptians in the introduction to Lower Egypt (p. 160).
At Rôḍah (rail. stat., p. 1), an important place on the W. bank,

with post and telegraph offices, several mosques, and a large sugar factory, the railway approaches close to the river. The factory is said to contain a stone with a hitherto unpublished Greek inscription.
About 1 M. inland (W.) from Rôḍah, between the Baḥr Yusuf and the Nile, lie the ruins of the once famous Ashmunén. The ancient Egyptian name was Khimunu

, while the Greeks called it Hermopolis, the town of Hermes-Thoth, the god of writing and science, whose chief sanctuary was situated here. Hence the town was also named Pa Teḥuti, or town of Thoth. Hermopolis Magna was the capital of the Hermopolitan nome of Upper Egypt. The name Ashmunên is derived, according to Quatremère (Mémoires Géographiques, I., pp. 490 et seq.), from the fact that the town embraced two different communities, one on the site of the present ruins, the other, with a harbour, on the Nile. Among the plates of the French Expedition are two views of a fine Portico of the Ptolemaic period, with two rows of six columns each (Antiquités IV, Pl. 50, 51). The columns were 55 ft. high, and the portico was 124½ ft. long and 29½ ft. wide. In Minutoli's ‘Journey to the Oasis of Jupiter Ammon’ (Plate XIV) a view is given of one of the columns, with the cartouche of Philippus Aridæus, one of the successors of Alexander the Great, who was a native of Ashmunên. The remains of the temple were used in building a saltpetre factory. — At Gebel Tunah, near Hermopolis, is a tablet (much dilapidated) with an inscription of the sun-worshipper Khu-en-aten, who lived on the opposite bank of the river (comp. Tell el-Amarnah, p. 22).
Nearly opposite Rôḍah, on the E. bank, 11 M. from Beniḥasan, lies the village of Shêkh ‘Abâdeh, with the ruins of Antinoë. Hadrian erected a new town in honour of his favourite Antinous on the site of the Egyptian town of Besa, where the handsome youth is said to have drowned himself, to fulfil the oracle which predicted a heavy loss to the emperor and so to prevent a more serious disaster. The village lies on the bank amid palms of unusual size and beauty, and to the S. of it is a brook, now dry except after rain, which must formerly have flowed through the town. The remains of public buildings of the Egyptian period are scanty. The French Expedition saw a triumphal arch, a theatre, and two streets flanked with columns, the one running N. and S. and leading to the theatre, the other at right angles leading to the city-gate and the hippodrome. A lofty column bore an inscription of Alexander Severus (A. D. 222). To-day, however, there are few remains either of Greek or Roman times. Among the palms lies a fine Corinthian capital. The marble belonging to the ‘very fine gate of the Corinthian order’ that Pococke saw here and figured in his book was burned to make lime for building the sugar-factory at Rôḍah. The extensive ruins of the ancient town lie to the E. of the village of Shêkh ‘Abâdeh. The streets and ground-plans of the houses are still recognisable. The rooms were small and the walls were made mainly of Nile bricks. There are, however, some underground apartments of flat Roman bricks, reached by stone staircases. Near the scanty ruins of one of the largest buildings lies a basin of white marble, which must have had a circumference of at least 23 ft.
Those who are interested in Christian antiquities should follow the E. bank from Shêkh ‘Abâdeh towards the S. In about ¾ hr., after passing some ruins of a late epoch, we reach the Dêr Abu Hennis (Convent of St. John), called also simply ed-Dêr. In the days of the Mameluke persecutions the Christians are said to have lived here and at Shêkh ‘Abâdeh in comparative security, as the Arabs believed that no Mohammedan could exist here on account of the evil spirits. At present there are more fellaḥîn here than Copts. There is little to be seen at ed-Dêr. The crypt, in which divine service is held, is said to date from the time of the Empress Helena. By ascending the hill at the back of the houses, we reach, to the left of the ravine, some cave-like quarries, which were fitted up as Christian chapels and were embellished at an early date with sculptures. The main chamber contains paintings of saints and scenes from the New Testament, but those in one of the side chapels (Raising of Lazarus, Wedding at Cana, etc.) are better. To judge from their style these interesting pictures are not earlier than the 6th cent. A. D. Among the Coptic monks who resided here (from the 4th cent. onwards) were Victor and his brother Koluthus, Silvanus, and Macarius; and the tombs of the last two are still shown. The adjoining quarry was begun by Amenhotep III.
The dhahabîyeh should be sent on to Bersheh, in order to allow time for a visit to the picture of the transportation of an Egyptian statue (see above). About 4–5 hrs. are necessary to see comfortably all the points on this route.
The Arabs thought it impossible that mere human strength could move such huge burdens, and hence a legend grew up among them that the subjects of the Pharaohs were giants, who knew how to move masses of rock with their magical staves. Even the men of the present day, at whose command stand forces of which the ancient Egyptians never even dreamed, are astounded at their achievements in this direction and feel inclined to solve the problem by ascribing to them the use of technical aids, which we have no evidence that they possessed. The principles of the pulley and the lever seem to have been unknown to them; and obstacles, which seem to us to demand imperatively the application of steam and machinery, were overcome by enormous multiplication of sheer human power.
The colossal figure within this tomb represents Kaï, son of Tothotep, a high-priest, a steward of the mysteries of the word of God, a privy chamberlain (superintendent of the works in the inner palace), and the head of a nome. His paternal grand-mother was a daughter of Usertesen I., the second king of the 12th Dynasty, and he was also connected with the royal family on the mother-side. He was likewise related to the family of Nehera and Khnumhotep (see p. 15).
The successful transportation of the statue figured in his tomb was one of the chief events in the life of Kaï. The scene shows us an image, 13 ells in height, securely fastened to a sled. Small cushions are inserted to prevent the polished stone from being injured by the ropes. To the sled are attached four strong cables, each manned by 43 workmen (in all 172), the ‘young men’, as the inscriptions inform us, ‘of the W. and E. of the nome’. On the lap of the figure stands a man clapping his hands, probably the leader and time-giver of the song of the workmen, whose task was facilitated by rhythmical movement. To this day in Egypt and elsewhere the same custom is observed wherever the strength of many men is united in some common exertion, as in the sailor's chant in raising the anchor or hoisting sail. A man facing the time-keeper knocks two wooden stamps together, obviously to transmit the proper time to those too far off to hear distinctly the hand-clapping of the leader. On the prow of the sled, behind the rings to which the ropes are fastened, stands a man pouring water on the ground to prevent the heavily loaded sled from taking fire by friction. Water-carriers stand ready to refill the empty pitcher. These are followed by other labourers bearing notched beams, for laying under the sledge when necessary. Three bailiffs or stewards, with sticks, are each attended by four men, who seem from their simple costume to be foremen, stone-masons, or extra-hands. At the top are depicted seven well-equipped companies of infantry, marching in stiff military order towards the advancing colossus. The officers bear tridents resembling those in the usual representations of Neptune, which may either have been used as field-standards or for driving the cowardly into action.
This highly instructive representation shows, among other points, how unlimited was the authority of the nomarch over the people of his nome and how freely, not to say extravagantly, he could apply human labour in effecting his ends. One is tempted to pity the corvee labourers and to forget how ends which seem petty or even obnoxious to one generation may have seemed to their ancestors worthy of an unlimited expenditure of time, blood, and wealth. In the time of the pyramid-building 12th Dynasty it was accounted a noble and reputable thing to erect the hugest and most durable monuments. The mass of the people, who seem to have regarded the might of their oppressors in the same light as we regard the workings of destiny, were proud to have had a share in the erection of any specially important monument. Similar considerations are suggested by scenes in the tombs of the pyramids, and the inscription accompanying the above-described picture gives us chapter and verse for the accuracy of this view. It runs as follows: ‘Transport of the thirteen-ell statue made of stone from Hatnub. Behold, the way by which it was to be transported was of extraordinary difficulty. Truly difficult was also the toil of the people in drawing the mighty mass along it, in dragging (the colossus) in hewn stone. I ordered the bands of young men to march and prepare the way for it, with watchmen, carpenters, and so forth. The most important were among them. The order was issued that men of a strong arm should go forth to fetch it. My heart was full of content, and my fellow-citizens all rejoiced. The scene was extremely beautiful to witness; the old man leans on the youth, the strong withstood the weak-hearted and timid. They thus became so strong that each one effected as much as a thousand. And behold, this statue

of hewn stone went forth out of the mountain, more unutterably grand to witness than all things else. Transport-ships equipped with all magnificence, the choicest of my young men and soldiers. My children followed me arrayed in festal ornaments, and the inhabitants of my nome, singing songs of praise, celebrated my arrival in the fortress of this town’.
The other representations in this tomb offer nothing unusual. Much has been destroyed and defaced, principally by the monks, who tried to sanctify the pagan work and drive the devil from it by marking it with the sign of the cross.
Below this tomb is another of the 12th Dynasty, belonging according to the inscriptions to the royal chamberlain Aha.
On the W. bank, 1 M. from the Nile, is Melawi el-‘Arish (rail. stat., p. 1), a small town with 10,000 inhab., where fowls, eggs, etc., may be procured cheaply (large market on Sun.). In the vicinity are many large palms and also sugar-plantations. Farther on, on the E. bank, at the foot of the hill of the same name (p. 20), lies Shêkh-Sa‘îd, with tombs of the old empire, including those of priests of Khufu, Userkaf, and Pepi.
We next reach the ruins of et-Tell and the grottoes of Tell el-Amarnah, two very interesting points on the E. bank, at which the ‘four weeks’ steamer stops for a few hours on its return-journey. The best plan is to disembark at et-Tell, visit the remains of the old town, return to the dhahabîyeh, and sail to Hagg el-Ḳandîl, where donkeys for the visit to the grottoes are more easily obtained than at et-Tell. We pass to the right of the village of et-Tell, ¼ M. from the river, and at the point where the cultivated land ends we turn due S. (to the right). After passing the ruins of a large building (probably a temple), now consisting of the foundations only and nearly indistinguishable, we turn to the right from the path to visit the numerous relics of public and private buildings of all kinds. There are larger and finer ruined temples in other parts of Egypt, but nowhere else do we obtain so excellent an idea of the actual dwelling-places of the citizens. It looks as if the hand of deity had bodily removed this large town (more than 1 M. long from N. to S.) from the surface of the earth, leaving nothing but the foundations to tell the after-world that many thousands of human beings once lived and worked, suffered and rejoiced on this waste spot. The lines of the streets may be followed and ground-plans traced; but the demands of cultivation are steadily effacing the remains.
Tell el-Amarnah. Whether we proceed by land from et-Tell or disembark at Hagg el-Ḳandîl, we have to ride towards the hills to the E., in which, even from a distance, we discover the gates of the celebrated tombs of Tell el-Amarnah. In either case it is advisable to have a guide. On the way we should not omit to visit the recently discovered grave of the sun-worshipper Khu-en-aten (Amenhotep IV., see below). Of the two groups of tombs that to the N. is the more interesting and the more easily accessible.
An interesting and not yet fully explained epoch of Egyptian history is illustrated here by a large number of paintings and inscriptions. In the Historical Introduction to our first vol. an account is given of both Amenhotep III. and his son and successor Amenhotep IV. The first, a

mighty prince both in war and peace, was a pious worshipper of Ammon, whose name, indeed, forms part of his own (Amen-hotep). Amenhotep IV., on the other hand, turned his back on his father's religion and on the increasingly spiritual conception of Ammon (the ‘Hidden One’) and the other ancient gods, discarded his name ‘Peace of Ammon’, became exclusively a sun-worshipper, and named himself Khu-en-aten, i.e. ‘Reflection of the Sun's Disc’. It is an interesting but doubtful question whether Amenhophis IV., in his rôle of reformer, intended to resuscitate, as ‘a patriotic restorer of the old cult’, the simple sun-worship from which the religion of the Egyptians had originally taken its rise; or whether he was moved by the Semitic influences, which are so noticeable all over the country after the expulsion of the Hyksos, to become an adorer of the orb of day and to introduce a religious ceremonial that recalled the practices of the Asiatic courts rather than the more dignified usages of the ‘Sublime Porte’ of Egypt. Portraits of historical personages often cast a clearer light on their character than piles of written documents, and the numerous representations of Amenhotep IV. encountered in these tombs show that he was a sickly man, a fanatic, and an enthusiast. [The portrait-statue of him in the Louvre suggests similar conclusions.] He also, as the inscriptions inform us, stood under the influence of his mother, who was not of royal birth and seems to have encouraged her son's tendency to prefer the old popular religion to the elaborately developed creed of the priests. His work was distinctly reactionary and could not long survive him. Almost everywhere we see his successors scratching out his name as a sign of their disapproval and contempt. Where it still stands intact we may conclude that it was overlooked. The fact that the portrait-like reliefs of men in these tombs, as well as the horses and buildings, appear more true to nature than in any other Egyptian monument may be due to the greater liberty of divergence from the hieratic canon allowed in a reign which was so unfavourable to the priestly dogmas. These reliefs excited the special admiration of the Greeks. A Hellene who visited them inscribed his name as admiring the art of the priestly stone-cutters (

). Besides the palaces and tombs of Tell el-Amarnah, Khu-en aten also built a large Benben or temple at Thebes, the blocks of which were used for the pylon of King Horus. He also erected a temple in Heliopolis, the remains of which are still extant, and probably another in Memphis. He is himself depicted on a pylon in Soleb (Nubia).
Quite recently a new light has fallen on the history of Amenhotep IV. and his predecessor through the discovery of several hundred tablets with cuneïform inscriptions in the large Temple, or rather Palace, of Tell el-Amarnah, which narrate the intercourse of the Kings of Babylon with Amenhotep III. and Amenhotep IV. To the former King Dushratta of Mitanni gave his daughter Tadukhepa in marriage; and her dowry is stated on one of the tablets. Other tablets contain letters from Palestine and Syrian vassals to the King of Egypt, and diplomatic notes from King Burnaburiash to Amenhotep IV., concluding a treaty of peace and asking for the hand of his daughter. Most of the tablets are now in the Asiatic Museum at Berlin, but many are in the British Museum and a few at Gîzeh.
Some authorities believe that these tablets were found in the tomb of Amenhotep IV. (see above).
N. Group. The tombs in each group are marked with red numbers, running from N. to S. Most of the tombs are entered from a small fore-court, and the doorways of many are adorned with concave cornices. The door leads into an oblong apartment, communicating with a wide sepulchral chapel, with a small burial-recess in the background. The ornamentation of the ceiling is very varied. Columns with bud-capitals occur frequently, some

of them unfinished, and the colouring of the reliefs is sometimes in wonderful preservation. The mummy shafts, in spite of their great depth, have all long since been despoiled of their contents. In the very first tomb we find a representation of the king and his family offering a sacrifice to the sun's disc. The disc is encircled with the Uræus-snake and furnished with several arms, stretching downwards; the hands are symbolic of energy, liberality, and the creative faculty. Dwarfs (then, as later, a favourite royal plaything), fanbearers, and bowing courtiers stand below. In front is the provost-martial with his baton. To the left of the first grave, on the hill, is the Tomb of Pentu (No. 2), which is in a very ruinous condition. Farther on to the left is that of Rameri (No. 3), with a finely worked exterior. On the left wall of the second chamber of this tomb is a military scene, which we do not hesitate to describe as the most realistic representation found hitherto in any Egyptian grave. The lean figure of the Pharaoh, above whom the sun spreads its arms, stands in his war-chariot and drives the fiery steeds, the introduction of which Egypt owes to the Hyksos. Sâis (out-runners) with long staves run in front of the chariot, towards the crowd of people offering sacrifice and bending to the ground in adoration. Standard-bearers and soldiers clear the way for the rapidly advancing procession, just as the mounted kavasses still do for the carriage of the Khedive. The king appears once more followed by his children, who also drive their own chariots. The procession hastens towards the royal palace, which covers the right part of the rear-wall of the chapel and also part of the right wall, affording us a clearer idea of an Egyptian palace than any other scene of the kind. It has long been established that neither the royal princes nor even the Pharaohs themselves lived in the temples. On the contrary they used to build themselves airy châteaux of light materials, with doors opening on shady galleries and colonnades. Gardens with fountains and water-basins surrounded the building, near which were also out-houses, stables, and well-stocked storehouses, in quantity corresponding to the huge number of the dependents of the royal family. The great entrance-door is dignified with double rows of bud columns, and red standards wave from lofty flag-staffs. Above one of the side-doors is a round window similar to those which the French call œil-de-bœuf. The palace is adjoined by a sepulchral chapel, supported by columns and containing figures of the king's ancestors, honoured by rich sacrificial offerings; at the door is a choir, singing pious songs of remembrance to the accompaniment of the harp, and taking its time from the hand-clapping of the leader (a custom still preserved in Egypt). — In the first chamber of Tomb 7 (right wall, p. 26) is a representation of the Temple of the Solar Disc, with a large peristyle court surrounded by a colonnade. Pillars resembling Caryatides decorate the walls, and above all tower the lofty pylons with their hollow cornice.

Not only are the subjects of these representations of great interest, but the character of the architectural drawing itself should be noticed. It is something between a sketch-plan and a finished picture. The ground-plan is clearly indicated, but at the same time an idea is given of the appearance of the external elevation of the building. Clearness and truthful reproduction of details are aimed at here as zealously as in the figure-drawing. The ground-plan is first sketched in, and then the outlines of the façades, and even the doors and trees are added so far as the space allows.
The forms of the persons represented vary considerably from those seen in tombs elsewhere. Almost all have the same thickset body and lean neck that characterize the king. The figure of the latter is, of course, a portrait; and it is possible that the courtly artists burdened the subjects with the weaknesses of the prince so that his deformities might not appear as anything unusual. Amenhotep IV. was certainly not a foreigner; but his mother Tîi may have been one, and may have installed her fellow-countrymen at the Egyptian court. Even the highest dignitaries have un-Egyptian features. Among these is the royal favourite Merira, who is represented on the right wall of Tomb 3, as literally overwhelmed with the golden necklaces, rings, and orders, which the Pharaohs of the 18th Dynasty delighted to shower on their loyal adherents; he stands in front of the royal family, the members of which are attended by fan-bearers and courtiers of all kinds. ‘Let him receive gold’, says the inscription, ‘on his neck, on his back, and on his feet’. Secretaries make a note of the donations and write out the royal patents, which are also mentioned elsewhere. The fourth necklace is being hung round the neck of Merira, while the fifth and sixth are handed to him by two officials; a third attendant holds three golden rings. The Urma, to whom this favourite belonged, were, in addition to their other dignities, the most learned physicians and high-priests of Heliopolis (mentioned in the inscription). The sickly prince naturally pays the highest honours to his physician, one of the Urma priests. Another of these priests, named Khui, is mentioned in the Ebers Papyrus as having prepared a famous eye-salve, and it is possible that Amenhotep IV. may have been blind or, at least, threatened with blindness. His outstretched neck suggests the attitude of a blind man, and in the song of one of the priestesses by the door-post of the same tomb occur the words: ‘The lord of goodness arises … No other one opens his countenance, healing his eyes with his beams’.
Tomb 4 contained the remains of the ‘truth-loving’ Aahmes, the royal secretary, adjutant of the fan-bearers, and first lord of the bedchamber. Here we find one of the great dignitaries celebrating the glory of the sun. He praises the beauty of the setting of the lord of the lords and princes of the earth, at sight of whom the elect break forth into rejoicing, at whose rising and setting the whole

earth and all lands sing songs of praise. The praise of the king is interwoven with the hymn to the sun: ‘Thou givest me honour before the king all my days. A worthy burial after a long life in this land of the light-region of the sun's disc was accorded to me. I fulfill the span of my life. I fulfill my life in the completeness of a servant of the good god, who is free to ascend every throne he likes. I am a vassal of the king’. Then follows a list of the titles of Aahmes.
Tomb 6 contains representations of columns, the shafts of which are encircled at regular intervals by rings resembling the tissue enveloping the joints of reeds. The capital consists of several erect bell-flowers, with dependent buds held together by a ring.
The Tomb of Huia (No. 7), the keeper of the treasury, also contains much that is interesting. The Temple of the Sun, on the right wall of the first chamber, has already been mentioned. The king is shown seated upon a lion-guarded throne, illuminated by the solar rays, and borne by several courtiers. Before and behind are noble youths with large and small fans. The same chamber contains another striking and well-preserved scene, representing the studio of the sculptor Auta, director of the portrait-sculptors (lit. ‘givers of life’) of the king's mother Tîi. A well-executed statue of this powerful but unlovely princess is being coloured by the master himself, while two younger sculptors (s-ankh) give the finishing touches to the head and legs. The sacrificial scenes are of the usual type. — The name of Khu-en-aten has been almost everywhere obliterated from the cartouches. The solar disc with the arms appears frequently as a kind of talisman, sometimes above the single hieroglyphics. While demanding devoted loyalty from his subjects, the king seems to have enjoyed the most affectionate and happy relations with his wife and daughters, in whose names we recognise an echo of his own (Aten). The wife is named ‘Beauty of the Solar Disc, the beauteous Dame Aît’; the daughters are Merit Aten, the darling of the sun; Aten makt, the ward of the sun; Ankh-s en pa Aten, she who lives through the sun; Aten nefra’ ta shera, beauty of the sun; the little Aten bekt, servant of the sun, and so on. Tîi, the mother of the king, is already known to us (see above).
The S. Tombs, 1¼-1 ½ hr. from the N. group, are not so well preserved. The graves formerly stood open, and only those parts under cover have escaped serious injury. In 1883 Maspero dug deeper into the already opened graves, and opened some for the first time, such as that of Mahu (p. 27). The cartouches of Khu-en-aten are not scratched out in the newly uncovered tombs. Of special interest are the recently discovered vaulted passages with steps, leading downwards, which are unlike any other Egyptian construction. It is evident that these were the actual burial-places. Skulls of bodies which had not been embalmed have been found

here. The northernmost tomb (No. 3 of Lepsius) shows us the king and his family standing on a daïs, below which foreign captives are depicted. The royal pair receives rich tribute. Those bringing the gifts are Egyptians. Aï, to whom the tomb belongs, is adorned with necklaces on account of the abundance of his contributions. Numerous servants carry the sacks and bottles to the open cellar-door, in front of which, in a bending attitude, is a bailiff with a staff. It is possible that the cellar belongs to Aï, and that the gifts are royal bounties to him. — The next grave to the S., on a projecting hill, was excavated in 1883. It was destined for Mahu, a commander of the royal police, and scenes from his life (Arrest of mountaineers, Escort of the king's equipage, etc.) are depicted on the walls of the first chamber (esp. to the right of the entrance). In the right side-wall is a door bearing a prayer in behalf of Mahu to Aten-Ra (the radiating solar disc). — The next tomb, that of the royal official Tutu, contains (to the right of the entrance) the almost complete text of a hymn, sung by a priest in praise of the sun: ‘The breath of the wind’, says the hymn, ‘enters their nostrils, and Thy gift it is that they have being. All flowers bloom and grow in their beds, and they flourish at Thy uprising. Festal joy arises at the sight of Thy countenance. All quadrupeds hurry along on their feet, all the birds in their nests flutter their wings in joy’. This tomb also possesses a ‘papyrus’ column, of unusually careful workmanship and elaborate ornamentation. The basis of the capital is encircled, among the leaves, by a Uræus-serpent; and at the upper end of the shaft, below the richly-adorned band replacing the annuli, are singular decorations consisting of sacrificial gifts, including many birds in groups of five. — To the S., at a little distance, lies the tomb designated by Lepsius as No. 1. This also is dedicated to a high dignitary named Aï, perhaps the same as in Tomb 3. On the entrance-wall to the right is represented a festival, which some interpret as that of an order, while others take it for the marriage of Aï, fan-bearer and commander of cavalry, to the royal nurse. The king, denoted by the disc, his wife, and his daughters stand on a daïs. The courtiers, from the charioteers to the military officers and fan-bearers, receive with deep obeisances the decorations which the Pharaoh, the queen, and the princesses throw down to them. The foremost dignitary already wears six necklaces, and the lady behind him is just adding a fifth to the four she already possesses. A troop of dancers enlivens the proceedings by energetic leaps and contortions, and secretaries make a note of the donations. To the S. are several other graves, including those of Apii and Ramses, the latter a general and chamberlain of Amenhotep III. To the N. N. W. of these tombs lay the huge residence of the singular king Khu-en-aten, which was perhaps destroyed by the same generation that obliterated his name from the cartouches.
Beyond Hagg el-Ḳandîl the Nile-voyager passes several small villages, but neither they nor the scanty ruins of the Pharaonic epoch near them deserve a visit.
In a ravine near el-Hawâtah (E. bank) stands a stele with a hieroglyphic inscription, discovered by the late Mr. Harris, British consul at Cairo and excellently versed in Egyptian antiquities. Farther on we skirt an island and reach the point on the W. bank, between the villages of el-Gezîreh (i.e. ‘island’) and el-Mandurah, where the Baḥr Yûsuf or Joseph's Canal, an arm of the Nile, diverges from the main stream to water the agricultural districts of the Libyan bank, the Fayûm (p. 35) etc. The name of Joseph, was given to it by the Arabs, who recognise in the son of Jacob the type of all administrators. It probably owes its regulation if not its origin to Amenemha III., of the 12th Dynasty. Extensive works are now in progress to furnish the W. part of the Libyan bank with water from a point higher up the Nile, near Assiûṭ.
About 5 M. below the divergence of the Baḥr Yûsuf, at some distance from the Nile, lies Dêrût esh-Sherîf (rail. stat., p. 1). About 1 ¼ M. above (S. of) the fork, on the E. bank, are some brick ruins, and 1¼ M. farther to the S. are the mounds of Dêr el-Ḳuṣêr, probably the site of the ancient Pescla. This is the N. boundary of the dûm-palms, which, however, do not attain their full development till farther up, between Assiûṭ and Ḳeneh, where we see many fine specimens (p. 70). The Arabian Mts., rising in precipitous rocky walls, approach the river. Swallows, ducks, and other birds inhabit the caves in the porous rock on the banks, and fly in and out in screaming crowds. The cliffs on the right bank of this part of the Nile are known as Gebel Abu Fêdah. The stream below them is considered the most dangerous part of the channel between Cairo and Assuân. Violent winds blow round the crags, and numerous sandbanks impede navigation.
The Arabs tell that a ship-master of Ḳeneh, having safely arrived at Bûlâk, was asked by his friends how he had passed the Gebel Abu Fêda. ‘Quite easily’, was his rejoinder, ‘there's no danger there’. An old man who overheard him remarked: ‘From your own words I see that you do not know this mountain’. ‘I know it as well as my own eyes’, said the boatman. ‘When I return to Ḳeneh I must pass it once more. If my vessel suffers any damage in doing so, I will pay you 10,000 piastres, on condition that you pay me the like sum if I pass safely. But I give you due warning that I know the Gebel Abu Fêdah perfectly well’. The old man accepted the wager, and the ship-master had his boat bound with iron, engaged the best sailors, and set forth. As he approached the Gebel the boat was assailed at first by one wind, and afterwards by four storm-winds, each blowing from a different quarter. The ship, in spite of its iron fastenings, was cast upon the rocks and went to pieces; and the vainglorious re‘îs, as he scrambled ashore with nothing saved but his life, cried: ‘Gebel Abu Fêdah, I never knew you till now’. Numerous similar stories are related of these cliffs. And no wonder, for nothing can be more mysterious and spectral than their appearance at twilight, when the dark swarms of birds fly towards the rocks and disappear as suddenly as if engulfed by it.
The hill contains many rock-tombs, which have not yet been carefully

investigated. Travellers who wish to do so will find the hill not a very arduous climb. In descending they may strike the river at a point a little farther to the S. and row thence to the dhahabîyeh.
On the W. bank, 3 M. from the river, lies el-Ḳusîyeh, now an insignificant fellaḥ town, representing the ancient Kusae, in which, according to Ælian, Venus Urania and her cow (i.e. Hathor nebt pet Hathor, the mistress of heaven) were worshipped. No inscriptions have been found in Ḳusîyeh itself, but elsewhere the name of Hathor occurs as the Lady of Kesi. From Kesi came the Coptic Ⲋως-Ⲋⲏω (kōs-koō), and thence was derived the Arabic Ḳusîyeh.
At el-Harîb, on the E. bank, are the ruins of an ancient Egyptian town, at the mouth of a Wâdi ascending to the Arabian mountains. The walls, provided in places with window-openings, are high, but fragments of demotic inscriptions show them to be of late date. Small caves in the rocks contain bones from mummies of men and cats.
Monfalût, on the W. bank (rail. stat., see p. 1), an important town with 13,200 inhab., is the seat of a Coptic bishop and contains several fine villas and gardens and a bazaar. Its market is much frequented on Sun., and it also prossesses a sugar-factory and a distillery, where date-brandy (‘araḳi) is made, partly for local consumption by the Copts and partly for export. The town lies close to the river, which must here have greatly encroached on the W. bank since the close of last century. The Arabs translate Monfalût as ‘Lot's place of banishment’.
To the S. W. of Monfalût lies Beni ‘Adin, where in 1798 a collision took place between the troops of General Desaix and the Arabs. In the following year, just after the arrival of a caravan from Darfûr, General Davoust destroyed it as a nest of rebels, taking the women prisoners. Mohammed ‘Ali united his army here in 1820. The journey to the oasis of Farâfrah (p. 348) is frequently begun here. The first station to the N. W. is the convent of Maragh, containing 50 Coptic monks.
Esh-Sheḳilḳil, a small village on the E. bank, lies on a narrow strip of fertile land between the Nile and the S. end of the rocky Gebel Abu Fêdah. It is the starting-point for a visit to the Crocodile Grotto of Ma‘abdeh. A guide, who may be procured in the village of Sheḳilḳil, is necessary to show the best way over the stony hill and to point out the entrance to the cavern, which easily escapes the eyes of even practised searchers. Lantern and ropes are also necessary, and a few strong sailors to handle the latter. Ladies should not attempt this excursion. The distance is about 4½ M., and most of the way is up a steep hill. We first proceed towards the N. W. to the (½ hr.) village of el-Ma‘abdeh, and thence to the N. E. towards the hill, the plateau of which we reach in ¾ hr. A walk of ½ hr. towards the S. then brings us to the grotto. The entrance is in the shape of a hole 12 ft. deep, into which we are lowered by ropes, a guide previously descending to aid in landing. We then creep on all-fours for some distance through the dust of ancient mummies, and after some time

ascend a branch to the left. The passage in a straight direction chiefly contains human mummies, while that to the left is packed with mummies of crocodiles. Some of these are of great size, and in other cases bundles of 25 baby-crocodiles are put up together. Baskets of bast contain crocodile-eggs, with the shells, containing the embryo, still unbroken. After some time we reach a more spacious part of the grotto, where it is possible to stand erect. It is not improbable that the cave had a second entrance on the other side of the hill, but this has not yet been discovered. Great care should be exercised in using the lights; two Frenchmen who accidentally set fire to the mummy-bandages were suffocated by the smoke and burned to ashes. It was here that Mr. Harris found the celebrated papyrus MS. containing fragments of Homer's Iliad, which was held in the hand of the mummy of a man wearing a coronal of gold. The enormous number of Crocodile Mummies found here will astonish no one who knows the following passage in the trustworthy ‘Abdellaṭîf (12th cent.): ‘Among the animals peculiar to Egypt the crocodile must not be forgotten, which occurs in great numbers in the Nile, particularly in the S. part of Sa‘îd (Upper Egypt) and in the vicinity of the cataracts. There they swarm like worms in the water of the river and around the cliffs that form the cataracts’. In his time there were still crocodiles in the Delta. These animals are now totally extinct on the lower Nile; none has been seen for many years between Cairo and Gebel Abu Fêdah, and they are becoming very rare between the latter point and Assuân, mainly, it is said, owing to the noise of the steamboats. Even between the First and Second Cataracts they are now rare, though 20 years ago they were very frequent.
The road to Assiûṭ, which we encountered on our visit to et-Tell (see p. 22), leads across the Gebel Abu Fêdah and reaches the Nile at Beni Moḥammed, near the S. base of this hill. In the hill beyond Beni Moḥammed are some tombs of the 6th Dyn., with uninteresting and half-effaced representations of agricultural and other scenes. In the valley lies the Coptic convent Dêr el-Gebrai, containing a Greek inscription (discovered by Mr. Harris) in the shape of a dedication of the camp of the Lusitanian Cohort, which served under Diocletian and Maximian, to Zeus, Hercules, and Nike (Victoria). In the desert, between the convent and the hills, are some scanty fragments of walls of brick, which seem to have belonged to the fortified camp.
Between Monfalût and Assiûṭ (26 M. by water, 17 M. by land) the Nile makes several great bends, which occasion a good deal of delay to navigation. The generally favourable N.E. wind here sometimes blows broadside on, and sometimes even against us. The greatest curves are at Bâḳir el - Menḳabâd and el - Amrâg. El-Menḳabâd, Coptic Man Kapot (‘potters’ village’), situated on an artificial arm of the Nile, has long been famous for its pottery. To

the S. of it lies Benîb (or Ebnûb) el-Ḥammâm, inhabited by Copts. The mountains of the E. bank now recede, and the foot-hills of the Libyan chain approach the river, on the banks of which grow several fine groups of sycamores. The minarets of Assiûṭ now come into sight, and numerous dredgers are seen at work in the canals. We land at el-Ḥamrah, the palm-enclosed harbour of Assiûṭ, with its steamers and other boats.
Passengers by railway reach Assiûṭ in the evening after dark, as the train is not due till 6.30 p.m. and is generally late. Those who do not wish to spend a day here, in order to see the town and the neighbouring tombs (p. 32), should at once transfer themselves and their luggage to the steamer (dragoman of the steamboat agents at the station). The path to el-Ḥamrah (see above), a walk of about 20 min. (donkeys for hire), leads along the railway track, and, as it is not lighted, a man should precede the party with a lantern. The train, however, often runs right down to the harbour. On reaching the steamer the traveller should at once make sure that all his baggage has been brought aboard.
Assiûṭ, Asyûṭ, or Siûṭ (New Hotel, kept by G. Benois, near the station, 12s. per day, not very good), 252 M. from Bûlâk., is one of the oldest and now one of the most important towns on the Nile, containing 31,600 inhab., a railway station, and steamboat, post, and telegraph offices. There are British, American, French, German, and Austrian consular representatives. The public baths are well fitted up. The Egyptian Mission of the American Presbyterians (100 stations, 26 churches, 97 schools) has one of its stations here, with interesting schools for girls and boys. The sacred name of the place, Pa anub (‘town of the wolf-headed Anubis’) or Pa ap ḥeru kemā (‘S. town of the way-opener’, i.e. Anubis) gave rise to its Greek name of Lycopolis (see below). Its secular name, even in the ancient kingdom, was

Saut, Coptic Siōut. No other town, except Mêdûm, has preserved its ancient name with so little change. With the exception of a few fragments of columns, nothing remains of the living quarters of the ancient town, but the older part of the necropolis contains some very interesting relics of early times.
Plotinus, the greatest of the Neo-Platonic philosophers (205–270 A. D.), was born here in the beginning of the 3rd cent., and his system was not uninfluenced by the priestly doctrines of his native town. From the beginning of the 4th cent. onwards Christianity was dominant in the town and neighbourhood. Pious believers took refuge in the caves of the necropolis to live a life of penitence apart from the world. One of these, John of Lycopolis, at the end of the 4th cent., bore the reputation of a saint and even of a prophet. Theodosius sent an embassy to him to enquire the outcome of the civil war. The anchorite foretold a complete but bloody victory, and this prophecy was fulfilled in the victory of Theodosius over Eugenius at Aquileia in 394 A.D. The life of the saint of Lycopolis was written by his friends Rufinus and Palladius. The grotto that he occupied cannot now be distinguished from the numerous others in the hills; but the rocky chamber of another hermit of the name of John can be identified in the vicinity of Beniḥasan, for he wrote on the wall the Coptic phrase: ‘make prayers for me miserable. I am John’. Towards the end of his life St. John of Assiûṭ lived in the Convent of the Seven Hills, at the top of the ridge, which was named after him the Convent of St. John the Less. Maḳrìzi relates that St. John, at the bidding of his

teacher, once planted and watered a piece of dry wood, and that a fruit-tree sprang up, called the ‘Tree of Obedience’, yielding fruit for the monks.
From very early times Assiûṭ was considered the northernmost point of the Thebaïd.
The steamers and dhahabîyehs are met at el-Ḥamrah by donkey boys with well-saddled donkeys and by sellers of pottery, which can nowhere in Egypt be obtained better than here. The fine pottery of Assiûṭ, especially its bottles and pipe-bowls, is justly celebrated and forms an important article in its export trade, which also deals in linen, embroidered leather goods, ostrich feathers and other products of the Sûdân, natron, soda, and corn. It has, however, lost part of its commercial importance since the great caravans from W. Africa have frequented other routes and places. Large trains of camels still come from Dârfûr and Kordofân, generally encamping at Beni ‘Adîn (p. 29), 19 M. to the N. W. of Assiûṭ. The vicinity of Assiûṭ is one of the best-cultivated districts in the valley of the Nile, the fertile strip between the Libyan and Arabian Mts. here attaining a width of 12 M. The province of Assiûṭ, the mudîr of which resides here, contains 234 villages with 583, 596 inhab. (incl. the oases of Khârgeh and Dâkhel). Near the harbour are several large palm-gardens, in which also grow pomegranate, fig, and other fruit-trees. These gardens are let at enormous prices and produce rich harvests of fruit.
Those who have 2½-3 hrs. to spare should not omit to ride through the town and to the tombs on the slopes of the Libyan limestone hills, not only for the sake of the antiquities, but to see the busy Oriental life in the bazaars and to enjoy the view from the graves. Candles and matches must not be forgotten. To visit Assiûṭ from the dhahabîyeh and to ride through it takes about 1 hr. The town lies about ¾ M. from the river and is reached from the harbour by an embanked road shaded with beautiful trees. Outside the town lie the long government buildings. The streets are full of busy life, especially on Sundays, when the people of the neighbourhood flock into the market. Oriental wares are cheaper in the bazaars of Assiûṭ than at Cairo, but European goods are dearer. The better houses are of burned brick, the meaner of sun-dried Nile bricks. The façades on the street are generally unimposing, but a glance into one of the courts of the bigger houses will show that the wealthy merchants of Assiûṭ are not indifferent to comfort and display. The main street intersecting the town from E. to W. is nearly 3 M. long.
Necropolis of Ancient Lycopolis. To reach this from the harbour we require at least ¾ hr. Riding through part of the town, we diverge from the main street at the point where it bends to the right and proceed to the left, through the cultivated land and across a handsome bridge, to the foot of the Libyan hills. The dark openings of the tombs and caves are conspicuous at a distance in the abrupt sides of the mountain, below which lies the new Arab

cemetery. On the way, especially in the forenoon, we often meet funeral processions, resembling, with their wailing women and water-distributors, those of Cairo, but producing a much more solemn effect through the absence of the bustle of the crowded streets and the presence of the deserted city of the dead. Nowhere, not even in Cairo, are the funeral songs so strange and weird as here, or sung by such deep and tuneful voices.
At the foot of the hill we dismount and follow the good path which leads to the most interesting tombs. A tomb below, near the Arab cemetery, is unimportant. Mighty grandees of the ancient empire, who filled the highest secular and ecclesiastical offices, hewed huge vaults in the rocks here for the reception of their mummies. Other tombs, smaller and less elaborately decorated, belong to simple burghers of a latter period; and there are also holes in the rock for mummies of the jackal, which was sacred to Anubis Apheru, the local deity of Assiûṭ. It is this animal that the Greeks in this instance wrongly called Lykos or wolf (whence Lycopolis), but a few genuine wolf-bones have also been discovered here. Mummified dogs, kittens, and birds of prey have been found, wrapped in linen bands and sometimes adorned with gilding. Those who do not object to creep into some of the dusty and ill-smelling holes will still easily find fragments of sacred animals. The jackal, along with the Uræus-snake, flaunted proudly on the standard of this nome, the chief town of which was the capital of the whole of Upper Egypt in the time of the ancient empire.
The path, which is well-made though somewhat steep, leads us first to a large rock-hall, the ceiling of which is roughly hewn in the form of a vault and still bears traces of blue stars painted on a yellow ground. Sadly defaced inscriptions, in the style of the ancient empire, cover the walls. The hieroglyphics on the door are half obliterated, but enough remains to show that this was the grave of Hap-Zefa, son of Dame At ât, a high-priest, and governor of S. Egypt. The Arabs call it Isṭabl ‘Antar, or the stable of Antar, a hero of tradition (comp. their name for the Speos Artemidos at Beniḥasan, p. 11). The ∗View from this tomb is very fine. The fertile land and the Nile enclosed by the limestone hills of Libya and the Arabian mountains in the distance form a quiet but by no means monotonous setting for the beautiful town of Assiûṭ with its eleven minarets and its environment of palm-gardens. The view is still grander from the higher tombs. The second chamber of this tomb is covered with important inscriptions. To the right on entering is one of 64 lines, which cannot be read without the aid of a long ladder and a good lantern. It contains ten articles from the code relating to the worship of the dead, determining, amongst other things, the sacrificial gifts for the statues of the deceased. These were translated first by Maspero and afterwards by Erman, while the revised text has been published by F. L. Griffith (1889). To the left is

another almost illegible inscription, engraved, like a palimpsest, above an older text and referring to Ḥap-Zefa; on the same side are cartouches of Usertesen I.
Higher up, to the right (N.), is a row of three tombs close to each other, the northernmost of which has been destroyed. The second is the Kahf el-‘Asâkir, or Soldiers’ Tomb, so named from the rows of warriors on its S. wall. On the right side of this tomb is a long and partly effaced inscription, referring not only to Kheti, father of Tef āb, the owner of the tomb, but also to King Merikara (12th Dyn., acc. to Maspero, of the 10th or Heracleopolitan Dyn.), in whose reign Kheti lived.
The adjoining tomb (to the left or S.; No. 3) contains a long inscription referring to Tef āb, a high-priest of Apheru (Anubis), lord of Assiût. A little farther to the S. is the tomb (No. 2) of another Ḥap-Zefa, son of Aï and headman of the district of Atef-khent.
The geological formation of this hill of tombs is very interesting, especially on account of the numerous specimens of Callianasse nilotica and other fossils found on its upper part. The limestone is so hard that it emits sparks, and flints occur in considerable quantity.
Among the curiosities of Assiûṭ there must not be forgotten the small piece of water standing between the river and the town, the ancient legend of whose effect upon virgins is still half seriously related. Paul Lucas is probably the first author who mentions it, and Michaelis devotes a paragraph to it in his edition of Abulfeda‘s Description of Egypt (A. 189): ‘De quo stagno fingunt Siutenses, ejus potu signa virginitatis eripi, unde excusatas habent novas nuptas virginitatem non prodentes, si stagni aquam degustarunt. Felix certe inventum, nec despero tales in vicina aliarum quoque et Europae urbium, quod felix faustumque virginibus sit, fontes’.
At Beni Mohammed el-Kufûr, opposite Assiût, are several important tombs of the 6th Dynasty, belonging to nomarchs and (probably) relatives of King Pepi.

[Back to top]

2. The Fayûm.

Comp. Map, p. 2.
A TOUR THROUGH THE FAYÛM, including a visit to the Labyrinth, the site of Lake Mœris, the Birket el-Ḳurûn with its abundant wildfowl, and the ruins in its neighbourhood, takes 6–8 days, and requires a tent, a dragoman, and a supply of provisions. A dragoman charges 30–40 fr. a day for each person, according to the requirements of his employers, and for that sum he is bound to provide them with a tent, provisions (wine excepted), and donkeys, or other means of conveyance, and to pay railway fares and all other expenses. A written contract (comp. p. xx), specifying the places to be visited, the points where some stay is to be made (on which occasions a reduced charge per day should be stipulated for), and other particulars, should be drawn up before starting. Those who intend to visit Medînet el-Fayûm and its immediate environs only, and who do not object to rough quarters for one or two nights, may dispense with a dragoman and a tent, but should be provided with a moderate supply of food. An introduction to the mudîr will be of great service in enabling the traveller to procure the necessary horses or donkeys, which the inhabitants are often unwilling to hire (comp. pp. 37, 42).
Since the completion of the railway this excursion has usually been undertaken from Cairo, but it may also be combined with a visit to Saḳḳârah. It was formerly usual to visit the Fayûm in connection with a journey up the Nile, but this plan entails needless expense, as the boat and its crew have to be paid for while lying idle for several days. If,

however, the traveller prefers this plan, he disembarks at Wastah and sends on his dhahabîyeh to Benisuêf, which he afterwards reaches by railway.
RAILWAY from Cairo to Medînet el-Fayûm (Ligne de la Haute-Egypte), 75 M., in about 4 hrs. The trains are often late. — A train starts daily at 8.30 a.m. from the Bûlâḳ ed-Dakrûr station, reaching Wastah (p. 1) at 10.38 a.m. (halt of 20 min.; change carriages) and Medînet el-Fayûm at 12.15 p.m. A second train starts from Bûlâḳ ed-Dakrûr at 3 p.m., reaching Wastah at 5.29, where the train leaving Assiût at 8.30 a.m. arrives at 4.25 p.m. From Wastah the Fayûm train proceeds at 5.45 p.m., reaching Medîneh at 7 p.m. — From Medînet el-Fayûm the line goes on to Ṣenhûr, but for a visit to the Birket el-Ḳurûn horses must be brought from Medîneh (comp. p. 42). — A train leaves Medînet-el-Fayûm daily at 9 a.m., reaching Wastah at 10.15 a.m. and Bûlâḳ ed-Dakrûr at 1.15 a.m.
SITUATION AND HISTORY OF THE FAYûM. In the great plateau of the Libyan Desert, which rises 300–400 ft. above the sea-level, is situated the province of the FAYÛM (from the ancient Egyptian ‘Phiom’, i.e. marsh or lake district), the first of the oases (p. 343), which is usually considered to belong to the valley of the Nile, and is justly celebrated for its extra-ordinary fertility (p. 36). This tract is in the form of an oval basin, 840 sq. M. in area, and supports a population of 200,000 souls; it is enclosed by the Libyan hills, which are here of moderate height, and lies about three-fifths of a degree to the S. of Cairo. It enjoys a remarkably fine climate, and has but rarely been visited by the plague. This ‘land of roses’ is still one of the most beautiful parts of Egypt, and more than any other part of the Nile valley deserves the well known epithet of ‘the gift of the Nile’, bestowed on Egypt by Herodotus, as it is entirely indebted for its fertility to the waters of the Nile with which it is artificially irrigated. The Baḥr Yûsuf (p. 28), a channel 207 M, in length, which is more probably a natural branch of the river, artificially adapted, than a canal, diverges from the Nile to the N. of Assiût, and flows through a narrow opening in the Libyan chain into the Fayûm, where it divides into numerous ramifications, abundantly watering the whole district. One of its branches runs towards the N., skirting the E. slopes of the Libyan hills. At the point where the Baḥr Yusûf enters the Fayûm, the district forms a plateau of moderate height, descending towards the W. in three gradations towards the Birket el-Ḳurûn, a long, narrow lake, extending from S. W. to N. E. On the easternmost and highest part of the oasis the Labyrinth and Lake Mœris (pp. 39, 40) were once situated; the central part yields the luxuriant crops for which the province is famous; while the western-most part chiefly consists of sterile desert land. To the W. and N. of the Birket el-Kurûn rise precipitous limestone hills, beyond which lies the immense sandy desert of Ṣaḥâra. The Fayûm must have been reclaimed from the desert at a very early period, probably during the early empire, in the reign of Amenemha III., as monuments of his period indicate that he was perhaps the first of the Pharaohs who sought to regulate the whole course of the Nile. On the Upper Nile Prof. Lepsius has found Nilometers constructed by that monarch, and in the Fayûm, on the site of the Labyrinth, a number of blocks of stone inscribed with his name. The Greeks called him Ameris, or Moeris, and believed that the lake known to them as ‘Lake Mœris’, which they regarded as a marvel of engineering skill, was named after him. The word meri, however, is the Egyptian for lake or overflow, so that the great basin of the Fayûm was simply ‘the lake’; and it was from his exertions in connection with the irrigation works that Amenemha obtained the name of Mœris. We learn from several inscriptions, and from a papyrus roll treating of the Fayûm, that the province was known in the time of the Pharaohs as Ta shet, or the lake-land, and that Lake Mœris was called hun-t, signifying the discharge or posterior lake. On its bank rose the celebrated Labyrinth, which was probably renewed by the Bubastite monarchs of the 22nd Dynasty. About the same period the town of Crocodilopolis, situated on Lake Mœris, and afterwards called Arsinoë after the wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus, was so extended and embellished by Osorkon I. that it is called the ‘city of Osorkon I.’ in the inscription on the celebrated

stele of Piankhi. The whole province was at first called the lake-land, then the district of Crocodilopolis, and lastly the Arsinoite Nome. The deity most highly revered here was the crocodile-headed Sebek, the reptile sacred to whom was carefully tended in Lake Mœris. At the same time the voracious and dangerous monster, notwithstanding the reverence paid to it on account of its connection with the inundation, was also regarded as Typhonic, and the Crocodilopolitan nome was therefore passed over in the lists of nomes. — At the period preceding that of the Psamtikides of the 26th Dynasty the Labyrinth appears to have been used as a hall for great imperial assemblies. At the period of the Ptolemies and the Romans the products of the Fayûm were much extolled. ‘The Arsinoite Nome’, says Strabo, ‘is the most remarkable of all, both on account of its scenery and its fertility and cultivation. For it alone is planted with large, full-grown, and richly productive olive-trees, and the oil is good when carefully prepared; those who are neglectful may indeed obtain oil in abundance, but it has a bad smell. In the rest of Egypt the olive-tree is never seen, except in the gardens of Alexandria, where under favourable circumstances they yield olives, but no oil. Vines, corn, podded plants, and many other products also thrive in this district in no small abundance’. — Strabo's description is still applicable at the present day. The oranges and mandarins, peaches, olives, figs, cactus fruit, pomegranates, and grapes grown here are much esteemed, and the beautiful, rich-coloured red roses of the gardens of the Fayûm, which were once so lavishly strewn at the banquets of Cleopatra, still thrive here. At the station of Medînet el-Fayûm small phials of attar of roses, of inferior quality, are frequently offered for sale. Isma‘il Pasha devoted special attention to this favoured part of his dominions. The fields, which are watered by means of wheels of peculiar construction, yield rice, sugar, cotton, flax, and hemp, besides the usual cereals. The beginning of November is probably the season at which the traveller will obtain the most distinct idea of the fertile character of the district. — The Inhabitants are fellâḥîn, or tillers of the soil, and Beduins. To the latter race belong the poor fishermen who inhabit the banks of the Birket el-Kurûn. Many of the peasants also call themselves ‘Arabs’, and the wealthier of them are generally well mounted.
From Cairo to el-Wastah (51 M.), see p. 1. Travellers coming from Cairo change carriages here; stay of 20 min. in the forenoon, 17 min. in the afternoon.
The branch-line to the Fayûm runs towards the W., across cultivated land, to the village of Abu Râdi, beyond which it traverses a desert tract for 35 min., and then crosses the low and bleak Libyan chain of hills, reaching its highest point at a level of 190 ft. above the sea. We then descend, cross the Baḥr el-Wardân, which flows towards the Baḥr Yûsuf from the N., and then the water-course of el-Bats (p. 38), and near the station of (19 M.) el-Adweh (69 ft.), on the right, we again perceive cultivated land. On the left is a cemetery with the dilapidated tombs of several shêkhs. Numerous palm-branches are placed by the tombstones as tokens of affection. On the right stretches an ancient dyke, which once may have belonged to the embankment of Lake Mœris (p. 40). We pass the station of el-Maslûb, traverse rich arable land, and soon reach (23½ M.) —
Medînet el-Fayûm, the ‘town of the lake-district’, situated to the S. of the site of Crocodilopolis-Arsinoë, the ancient capital of the province (Hôtel du Fayoûm, 10s. daily; with a letter of introduction from Cairo quarters may also be obtained at the American

mission-station or at the house of the Italian curé). It contains about 40,000 inhab., and is a not unpleasing specimen of an Egyptian town. Between the station and the town we observe a peculiar, undershot sâḳiyeh, or water-wheel driven by the water itself. The very long covered bazaar contains nothing of special interest. The traveller, even if unprovided with an introduction, should pay a visit to the mudîr, who will protect him from extortion in case of any difficulty with the owners of horses and others (comp. p. 34). A broad arm of the Baḥr Yûsuf (p. 35) flows through the middle of the town. The mosque of Ḳait Bey, on the N. side of the town, now somewhat dilapidated, is the only interesting building of the kind. It contains numerous antique columns, brought from the ancient Arsinoë, some of which have shafts of polished marble with Arabic inscriptions, and Corinthian and other capitals. Below the mosque, on the bank of the Baḥr Yûsuf, are some remains of ancient masonry. No ancient inscriptions have been discovered here, but the walls of some of the houses contain fragments which must have belonged to ancient temples. At the W. end of the town the Baḥr Yûsuf radiates into numerous branches, which water the country in every direction. The dilapidated mosque of Ṣofi situated here forms a picturesque foreground.
To the N. of the town are the extensive ruins of Crocodilopolis-Arsinoë, which has been entirely destroyed. The site is now called Kôm Fâris. Many antiquities, both of the Roman and the Christian period, have been found here, including numerous small terracotta lamps and many thousand fragments of papyri, intermixed with pieces of parchment. Most of the papyri are Greek (among them fragments of Homer, Euripides, Thucydides, also of a Christian catechetical book), many are Arabic from the 2nd cent. of the Hegira down to 943 A.D.; and others are in Coptic, Pehlevi, Sassanide-Persian, and Meroitic-Ethiopian characters. Several fragments in hieratic and hieroglyphic characters, the oldest from the time of Ramses III. (about 1300 B. C.), have also been discovered. As the writings are for the most part tax-papers, it has been supposed that they belonged to a tax office of the town of Crocodilopolis, where old papyri also were used. A large number of the papyri found here were acquired by Consul Travers for the Berlin Museum, and even a larger number by Theod. Graf and Archduke Rainer for the Austrian Museum of Art and Industry at Vienna. The very extensive cemetery of the town, with its picturesque tombstones, covers part of the site of the ancient city; the highest of the mounds of rubbish command a survey of the whole of the Fayûm. At the N. end of the ruins, about 1¼ M. from Medîneh, M. Schweinfurth discovered the remains of a large temple with a pylon, in front of which is a sitting figure of Amenemha I., the founder of the 12th Dyn., and inside several slabs with the name of Ramses the Great. A head with Hyksos features, now in the museum of Gîzeh, has

also been found here. According to Mr. Flinders Petrie, the temple proper, which was 490 ft. wide and had a double colonnade, belongs to the 26th Dynasty.
The village of Bihamu, about 4 M. to the N. of Medîneh, was doubtless once situated on the bank of Lake Mœris. It still contains some shapeless ruins of ancient origin, destitute of inscription, but supposed to be the remains of the pyramids which according to Herodotus once stood in the lake. They are now called Kursi Far‘ûn, or chair of Pharaoh, and resemble dilapidated altars rising above other fragments of solid masonry. If they were once pyramids, the greater part of them must have been removed, as the walls are now but slightly inclined inwards. Distinct traces of the water in which they once stood are to be seen on their bases, and they are still surrounded by remains of walls, the purpose of which is unknown.
In the fields near Ebgig, or Begig, 2½ M. to the S. W. of Medîneh, lies a fine obelisk, broken into two parts, which must have once been at least 46 ft. in height (route to it rough and dirty). Like other obelisks, it is, horizontally, of oblong rectangular shape, and its summit is rounded. The inscriptions, which are damaged at many places, inform us that the monument was erected by Usertesen I., who also founded the obelisk of Heliopolis (Vol. I., p. 333), and belonged to the same family (12th Dyn.) as Amenemha III., the founder of the Labyrinth. — A visit to Bîhamu and Ebgîg is chiefly interesting to archæologists, and perhaps to botanists also.
EXCURSIONS. A whole day is required for a visit to the Pyramid of Hawârah and the Labyrinth (horse 10, donkey 5 fr.). The route leads at first for ¾ hr. along the bank of the Baḥr Yûsuf. The first village of any importance is Uhâfeh. Our path traverses well cultivated land with numerous water-wheels. The corn and cotton fields are shaded by numerous sycamores, lebbeks, palms, and other trees. About ½ hr. from Uhâfeh, and beyond two smaller villages, we reach a bridge of ancient brick masonry. Traversing the slightly undulating tract a little farther, we reach the Baḥr Belâh Mâh (‘river without water’), also called el-Bats, a deep channel, extending in a wide curve, and terminating near the N. E. end of the Birket el-Ḳurûn (p. 43). In winter the water, which trickles down from its lofty banks, forms a few scanty pools. At the bottom of the channel grow reeds and tamarisks. The S. bank rises at places nearly perpendicularly to a height of 26 ft., so that the sequence of the strata of the soil is distinctly observable. We now ascend the plateau (the highest in the province, 88 ft. above the sea level) on which lies Hawâret el-Ḳaṣab or Hawâret el-Maḳta, a considerable village, with a mosque (reached in 1¾ hr. from Medînet el-Fayûm). The traveller may apply to the Shêkh-el-Beled (prefect of the village) for a guide to the pyramid of Hawârah. If the water is high, and the canals have to be avoided, we have to make a circuit of nearly 2 hrs. to the Labyrinth, but by riding through the water, where necessary, it may be reached in ¾ hour.
The longer route is preferable, as it passes several relics of antiquity. A little beyond the village rises the bridge of Ḳanâṭir el-Agani, the ten buttresses of which rest on a foundation of massive stone. We continue to ride along an ancient embankment, and

thus reach the Ḳataṣantah structure, which consists of a terrace of six carefully jointed steps of large and well-hewn blocks, but bears no inscription whatever. We cross the Baḥr el- Wardân, which now intersects the ruins near the Pyramid of Hawârah, and which is sometimes called by the Arabs Baḥr el-Melekh or Baḥr esh-Sherḳi, i.e. river of the East. On the E. side lies the mass of buildings, which, according to Lepsius, was probably the Labyrinth (see below). In order to obtain a survey of these interesting ruins the traveller is recommended to ascend at once the Pyramid of Hawârah. This consists of unburnt bricks of Nile mud mixed with straw (Vol. I., p. 370), and, when its sides were perfect, covered an area of upwards of 116 sq. yards. It has been ascertained that the nucleus of the structure is a natural mass of rock, 39 ft. in height. The dilapidated summit is easily reached in a few minutes by a flight of well-worn steps. The entrance to the pyramid, on the S. side, was discovered in 1889 by Mr. Flinders Petrie. The tomb chamber is 22 ft. long, 8 ft. wide, and 6 ft. high; it was covered with three large slabs of stone and contained two sarcophagi, one of them of polished sandstone without inscription, and fragments of an alabaster vase with the name of Amenemha III. The chamber was filled with water to a depth of 3 ft.
Towards the S. we observe a congeries of chambers and passages of unburnt bricks, bounded by the Baḥr esh-Sherḳi, and pronounced by Lepsius to be the right side of the Labyrinth, and the only part of it which is to some extent preserved. On the other side of the Pyramid there was doubtless a similar collection of rooms which has now disappeared; and several other structures beyond them, of which traces still remain, must have once existed there. The whole Labyrinth must have been in the shape of a horseshoe. Between the wing of the Labyrinth which still exists, and that which has disappeared, lies an extensive space strewn with broken pottery, in the middle of which are large fragments of a magnificent ancient temple. The base of the shaft of a small papyrus column, and a capital of the same order, both in the red stone of Assuân, with sculptured stalks and foliage, are worthy of notice. Some blocks disinterred here bearing the name of Amenemha III. have again been covered with sand. Several large blocks of limestone are also observed in the middle of this large court of the Labyrinth. The inscriptions are almost entirely destroyed, but faint traces of painting, and the symbols

(âa) and

(u), are still recognisable. From the traces still existing, the whole structure would appear to have occupied an area of 8800 sq. yds., and the large inner court an area of about 60 acres.
The Ancient Labyrinth. According to Brugsch, the Greek name Labyrinthos, which has been differently interpreted, is derived from ‘erpa’, or ‘elpa-rohunt’, i. e. the ‘Temple of the mouth of the Lake’. The inscriptions found here by Lepsius prove that it was founded by Amenemha III. of the 12th Dynasty. Herodotus declares that the Labyrinth,

which was afterwards reckoned as ‘one of the wonders of the world’, was so vast as to surpass all the buildings of the Greeks taken together and even the Pyramids themselves. For the best description we are indebted to Strabo, who visited the Labyrinth in person. He says: ‘There is also the Labyrinth here, a work as important as the Pyramids, adjoining which is the tomb of the king who built the Labyrinth. After advancing about 30–40 stadia beyond the first entrance of the canal, there is a table-shaped surface, on which rise a small town and a vast palace, consisting of as many royal dwellings as there were formerly nomes. There is also an equal number of halls, bordered with columns and adjoining each other, all being in the same row, and forming one building, like a long wall having the halls in front of it. The entrances to the halls are opposite the wall. In front of the entrances are long and numerous passages which have winding paths running through them, so that the ingress and egress to each hall is not practicable to a stranger without a guide. It is a marvellous fact that each of the ceilings of the chambers consists of a single stone, and also that the passages are covered in the same way with single slabs of extraordinary size, neither wood nor other building material having been employed. On ascending the roof, the height of which is inconsiderable, as there is only one story, we observe a stone surface consisting of large slabs. Descending again, and looking into the halls, we may observe the whole series borne by twenty-seven monolithic columns. The walls also are constructed of stones of similar size. At the end of this structure, which is more than a stadium in length, is the tomb, consisting of a square pyramid, each side of which is four plethra (400 ft.) in length, and of equal height. The deceased, who is buried here, is called Ismandes. It is also asserted that so many palaces were built, because it was the custom for all the nomes, represented by their magnates, with their priests and victims, to assemble here to offer sacrifice and gifts to the gods, and to deliberate on the most important concerns. Each nome then took possession of the hall destined for it. Sailing about a hundred stadia beyond this point, we next reach the town of Arsinoë’, etc. This description of Strabo is confirmed by the contents of two papyri, one of which is in the museum of Gîzeh, the other in private possession (Mr. Hood). The deities of 66 districts are enumerated here, 24 of whom belong to Upper Egypt, 20 to Lower Egypt, and 22 to the Fayûm.
It is very doubtful whether we should consider these buildings of Nile bricks as remains of the ancient Labyrinth, or rather as tombs. Certainly nothing is left that recalls in any way the splendour of the old ‘wonder of the world’. Except some blocks of limestone, nothing remains of the extensive structures once erected here, save the pyramid ‘at the end of the labyrinth’.
To the N. of the pyramid Mr. Flinders Petrie discovered some mummy coffins with carefully painted heads (now in London). Of still greater value are the portraits found at el-Rubayât, 13 M. to the N. E. of Medînet el-Fayûm, which were purchased and brought to Europe by M. Theodore Graf.
Lake Mœris. The object of Lake Mœris, which has long since been dried up, was to receive the superfluous water in the case of too high an inundation, and to distribute its contents over the fields when the overflow was insufficient. Strabo describes Lake Mœris in the following terms: ‘Owing to its size and depth it is capable of receiving the superabundance of water during the inundation, without overflowing the habitations and crops; but later, when the water subsides, and after the lake has given up its excess through one of its two mouths, both it and the canal retain water enough for purposes of irrigation. This is accomplished by natural means, but at both ends of the canal there are also lock-gates, by means of which the engineers can regulate the influx and efflux of the water.’ The lock-gate, which in ancient times admitted the water conducted from the Nile by the canal into the lake,

was probably situated near the modern el-Lahûn (see below), the name of which is supposed to be derived from the old Egyptian ‘Ro-hun’ or ‘Lohun’, i.e. ‘the mouth of the lake’, and the site of which was probably once occupied by the town of Ptolemaïs.
There is a difference of opinion as to the Situation and Form of the Ancient Lake. Linant-Bey, arguing from the considerable difference of level between the two lakes, maintains that the Birket el-Ḳurûn (Lake of the Horns, p. 43) could never have formed part of Lake Mœris, as was formerly supposed, and he assigns to the latter a much smaller area than was attributed to it under the earlier theory. Placing it farther to the S. E., nearer to the Labyrinth and el-Lahûn, he makes its boundary-line run towards the S.S. W. of Medînet el-Fayûm to the Birket el-Gharaḳ, and intersect the desert of Shêkh Aḥmed, where the ancient height of the water, which far exceeds the level attained in modern times, has left its traces; it then leads to Ḳalamshah, turns to the N. to Dêr, and then to the E. and S. E. to Dimishḳîneh, follows the embankment of Pillawâneh, and passes Hawâret el-Ḳebîr and the bridge of el-Lâhûn (see below). Hence the boundary leads by Dimmo towards the N. E. to Seleh, and thence to the W. to Bîhamu (p. 38); then again to the S., and thus returns to Medînet el-Fayûm. — A somewhat fatiguing journey of 2–3 days will enable the traveller to complete this circuit of the bed of the lake, which is now dried up. Recently, however, Mr. F. Cope Whitehouse, relying upon the great circumference assigned by Herodotus (II, 149) to the lake, of 3600 stadia (reduced by Linant to 360) or about 335 M. (Pliny says 230 M.), and upon measurements made by himself on the spot, ascribes a considerably larger area to the lake than Linant, and maintains that it extended on the S. W. to the Wâdi Rayân. It is not improbable that in ancient times nearly the whole of the Fayûm could be laid under water, so that even the Birket el-Ḳurûn belonged to Lake Mœris, but that the entire system was meant for the watering of the Fayûm alone and not of the Nile valley or the Delta. Considering that the bed of the lake must annually have been raised by the deposit of Nile mud, it follows, that as soon as the raising of the embankments and the removal of the mud were discontinued, the lake must have become unserviceable, especially after the lock-gates at el-Lahûn fell to decay, each opening of which, as Diodorus informs us, cost 50 talents (i.e. about 11.250l.?). The discharge of the superfluous water probably ran through the Baḥr Belâh Mâb, which has already been mentioned (p. 38), or through the Wâdi Nezleh (p. 42), both of which fall into the Birket el-Ḳurûn. The ancient conjecture, that the latter discharged part of its water into the Ṣaḥâra (or, as Herodotus says, the ‘Libyan Syrte’), was not an unnatural one.
A visit to the Pyramid of el-Lahûn or Illahûn is only interesting to those who are desirous of convincing themselves of the truth of Linant's hypothesis, and to make the circuit of the boundaries of the old bed of the lake (see above). The pyramid, which is built of Nile bricks, may be reached from Hawâret el-Ḳaṣab in 4–5, or from the Labyrinth in 3–4 hours. It has been recently been opened by Fraser. The discovery of an alabaster altar with the name of Usertesen II. renders it probable that the pyramid was built by that monarch. A smaller pyramid lies to the N. E. The remains of the ancient embankments, which were tolerably well preserved in the time of the Khalifs, are not without attraction. Those who are interested in hydraulic engineering should also inspect the entrance of the Baḥr Yûsuf into the Fayûm.
About ½ M. to the E. of the pyramid of el-Lahûn, Mr. Flinders Petrie discovered a temple in 1889, and close beside it the ruins of the town Ha-Usertesen-hotep, now called Kahun. The latter was founded by Usertesen II (12th Dyn.) for the labourers on his pyramid. Among the articles found here were pottery, flint and copper implements of the 12th Dyn., numerous papyri of the same period, a statuette of Si-Sebek (13th Dyn.), a wooden stamp of Apepi, and a large wooden door of Osorkon I.
Gurob, 1½ M. to the W. S. W. of Illahûn and close to the edge of the desert, owed its origin to Tutmes III., who built a temple there. Many of the inhabitants were foreigners. Mr. Petrie discovered here fragments

of pottery of the time of Tutankhamon and Ramses II., resembling the most ancient potsherds found at Mycenæ. The coffin of Amentursha, discovered here, is now at Oxford. The pottery bears Egyptian stamps, but also letters of the Cyprian, Phœnician, and other alphabets.
Birket el-Ḳurûn and Ḳaṣr Ḳurûn (tent, horses, provisions, etc., comp. p. 34). The RAILWAY from Medînet el-Fayûm viâ Ṣenru and Abu Gonsheh to (15 M.) Abuksah (see below) and thence to Ṣenhûr and (7½ M.) Tirseh is used almost exclusively for the conveyance of sugar-cane to the manufactories of the Khedive. Travellers going by railway (one train daily from Medîneh to Abuksah, starting about noon, and performing the journey in about 1 hr.) must take horses with them for the continuation of their journey. The following routes are all practicable, but the third is to be preferred: —
(1) We proceed by land viâ Nezleh (where boats must be ordered for the passage of the lake) to Ḳaṣr Ḳurûn; then by water to Dîmeh, and again by water to the S. bank of the lake, situated in the latitude of Ṣenhûr, which lies about 4 M. inland. The horses should be sent on from Ḳaṣr Ḳurûn to the lake (unless the somewhat refractory guides refuse to obey), in order that we may ride to Ṣenhûr, and thence to Medînet el-Fayûm. Four or five days are required for the excursion; the points of interest are mentioned in the third route. The road from Nezleh (see below) to Ḳaṣr Ḳurûn (4 hrs.) leads through the desert, past the remains of a small temple, called by the Arabs Ḳaṣr el-Benût, or ‘Maidens’ Castle’.
(2) If the traveller renounces Dîmeh and Ḳaṣr Ḳurûn, and is satisfied with the sport to be obtained in the Baḥr el-Wâdi, he may easily make the excursion in 2½-3 days. On the first day the route skirts the railway (see above) to (2 hrs.) Ṣenrû; it then leads through a plantation of opuntia, the growth of which is so gigantic that it almost resembles a forest, and across a sandy tract overgrown with tamarisks to (2 hrs.) Abuksah, situated on a hill, and commanding a fine survey of the lake and the Libyan mountains. At the N. base of the hill near the railway station (see above) is a sugar manufactory, superintended by a Frenchman, who accords a kind reception to travellers. We now proceed to the S. W. across meadows, and through a somewhat marshy district, to (2½ hrs.) Absheh, situated close to Nezleh. (The traveller is recommended to spend the night in a tent rather than among the Beduins.) Next day we follow the valley of the Baḥr el-Wâdi (or Baḥr Nezleh), which is bounded by large mud-hills, to the lake (2½ hrs.), where we spend the middle of the day. (The numerous dead fish on the bank of the lake render its proximity unpleasant; boats are to be had from the Beduins.) In the evening we return to Absheh, and on the third day to Medînet el-Fayûm.
(3) Four days at least are required for the somewhat longer route viâ Ṣenhûr and the lake to Ḳaṣr Ḳurûn, if the traveller wishes to visit Dîmeh, and shoot on the lake. The route first skirts the

railway and the villa of Maḥmûd Bey, and then passes the tomb of a shêkh, where a draught of good water is offered to the traveller by a dervish. A number of dry ditches must be crossed, and also several canals, where the traveller on horseback will hardly escape from wetting his feet when the water is high; if he rides on a donkey, he should get the Arabs to carry him and his saddle across. The fields which we pass are remarkably well cultivated, and the eye rests with pleasure on trees of various kinds, including fine olives in the gardens, with hedges of cactus. The vegetation is most luxuriant in the neighbourhood of Fidmîn, a village picturesquely situated on a slope, but inhabited by a thievish population. The Baḥr eṭ-Ṭâḥûneh (‘mill river’), one of the broader canals, must be crossed here. Beyond this point the country is, at places, green and well irrigated, and at others dry and sterile. One part of the route, which is flanked by luxuriant gardens of olives, pomegranates, and figs, is very muddy. After a ride of fully three hours we reach the locks and the bridge Ḳanâṭir Ḥasan. The large body of water of the canal, which is conducted from the Baḥr Yûsuf, here falls into a channel, which, with many ramifications, conveys it to the fields of Ṣenhûr.
The large village of Ṣenhûr (rail. station, see p. 42) lies on the border of the second plateau of the province. Those who visit Hawârah (p. 38) reach the first plateau, while the second is crossed on the way to Ṣenhûr; the third lies at our feet when looking down on the Birket el-Ḳurûn from the great Kôm, i.e. the ruin-strewn hill to the N. of the village. The handsome house of the Shêkh el-Beled offers good accommodation, and even quarters for the night. The traveller should make a bargain here for a boat with the shêkh of the fishermen. About 30 fr. for the day, and a baḳshîsh for the rowers (of whom 6–8 are necessary for speed), are demanded.
Ṣenhûr stands on the site of an ancient, and not unimportant, town, of which large heaps of ruins still remain. Roman walls are traceable in many places. A large building has recently been excavated by the peasants for the sake of obtaining the hard bricks of which it is built, but part of it has already been removed. No remains of columns or inscriptions have been met with.
From Ṣenhûr to the Birket el-Ḳurûn takes about 1½ hr. The route leads through sugar-plantations. We reach the lake near the peninsula known as el-Gezireh, on which stands a heap of ruins. A short distance to the W. are the scanty remains of el-Hammâm. the traveller, after having ridden to the lake, should not forget to order his horses, which return to Ṣenhûr, to await him for the return-journey at the spot where he has quitted them, or to order them to meet him in good time on the bank of the lake by Nezleh (see p. 42).
The Birket el-Ḳurûn (‘lake of the horns’) owes its name to its shape, which resembles that of slightly bent cows’ horns. It measures 34 M. in length, and, at its broadest part, is about 6½ M. wide. It is situated on the same level as the Mediterranean, and its depth averages 13 ft. The greenish water is slightly brackish

(scarcely fit for drinking), and abounds in fish, some of which are very palatable. The right of fishing is let by government, and the whole of the fishermen dwelling on the banks of the lake are in the service of the lessee, who receives one-half of the catch. The boats (merkeb) are very simply constructed, being without deck or mast; the traveller must take up his quarters on the flooring in the stern; none of the boats have sails, for, as the fish always go in the same direction as the wind, the fishermen have to row against the wind in order to catch them. Numerous pelicans, wild duck, and other water-fowl, frequent the lake. The banks are extremely sterile; on the N. side are barren hills of considerable height. In the middle of the lake rises a mass of rock, resembling a table, and serving as a landmark. Near the S. bank, from E. to W., lie the villages of Kafr Tamîyeh, Tirseh, Ṣenhûr, Abuksah, Beshuai, and Abû Gonsheh; the ruins of Dîmeh are situated on the N. bank, but there are no other villages of importance. A the S. W. end of the lake is the promontory of Khashm Khalîl, overgrown with tamarisks and reeds, the creeks of which afford good landing-places. Ascending thence across the desert, we reach the temple in about 1¼ hours. The fishermen object to pass the night on the bank in the neighbourhood of Ḳaṣr Ḳurûn, being afraid of the Beduins and the ‘Afrît’ (evil spirits).
Ḳaṣr Ḳurûn is a tolerably well preserved temple, probably of the Roman, or, at the earliest, of the Ptolemaic period. Before reaching it we observe numerous traces of an ancient town, which has now disappeared. The ground is strewn with blocks of hewn stone, burnt bricks, broken pottery, and fragments of glass. A circular foundation wall indicates the site of an ancient cistern, while other walls seem to have belonged to vineyards. The walls of the temple consists of carefully hewn blocks of hard limestone. This temple, like almost all the shrines in the oases, was dedicated to the ram-headed Ammon-Khnum, as is proved by the only two figures of this deity which still exist. They stand opposite to each other at the highest part of the posterior wall of the upper story of the open roof.
The temple is 20 yds. in width across the façade, and 29 yds. in length. The entrance, facing the E., is approached by a lofty and carefully constructed platform, 14 yds. in length, forming a fore-court, on the S. side of which rises a massive structure resembling a tower. Adjoining the façade of the temple, to the W. of the entrance door, rises a massive, semicircular projection, resembling the half of a huge column. On the lower floor are the apartments of the temple which were dedicated to worship, divided into a triple prosekos, and leading to the Sekos or sanctuary. In the first three rooms the ground slopes down towards the sanctuary, which built in the form of a cella, adjoins the third room of the prosekos, and (as in the case of other temples) was divided into three small rooms at the back. The sanctuary is flanked by two narrow passages, each of which is adjoined by three rooms. The rooms of the prosekos also have adjacent chambers from which we may enter the cellars, or ascend by two flights of steps to the upper floor with its different apartments, and thence to the roof, whence we obtain an extensive view of the

remains of the ancient city, of the lake, and the desert. Each gate of this curious building is surmounted by a winged disc of the sun; and over the doors leading into the second and third rooms of the prosekos and into the sanctuary, instead of the ordinary concave cornice, there is a series of Uræus snakes, which, with their outstretched heads and bending necks, together form a kind of cornice. The names of several travellers are engraved on the stone of the first room, including those of Paul Lucas, R. Pococke, Jomard, Roux, d'Anville, Coutelle, Bellier, Burton, Belzoni, Hyde, and Paul Martin. Ḳaṣr Ḳurûn has also been visited by Lepsius. There are no ancient inscriptions remaining.
To the E. of the large temple are situated two smaller Roman temples, in tolerable preservation, the larger of which, situated 300 paces from the smaller, is not without interest. Its walls (18 ft. by 19 ft.) consist of good burnt bricks, and its substructures of solid stone; the cella terminates in a niche resembling an apse; on each of the side-walls are two half-columns, which, as the fragments lying on the ground show, belong to the Ionic order. There are also some less important ruins covering an extensive area, but nothing has been found among them dating from an earlier period than the Roman. The construction of the walls, the architectural forms, and many coins found here, are Roman; and none of those small relics of the period of the Pharaohs, which are usually found so abundantly among the ruins of Egypt, have been discovered here. This was perhaps the site of the ancient Dionysias, a town which probably sprang up on the ruins of a Roman military station, situated on the extreme western side of Egypt. On the outskirts of the ruins are walls which perhaps belonged to gardens; there must also have been once an aqueduct for the purpose of supplying the inhabitants and their gardens with water.
From Ḳaṣr Ḳurûn to Dîmeh is one day's journey. Dimeh is situated opposite to the point at which we approach the lake from Ṣenhûr. The scanty ruins on the S. bank of the lake (El-Ḥammâmah, etc.), are not worthy of a visit; but the ruins of Dîmeh, although no inscriptions have been found there, present some attraction. A street, 400 yds. in length, formerly embellished with figures of lions, leads to a platform on which an important temple once stood. The numerous blocks scattered about here, resembling millstones, and apparently artificially rounded, are discovered on closer inspection to be of natural formation. The paved court was surrounded by a brick wall, and the temple itself contained several apartments; a peristyle, with columns now in ruins, led to the entrance. Notwithstanding the imperfect state of the ruins, they suffice to prove, that a town of very considerable importance, perhaps the ancient Bacchis, once stood here.

[Back to top]

3. From Assiûṭ to Beliâneh.

Comp. Map, p. 8.
107 M. STEAMBOAT upstream in 7 hrs., downstream in 6½ hrs. The mail-steamer steps for the night at Girgeh, both in ascending and descending. The length of the DHAHABîYEH VOYAGE depends upon the wind. With a favourable wind it takes about twice as long as the steamboat voyage; to Sohâg 4 hrs., thence to Girgeh 6 hrs., and thence to Beliâneh 3 hrs., in all about 13 hrs.
The voyage from Assiûṭ to Akhmîm leads through an extremely fertile and well-cultivated district. Well-tilled fields, broader on the W. than on the E., adjoin both banks of the river, and are shaded

by fine palms and Nile acacias, especially near the riverside villages. Here, as in most of Egypt, large quantities of pigeons are kept by the peasants, chiefly for the sake of their droppings, which form the only manure used in the fields, the dung of the cattle being dried and used as fuel. Large pigeon-houses, not unlike pylons, are visible in all the villages, and huge flocks of pigeons are seen wheeling in the air or settling like a dark cloud on the fields. Most of these pigeons are of the common grey species, and attain a considerable size, but many pretty little reddish-grey turtle doves are also seen. The traveller is at liberty to shoot these birds, which in the form of a pigeon-pie with olives form a most acceptable addition to his larder, but he should exercise this liberty with discretion and not rob the harmless fellâḥ of too many of his feathered friends. The pigeons really consume more than they produce, so that their encouragement by the fellâḥin is rightly regarded as a serious mistake in their husbandry.
Those who are interested in Egyptian agriculture may utilise the opportunity of an unfavourable wind to go ashore here. Formerly convent after convent occupied this district, and the gardens, of the monks, according to Maḳrîzi, made it possible for the traveller to walk continually in the shade. A few convents still remain, such as the Dêr er-Rîfeh (W. bank), on the slope of the Libyan hills, 8 M. to the S. W. of Assiûṭ, with the tomb of Tutus, son of Rahotep and commander of the archers, and other ancient Egyptian graves. The inscriptions prove that Shas-hotep, the capital of the Hypselite nome, lay in this vicinity, and it may perhaps be identified with the modern Shuṭeb. Of the Christians who resided here in the 11th cent. we are told that they spoke Greek as well as Coptic. Interesting Coptic MSS. may still reward the searcher in all these convents.
The traveller need not break his journey between Assiûṭ and Akhmîm, as even the antiquarian will derive little profit from the scanty remains on this part of the river. Wastah, nearly opposite Assiûṭ, perhaps occupies the site of the ancient Contralycopolis. In the Gebel Rokhâm, to the E. of the villages of el-Ghorêbîyeh and Natafeh, is an alabaster quarry.
15 M. Butîg or Abutig (steamboat and mail station), an agricultural town on the W. bank with 10,800 inhab. and a small harbour filled with Nile-boats, lies in the ancient Hypselite nome. The present name is probably derived from the conversion of the ancient Egyptian name Ha-abeti into the similarly-sounding Greek name of ‘

(Apotheke; Coptic Tapothyke), i.e. Storehouse, an admirable name for the chief town of a district so fertile in grain. Among the Hellenes it was generally known as Abotis.
At Bedâri, on the E. bank, 2 M. from the river, are some rude rock-tombs without inscriptions. On the W. bank follow the mail steamboat-stations Sedfeh and Temeh.


By following the Arab hills we reach, 5½ M. from Sedfeh, Râhineh, with four large quarries in the hard limestone rock and some tombs of the old empire with roughly cut calyx-capitals and half-effaced sculptures. Similar tombs are found at Shêkh Gâber and Dêr, a little to the S. E. Near Hamanîyeh, in the steep side of the rocky hill, are three grottoes, one above another, containing ancient tombs with inscriptions and representations, belonging to the royal officials Afa and Kakes. In antiquity the place was named Ka-khent

(Upper Ḳâu; see below).
14½ M. Ḳâu el-Kebîr, situated in the plain on the E. bank, is surrounded by a ring of hills, containing rock-tombs with sculptures and large quarries with some demotic representations. The few inscriptions refer to the old empire. Stamped bricks found in the mounds of debris belonged to the buildings of the 18th Dynasty. The quarries contain ornaments and representations of the Roman period. Ḳâu el-Kebîr stands on the site of the ancient Antæopolis, capital of the Antæopolitan nome, in which the hero Antæus and other deities were worshipped. An inscription found here reads:

, ‘to Antæus and his divine colleagues’. In ancient Egyptian it was called the ‘Nome of the two Gods’, probably in commemoration of the contest between Seth and Horus. According to the myth Antæus, son of Poseidon and Gæa, was a giant of immense strength, whom Osiris, on his journey through the world to introduce the vine and the culture of grain, appointed his vicegerent over the land bordering on Ethiopia and Libya. Busiris was governor of the land to the E. Antæus used his giant's strength to overcome and slay strangers, and Hercules had to try conclusions with him when he landed in Libya to steal the cattle of Geryon. After a violent struggle, Hercules succeeded in strangling his huge opponent. The deciding contest between Typhon (Seth) and Osiris, or rather Horus, son and representative of Osiris, took place, according to the version of the legend adopted by Diodorus, at Antæopolis, although the inscriptions, and notably the great Horus text of Edfu, relate that the struggle raged from one end of the Nile valley to the other. The Egyptian name of Ḳâu was

Tu ka, or ‘town of the lofty mountain’, whence is derived the Coptic Tkou. It was also known as

Zez. According to Golenischeff Antæus was an Egyptian mountain-god (from ant = mountain), whom the Greeks compared with their Dionysus. A representation of Antæus mentioned by Wilkinson, in which he appears with his head, like Helios, surrounded with rays, and accompanied by the goddess Nephthys, has recently been re-discovered by Golenischeff in the N.E. angle

of the hill behind Ḳâu el-Kebîr. Two of the piers of the grotto in which the representation occurs, bear pictures of Antæus.
At the beginning of the present century an interesting temple stood on the site of the old town, of which the last column was washed away by the Nile in 1821. Jomard, who described this temple during the French Expedition, when the water already lapped its foundations, foretold its fate. The temple was dedicated by Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleopatra to Antæus and was restored by Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and his colleague Verus (164 A. D.). This information was conveyed by a double inscription, in Greek and in hieroglyphics, over the portal. The bulls of the hieroglyphic inscription

(Kâu) probably denoted the name of the town. The temple was built of limestone and was at least 225 ft. long, 52 ft. wide, and 51 ft. high. Its entrance faced the river. The 18 columns, which were arranged in 3 rows, were 37 ft. high, with a diameter of 27¼ ft., and ended in palm-leaf capitals. If the gigantic blocks that Jomard found on the ground were really parts of the ceiling, they exceeded in size those of Karnak, which now excite our astonishment. One of them was 32 ft. long, 4 ¾ ft. high, and 5¼ ft. thick, and must have weighed at least 48 tons.
To the S. of Ḳâu el-Kebîr the Nile makes a bend to the W. and forms an island by dividing into two branches. On the W. arm (W. bank), to the N. of the island, lies Ḳâu el-Gharbi (W. Ḳâu), the seat of a rebellion in 1865, which had important consequences for all the inhabitants of Upper Egypt and about which the Oriental facility in forming tradition has already woven numerous legends. The fellâḥîn scarcely venture to utter the name (Aḥmed Ṭayib) of the hero of this uprising, but speak of him with bated breath as a Messiah, who will one day return. He is said to be still living, in Abyssinia. High up on the S. side of the hill of Ḳâu are some more rock-tombs.
For details of the revolt of Aḥmed Ṭayib and its suppression, see Lady Duff Gordon's Letters from Egypt (London 1866. 1875),
12½ M. Sâhel, on the W. bank, is the station for the town of Ṭaḥtah, situated 2 M. inland, with 3000 inhab. and a frequented cattle-market.
On the E. bank, a little higher up, rises the Gebel Shêkh el-Harîdeh, with ancient quarries and (high up) tombs hewn in the rock, the openings of which are visible from the river. The material of which the temple of Antæopolis was built was procured in the large quarries on the S. side of the mountain, and consists of a hard, fine-grained, grey shell-limestone, which smells unpleasantly when rubbed but admits of a splendid polish. — The next steamboat stations are el-Maraghât and Shendawîn, both on the W. bank. A large market is held in the latter every Saturday. On the E. bank of the stream, which here encloses several islands, are some rock-tombs, without inscriptions.
26½ M. Sohâg (Hôtel du Nil, on the river-bank; British and American consular agents), on the W. bank, has recently become the seat of the mudîr in place of Girgêh and contains a very handsome government-building. The Mudîrîyeh contains 521, 413 inhab.

and is 650 sq. M. in extent. The Canal of Sohâg, which leads hence to Assiûṭ, keeps to the W. and is intended to convey the water of the rising Nile as far as possible towards the Libyan Desert.
On this canal lies Etfeh (Itfu), the ancient Aphroditopolis, so named from the sandals (teb) made out of the skin of Seti. About 2 M. from Etfeh is the Red Convent, Dêr el-Aḥmar, also called Dêr Abu Bishâi. Those who wish to visit the Red Convent and the similar White Convent (one of the regular excursions of the passengers by the ‘four weeks’ steamer) may hire asses at Sohâg and ride viâ Demnu towards the Libyan Desert. The old church of the convent, a basilica with have and aisles, is a very ancient structure of brick, with elaborate capitals and a richly articulated apse. The outer walls, decreasing in thickness towards the top, and the concave cornice above the portal, are interesting for their reminiscence of ancient Egyptian art. Abu Bishâi, the founder of the convent, is said by Wansleb to have been a penitent robber, and he afterwards acquired such a reputation for sanctity that, according to Makrîzi, 3000 monks placed themselves under his care. The recluse after whom the White Convent (Dêr el-Abyaḍ or Dêr Abu Shanûdi) was named, is stated to have been one of his pupils. It lies at the foot of the mountains, farther to the S.E., and may perhaps be rather called a Christian village than a convent, as husbands, wives, and children live here in families. The walls of the church are built of hewn stone, probably taken from the adjacent ruins of Athribis (Shêkh Ḥamed), dating from the Ptolemaic and Roman imperial periods. It dates at latest from the 5th cent. and is a basilica with nave and aisles. The columns vary in height and thickness, and the capitals are partly of later date. The chancel ends in three vaulted apses. The cupolas are adorned with poor frescoes, and the other decorations are also wretched. — In the hills to the W. of the White Convent are a few late rock-tombs, one of which, according to the inscription, is that of Ermius, son of Archibius.
M. Akhmîm, a steamboat and mail station on the E. bank, also reached from Sohâg by a shorter land-route, is a thriving little town with about 10,000 inhab., including 1000 Christians, some of whom are Roman Catholics, with a chapel of their own. The weekly market on Wed. is much frequented, and the bazaar is well-stocked. The numerous cotton mills produce the cloth for the blue shirts of the fellâḥîn and for the long shâla (pl. shâlât), or shawls with fringes, which the poorer classes wear on state occasions and for protection against cold. These articles, which have been made here since the time of Strabo, are extraordinarily cheap. Akhmîm stands on the site of Khemmis or Panopolis, generally held to be the most ancient town on the Nile, though this honour probably belongs to the venerable This-Abydos, on the W. bank (p. 53). The deity specially venerated here was the form of Ammon Generator known as Ammon Khem, also called at a later date Min, an appellation formed by dropping the Khem and abbreviating the Amen. Thus it is called Ʃμινις, i.e. belonging to Min. For a figure of this deity, who appears in the most ancient texts, see Baedeker's Lower Egypt, p. 137. Diodorus, who among other classical writers gives us much information about Khemmis - Panopolis, calls it Χεμμω, whence proceed the Coptic Shmin and the Arabic Ekhmîm or Akhmîm. Its profane name on the monuments is Apu.
Herodotus (II, 91) distinguishes the citizens of Khemmis as the only Egyptians who favoured Greek customs and relates that they erected a

temple to Perseus, worshipped him with Hellenic rites, and held games in his honour. The citizens claimed Perseus as a native of their town and told the garrulous Halicarnassian that he had visited Khemmis, when on his way to Libya in pursuit of the Gorgon's head, and had recognised them as his kinsmen. A statue of him stood in the temple. From time to time the hero revisited Khemmis, leaving, as a sign of his presence, his sandals, which were two ells long; the finding of these was considered a portent of good fortune. The festival of pole-climbing, celebrated in honour of Khem, probably suggested his identification with the Greek Pan. — It is obvious that Perseus has been confused with Horus, the destroyer of Typhon-Seth. Among the various forms assumed by the ‘Libyan Monster’ in his long battle with Horus was that of a dragon or serpent, while Horus, like Perseus, was supported by wings in his encounter; hence the mistake of Herodotus. In any case he is excusable for seeking in Egypt the home of Perseus, whose genealogy may be traced back to Io. It is an interesting fact that a later author states that the Persea tree was first planted in Egypt by Perseus. As no goat-footed deities have been so far discovered in the Egyptian cult, it is somewhat difficult to explain how Khem came to be identified with Pan, unless on account of his Priapian characteristics. The Pans and satyrs at Khemmis first received and disseminated the news of the death of Osiris, and hence, says Plutarch, the sudden dread and confusion of a multitude is called panic. Akhmîm is thus the true home of Panic Fear. A white bull and a black cow were sacred to Khem. He appears in the triad along with the child Horus and Isis Sekhet, surnamed t-erpa (trepha), whence the Greeks may have formed the name Triphis. Tryphæna was also a cognomen of some of the queens of the Ptolemaic line.
Danaë, the mother of Perseus, was the daughter of Acrisius, son of Abas, son of Lynceus and Hypermnestra. Lynceus was the son of Aigyptos, and Hypermnestra was the daughter of Danaos, from whom the line runs up through Belos, Libye, and Epaphos (Apis) to Io.
Khemmis still flourished in the Roman period, and its ancient and famous temple was finally completed in the 12th year of Trajan. After Christianity established itself here, the vicinity of Panopolis became crowded with convents. Nestorius, Bishop of Constantinople, who had been banished to the oasis of Hibeh (Khârgeh, Egypt. Heb, p. 352) on account of his disbelief in the divine motherhood of the Virgin Mary, was attacked there by the plundering Blemmyes, and carried captive into the Thebaïd, where he surrendered himself to the prefect of Panopolis, to avoid a charge of wilful flight. He died in Panopolis-Akhmîm. Even after the conquest of Egypt by Islâm, the temple of the ‘great town’ of Akhmîm was, as Abulfeda and other Arabs relate, among the most important remains of the days of the Pharaohs. Edrîsi gives the following account of it: ‘At Akhmîm we see the building called the Barba (i.e. Perpa, Coptic for temple), which the first Hermes erected before the flood … (of many ancient temples) that of Akhmîm is the most enduring and also the most remarkable for the beauty of its sculpture. In truth we find represented in it not a few stars only, but also various arts and artists, along with numerous inscriptions. The building lies in the midst of Akhmîm’. Since this account a great part of the town must have vanished, as the temple ruins now lie outside it, to the N. They are neither extensive nor beautiful, but are of interest to the savant, because they belonged,

as the above-mentioned Greek inscription informs us, to the old temple of Pan, who is here represented in an ithyphallic form. Almost all the inscriptions are rapidly becoming effaced, and the same fate is overtaking a circle divided into twelve parts and supposed to be intended for the Zodiac. Of the second temple of Khemmis, which Herodotus describes as dedicated to Perseus, the only remains are a few stones of the 18th Dynasty and some scanty fragments of a building of the Ptolemaic and Roman period. These are reached by the water when the Nile overflows its banks and are gradually being swept away.
In 1884 Maspero discovered an extensive Necropolis adjoining a Coptic monastery among the mountains to the N.E. of Akhmîm. Thousands of mummies have been taken thence and some of them were sent to Europe. A visit to this necropolis is well worth undertaking. The best plan is to secure the company of Khalil-Sakkar, keeper of the Egyptian Museum, and ride with him to the N.E., in the direction of the mountains. On a hill beyond the village of (¾ hr.) el-Hawaisheh we see the deserted Coptic monastery, round which, in a wide circle, lie the tombs, now mostly destroyed. They date from the 6th Dynasty (Pepiseneb, Khemankhteta, Ankhu, etc.) down to the Greek and Roman period. The grave of Tutu, son of Sit asra (daughter of Osiris), with liturgical inscriptions, is well preserved (1885). Most of the mummies found here were in good preservation, and many contained rolls of papyrus. Among them were many priests (āt) and priestesses (àhī) of Khem, whose genealogies are carried up for eight or ten generations.
The town of Akhmîm has now become the seat of an active trade in mummies. Objects of considerable interest and value may often be obtained from the dealers in antiquities, but relic-hunters should not try to make purchases in the presence of the keeper of the museum.
Continuing our journey up the Nile, we soon see, close to the E. bank, a conspicuous convent-village, resembling a fortress. On account of its white washed walls the sailors call it Dêr el-Abyaḍ, a name that properly belongs to the monastery mentioned at p. 49, which lies much farther to the W. About 50 men, women, and children occupy the convent, which has little of a religious character in its mode of life. The pretty little church, built of light and dark bricks, is lighted by cupolas, the largest of which is above the nave. The nave is separated from the aisles by wooden screens. The Hêkel, or Holy of Holies, at the E. end, is carefully enclosed. In the nave, below the dome, stands the reading-desk of the priests, and at the W. end of the church, separated from the priests, are the seats for the laity. The paintings are wretched, and there are no old MSS.; but the church is an excellent specimen of a Coptic place of worship and is worth visiting, especially as it is only 5 min. walk from the river. The monks are very obliging and are grateful for a small donation (1 fr., 1s., or more). — Thomu, which was occupied by a Roman garrison, must have lain in this neighbourhood.
5 ½ M. el-Menshîyeh, a steamboat and mail station on the W. bank, is merely a peasants’ town, with very few houses of a

better class. It was probably founded by Soter I. and in the time of the Pharaohs it was called Neshi and Pasebek (Crocodilopolis), afterwards Pse-ptulmaios; under the Ptolemies it was known as Ptolemaïs-Hermiu Pasui (dwelling of the crocodile). The officials of Abydos also resided here. The mounds and river-walls at Menshîyeh (no inscriptions) are certainly extensive, but still it is difficult, when face to face with them, to credit the statement of the usually trustworthy Strabo: ‘farther on is the town of Ptolemais, the largest in the Thebaïd and not inferior in size to Memphis. Its constitution is drawn up in the Hellenic manner’. The Ptolemaic kings who died here received the same honours as the manes of the Pharaohs at Abydos. According to Leo Africanus Menshîyeh was the seat of an African prince named Hawára. Numerous antiquities have been found here lately.
Before we reach Girgeh the mountains on the Arabian bank approach close to the stream. At several points are rock-tombs, either wholly destitute of inscriptions or with none but obliterated specimens.
12 ½ M. Girgeh, on the W. bank, is a steamboat-station, with post and telegraph offices; the tourist-steamers stop for the night here.
Girgeh, which is 336 M. from Bûlâḳ and 235 M. from Assuân, has been from time immemorial the station where the Nile-boatmen halt to bake a new supply of bread. As, however, this operation takes 24 hrs. (a supply for several weeks being necessary), and as Girgeh is not a convenient place for so long a stoppage, the traveller is advised to make a contract in Cairo before starting to the effect that the halt for baking be made at Assiûṭ or Ḳeneh and not in Girgeh. No re’îs will give up this privilege, unless he has been previously bound down to do so in writing. The customs of the Nile boatmen are almost as unchangeable as those of the desert Arabs. The only suitable way in which to fill up a halt of 24 hrs. at Girgeh would be to make an excursion to the temple of Abydos, but this is much more conveniently reached from Beliâneh (p. 53). A day can be very profitably spent at either Assiûṭ or Ḳeneh, in the latter case by a visit to the noble temple of Denderah (comp. the Contract at p. xxi).
Girgeh, which contains 14,900 inhab., preceded Assiûṭ as the capital of Upper Egypt, but is now merely the chief place in the province of Girgeh, while the seat of the Mudîrîyeh is at Sohâg (p. 48). It becomes more probable every day that Girgeh occupies the site of the ancient This (hieroglyph. Teni), in which the god Anhur (Greek Onouris) was specially worshipped (comp. p. 53). Some ancient tombs of the 6th Dynasty exist here, including one of the time of Merenptah; and a little to the N. are some other graves of the ancient kingdom. Many of the present inhabitants are Copts. Outside the town lies a Roman Catholic convent, which is probably the oldest but one in Egypt; the abbot is a member of the Fraternity of the Holy Sepulchre. The name of the town is Christian, being that of St. George or Girges, the patron-saint of the Coptic Christians, a representation of whom, in his combat with the dragon, is present in almost every Coptic church. St. George

was canonised on April 23rd, 303 A.D.; and even as early as the 5th and 6th cent. We find him a favourite saint of the Egyptians. Leo Africanus says that the Coptic brothers of St. George at Girgeh were very wealthy and tells how they provided travellers with what was necessary on their journey and sent rich gifts for the poor to the Patriarch at Cairo. To this day several of the Coptic families at Girgeh are very rich, possessing large estates; preëminent among these is that of Bothrus. The town looks very picturesque as seen from the river. The Nile makes a sharp bend here, and the effect is as if the W. bank, on which the town stands, was at right angles to the E. bank. The Arabian mountains rise like walls, and the four tall minarets of the town, on the opposite bank of the Nile, seem to vie with them in height. A picturesque group on the river-brink is formed by an old and dilapidated mosque and a tall minaret beside it. Many of the houses in the town are built of burnt brick and decorated with glazed tiles. The bazaar resembles those of other Nile towns. — From Girgeh to Abydos (‘Arâbat el-Madfûneh), 12-13 M., see below. — At Meshaïk, on the E. bank, above Girgeh, scholars will find interesting remains of a temple bearing the names of Amenhotep III. and Ramses II. Some very ancient graves of priests of This have also been found there.
8 M. Beliâneh, on the W. bank, is a mail-station and the starting-point from which passengers on both the ‘three weeks’ and the ‘four weeks’ steamer make the excursion to Abydos (see below). Excursion to the Western Oases, see R. 35.

[Back to top]

4. Abydos.

Beliâneh is now the usual starting-point for a visit to ‘Arâbat el-Madfûneh (Abydos), which lies about 8 ½ M. to the S. W., inland from the river. This highly interesting excursion, which should on no account be omitted, involves a ride of 2 hrs. (there and back 4 hrs.). The donkeys at Beliâneh are bad and provided only with loose rugs or straw-mats instead of saddles, and those at Girgeh are no better. At Abydos accommodation may be obtained in the house of Salîbeh, keeper of the antiquities.
The track crosses the large Canal of Rênaneh, traverses a fertile district dotted with numerous villages, and finally leads over part of the Libyan Desert. Fine view of the mountain-chain running towards the Nile. The ancient Abydos lay in advance of this chain, on a site which may confidently be called the cradle of the earliest line of the Pharaohs.
Menes, the first king of Egypt, is said to have been a Thinite, i.e. an inhabitant of the nome of This (Egypt. Teni). Adolf Schmidt, in his ‘Forschungen auf dem Gebiet des Alterthums’, tries to prove that This (Teni) lay near el-Kherbeh, a little to the N. of Abydos, while Pococke seeks it at el-Birbeh (the temple), 3 M. to the W. of Girgeh (comp. p. 52). If, as Ebers has suggested, the earliest Asiatic immigrants into Egypt entered the Nile valley from the S., viâ Arabia and the Strait of Bâb el-Mandeb,

they could have found no more suitable spot for a settlement than the neighbourhood of Abydos, where the fertile W. bank of the Nile expands and offers easy cultivation and excellent dwelling-sites, removed from all danger of inundation. This is the most ancient town in Egypt, and its neighbour Abydos cannot have been much younger, for even in the time of the early empire it is frequently spoken of as a holy city. It possessed the most famous grave of Osiris, of which it was believed that burial in its vicinity or consecration in its sanctuary went far in ensuring a favourable judgment in the world to come. From an early period the grandees of the land caused their mummies to be brought hither—often, however, for a limited time only, directing that, as soon as the wished for blessings had been received from Osiris, the bodies should be carried back to their ancestral burial-grounds. Mariette has proved that the town itself (Egypt. Abtu) was never of any great extent. The extant ruins extend from el-Kherbeh on the N. W. to ‘Arâbat el-Madfûneh on the S.E. If, however, Abydos was small in the number of its citizens, it was great through the importance of the gods worshipped in its temples. Each of the 42 nomes of Egypt possessed its temple of Osiris; but none of them, except that of Sokar in Memphis, rivalled in sanctity that of Abydos. The testimony of the monuments is confirmed by the classical writers. Herodotus left Upper Egypt undescribed, because Hecatæus had already treated of it, but we quote the celebrated passage in which the trustworthy Strabo speaks of Abydos: ‘Above it (Ptolemaïs) lies Abydos, the site of the Memnonium, a wonderful palace of stone, built in the manner of the Labyrinth, only somewhat less elaborate in its complexity. Below the Memnonium is a spring, reached by passages with low vaults consisting of a single stone and prominent by their extent and mode of construction. This spring is connected with the Nile by a canal, which flows through a grove of Egyptian thorn-acacias, sacred to Apollo. Abydos seems once to have been a large city, second only to Thebes, but now it is a small place, etc.’ Abydos is also mentioned by Plutarch, Athenæus, Stephanus of Byzantium, Ptolemy, Pliny, and others. Ammianus Marcellinus speaks of the oracle of the god Besa, which flourished here.
The ordinary traveller, especially when he has at his disposal only the 8 hrs. allowed by the steamer, will confine himself to the Memnonium of Seti I. (Pl. I) at ‘Arâbat el-Madfûneh and the sadly dilapidated Temple of Ramses II. (Pl. II). The remains of the so-called Temple of Osiris at el-Kherbeh (Pl. III) and the adjacent site of Mariette's excavations in the ancient necropolis among the Libyan hills are rapidly becoming less and less interesting through the steady encroachment of the desert sand.

The Memnonium of Seti I.

This noble structure, which, from the time of Strabo onwards, has been visited and described by so many travellers, did not become fully known to the modern world till Mariette Boy, with characteristic judgment and perseverance and supported by the generosity of the Khedive, began in 1853 the task of freeing it from the sand. His plan of isolating the building by digging a trench round and preventing new accumulations of sand was not carried wholly into effect, but still, with the exception of portion of the outside of the N. wall of the second court, there is now no part of the temple where inscriptions are likely to be found that does not stand open to the explorer. The difficulty of the excavations was much increased by the fact that the back part of the temple was buried in the slope of the hill, in such a way that it looked like a gigantic sepulchral chapel forming the vestibule to a mighty rock-tomb in the bowels of the mountain. Mariette believes, and probably with justice, that this peculiarity of the Memnonium explains the name

ABYDOS after A. Mariette


of the adjoining village, ‘Arâbat el-Madfûneh, i.e. ‘Arâbat of the buried’. Possibly the last portion of the name may refer to Osiris, whose grave here attracted so many pilgrims, and Madfûn (masc.) may be a translation of the old name of the temple-quarter of Abydos. In spite of the most lavish expenditure of time, money, and labour, the excavators failed to find either the spring mentioned by Strabo or the tomb of Osiris, and yet the latter must lie close to the part of the ruins called Kôm es-Sulṭân, near the holy hill of Abydos so often mentioned in the inscriptions.
Mariette derives the name Memnonium from that of its founder Seti Ra-men-ma or Men-ma-ra. This, however, is undoubtedly wrong, and Lepsius was the first to show that the Egyptian word Mennu


, applied to any large monument or memorial, whether architectural or plastic, led the Greeks to describe every palatial structure of the ancient Egyptians as a Μεμνόνιον (Memnonion) or palace of Memnon. Perhaps they first heard the name Mennu given to the colossal figures of Amenhotep III. at Thebes (p. 153) and were attracted by its resemblance in sound to the name of the son of Eos who fell before Troy; hence they called the figures, afterwards so celebrated, statues of Memnon, and saw Memnonia, or palaces of the same hero, in some of the large memorial buildings described as Mennu. The fact that the Hellenes did not apply this name to all the great buildings of Egypt, but only to some of the temples of W. Thebes and to the sanctuary of Seti at Abydos, may be explained by the supposition that in the time of the Pharaohs these buildings monopolised the epithet of Mennu, just as the fortress of the Conqueror in London is known as the Tower par excellence among the numerous towers of that city. The temple of Seti became known as the Memnonium or Palace of Memnon in the Alexandrine period, and a natural consequence was the conversion of the name Ablu into the similarly sounding Abydos or Abydus, the name of a town of Troas on the Hellespont, not far from the burial-place of Memnon. By degrees the Asiatic hero, son of Tithonus and Eos and ally of Priam (comp. p. 154), was converted into an Ethiopian, and the lively imagination of the Greeks transferred the Asiatic legends to Egypt and adapted them to Egyptian conditions. Thus they related that Tithonus sent an Ethiopian army to aid his son against Troy. These soldiers, however, heard of the death of Memnon at Abydos in Upper Egypt and retraced their steps, after hanging their garlands on the acacias in the holy grove at the Memnonium. Birds were fabled to have sprung from the ashes of Memnon, and reappeared on certain days every year, removed all impurities from his grave, dipped their wings in the Aesopos, which flows into the Propontis at Cyzicus, and sprinkled the grave with the water. At a later date these birds were said to come from Ethiopia. Finally it was asserted that the Egyptian Abydos had been founded by colonists from its Asiatic namesake.
The Memnonium of Abydos is not an ordinary divine or religious temple like those of Denderah, Karnak, and Edfu, but is rather one of the series of sepulchral sanctuaries of which mention is made at p. 170 of Baedeker's Lower Egypt. The numerous representations and inscriptions that cover its walls are mostly of a very general nature. They tell us, however, that the building they adorn was primarily intended for funereal purposes. As already mentioned, the bodies of numerous princes and grandees were brought here to participate in the blessings that were supposed to emanate from the sacred tomb of Osiris. The Pharaohs nowhere offered sacrifices to the manes of their forefathers more gladly than at Abydos, and prayers were put up here to the Osiris-kings of the ancient house

of the Pharaohs just as at the neighbouring Ptolemaïs divine honours were paid to the deceased princes of Macedonian origin. — It was natural enough that in a sanctuary devoted to purposes of this kind no boisterous festivals or ceremonies should take place, and we are not surprised to learn that neither singer nor flute-player nor lute-player was allowed within its walls.
The great building of Abydos, at first sight, impresses neither by its size nor by its beauty. The walls consist of fine-grained limestone, while a harder material (sandstone) has been selected for the columns, architraves, door-posts, and other burden-bearing parts. The foundations are nowhere more than 4 ½ ft. thick, and the platforms on which the columns rest are equally shallow. Numerous blocks have become disjointed, owing, as Mariette has shown, to the giving way of the dove-tails of sycamore wood with which they were fastened. The inscriptions of Seti and the earlier ones of his son and successor show great purity of style, but this quality disappears in the later texts of the latter. It has been established that a sanctuary of some importance stood at Abydos even in the days of the ancient empire, and indeed we hear of its restoration in that remote epoch. Our witness is a stele, now in the Louvre, on which Ameniseneb, a priest and architect, who lived in the reign of Usertesen I. (12th Dyn.), records the fact that he renewed the colouring and inscriptions in the temple of Abydos from top to bottom. This probably means the building of which some fragments, belonging to the 12th Dynasty, are seen to the N. of the Memnonium (see p. 67). Under the Hyksos the ancient sanctuary was entirely neglected, and the only record here of the 18th Dynasty, which was almost wholly absorbed by its wars and foundations in Thebes, is an inscription of Tutmes III. Seti I., however, of the 19th Dynasty, built an entirely new temple, and his son Ramses II. completed the adornment that his father left unfinished. The ground-plan of the structure is unusual, and differs materially from that of other great Egyptian temples. Among the features, however, which it has in common with these are the pylons, a first and second fore-court, hypostyle halls, and a sanctuary. The last, however, is much more richly articulated than usual. The wing to the S. (to the left on entering) forms an accurate right angle with the main edifice. The whole structure is in the shape of a mason's square.
We enter the temple from the N. E. The first pylon and the walls enclosing Court A are in ruins. COURT B, which opens to the S. on the temple proper, is in better preservation. The sons and daughters of Ramses II. were represented on the right and left walls, but the figures and inscriptions have been almost effaced. In spite of the fact that all the inscriptions and representations here refer to Ramses II., it has been proved through the discovery by Mariette of a dove-tail (see above) bearing the name of Seti I., that the

latter founded this N. part of the temple and left merely the decoration of it to his son. — The façade of the temple is of very unusual form. A row of 12 limestone columns stand a short distance in advance of the temple wall, forming with it a kind of pronaos. In the time of Seti seven doors, corresponding to the seven chambers of the sanctuary (see below), pierced the rear-wall, which was adorned with a cornice of its own. On ceremonial occasions the processions in honour of the king seem to have entered by the door to the extreme left; the next served for processions to Ptah, the third for Harmachis, the fourth for Ammon, the fifth for Osiris, the sixth for Isis, and the seventh for Horus. Ramses, however, walled up six of these doors, leaving the central one alone, the decoration of which had been begun by Seti, as the main entrance to the temple. A small door in the Horus gateway, to the extreme right, is still open. The pillars bear huge figured representations and a few inscriptions, which refer to Seti I. as deceased and introduce Ramses II. in the company of Ammon-Ra, Osiris, Horus, and other gods. The hieroglyphics inform us that Ramses erected this part of the temple in honour of his father, one phrase, for instance, reading: ‘The king of Upper and Lower Egypt, the Lord of the Barbarians (Nine Nations), to make great the name of his father’. The entrance-wall behind the pillars confirms this pious filial wish beyond the shadow of a doubt. In the wall, to the left of the main entrance, is a large and conspicuous inscription in 95 vertical lines, which, after the lists of kings, must be called the most important in Abydos. It consists of two parts. In the first Ramses relates how, on coming to Abydos, he found his father's work unfinished and resolved to carry it to a conclusion. The grandees rejoiced at this resolution, and workmen and artists of every kind were summoned to aid in the task. In the second part Pharaoh recalls to his consciousness all the honours he had paid and the gifts he had presented to his father. The gods show him favour on account of his pious acts and advance, one by one, to bestow upon him the richest gifts of heaven: strength, fearlessness, victory, immortality, etc. A picture accompanying the inscription represents Ramses, with a crown on his head, offering sacrifices to the goddess Ma and to a triad consisting of Osiris, Isis, and his father Seti I., who takes the place of Horus. Recently deceased, Seti appears as the youthful god, the victorious opponent of the might of Death, who will soon become Osiris, after subduing all his enemies beneath his feet. On one of the pillars, indeed, Seti is already described as the ‘royal Osiris’. The inscription dates from the first year of the single rule of Ramses and from the time of his first journey to Thebes, when he erected statues of his father in the city of Ammon and in Memphis. At Abydos he first undertook the restoration of his father's monumental structures in the necropolis, on the spot specially sacred to Osiris Unnefer. After mentioning other restorations,

the inscription continues as follows, with special reference to this temple: ‘For lo, while the temple of Ra-ma-men (i.e. Seti I.) was still building both back and front, Seti ascended to heaven, before his Memnonium (Mennu) was completed. The columns had not yet been placed upon their bases, the statue lay on the ground and was not yet finished off, when he (Seti) became acquainted with the tomb (the ‘golden room’, the principal chamber of Seti's tomb at Bîbân el-Mulûk), etc. Then said His Majesty to the seal-bearer by his side: Summon the courtiers, the military commanders, and their fellows, and also the whole multitude of architects and librarians. When these were conducted before His Majesty, pressing their noses in the dust and their knees to the earth, they broke out into rejoicing and smelled the ground (i.e. prostrated themselves). They raised their arms, praising His Majesty, and prayed to this benignant deity, celebrating his perfection’. Then follow emphatic expressions of worship, addressed to the king. ‘Then spoke His Majesty unto them and said: I summoned you before me on account of a plan that has entered my mind. I have seen the buildings of the necropolis and the tombs that are at Abydos, and also those who have to work there. Truly nothing has been restored since the time of their lord unto the present day. But when a son finds himself on the throne of his father, shall he not renew the monument (Mennu) of his begetter? … From childhood until now I have been a prince. He gave me the earth as a gift, and while I was yet in the egg the great ones of the earth prostrated themselves before me… I have called my father to a new life in gold (i.e. as a statue) in the first year of my exaltation. I have given orders that his temple be adorned and I have made sure his possession of the land … I have offered him sacrifices… And now, when his building stood in my power, I watched over all the labours connected with it … I enlarged and renewed his palatial structure. I did not neglect his foundations, as wicked children do, who do not respect their father … I built anew the walls of the temple of my begetter. I presented before him the man whom I had selected to superintend the works… I erected pylons in front of it, I have covered his house with clothing (sculptures), I have adorned its columns and provided stones for the foundations. A finished work was the monument, doubly as glorious as at first. It is (named) after my name and after the name of my father, for, as the son, so is also the father’. In the following sentences Ramses is praised as a model son and the highest gifts of the gods are assured to him. ‘Since the sun-god Ra there has never been a son who has accomplished what thou hast… Thou, thou workest, thou renewest one monument to the gods after another, according to the command of thy father Ra’. The whole world obeys him and brings him offerings. After the grandees have finished their oration, he once more orders the officials, masters, artists, labourers, and all others engaged in the

building operations to construct the sanctuary of his father in the necropolis and to hew out his statue. Sacrifices and festivals are richly provided for. The rest of the inscription assumes more and more the character of a hymn, like those mentioned at p. 258 and elsewhere.
The above will suffice to show the filial piety, with which Ramses, at least in the earlier part of his reign, strove to complete and restore the work of his father. But the remains of the building constructed by him near the Temple of Seti at Abydos (p. 67) prove that he also founded a large Memnonium for himself in the district sanctified by the tomb of Osiris.

1. The Hypostyle Halls and the Sevenfold Sanctuary.

From the Pronaos, containing the above inscription, two doors only now lead into the interior of the temple: the main entrance in the middle and a narrow door to the extreme right. The First Hypostyle Room (Pl. C), a long but narrow apartment, makes a solemn and imposing impression. The roof, part of which has fallen in, is supported by 24 columns, arranged in two rows and in groups of four. The slender shafts are surmounted by capitals in the form of papyrus buds. Seti I. did not complete the plastic decoration of the room. Ramses began new sculptures instead of those begun by his father, apparently forgetting the great filial piety he arrogates to himself in the above-quoted inscription (p. 58). Whether it was that the zeal of the son abated along with his grief for his father, or that the priestly sculptors thought it better to celebrate a living prince rather than a dead one, the fact remains that it is Ramses alone who is here depicted and the temple itself is simply called the temple of Abydos, not, as in the earlier inscriptions, that of Ra-ma-men (i.e. Seti). The sculptures preserved here are of mediocre workmanship, and the inscriptions and representations, almost wholly dealing with Ramses and his reception of gifts from the different gods, are generally uninteresting even for the scholar. On the right wall, near the second chamber, is a series of gods, consisting of Ra, Shu (the giver of all delight) and his sister Tefnut (giver of health), Seb (giver of life and strength), Osiris, Horus (giver of every victory), Isis (giver of life and strength), the great god Apheru (Anubis), and Nut, who imparts the fulness of salvation. — The six lists of the nomes of Egypt, on the lower part of the walls, are also interesting. As elsewhere, the districts are represented as bearded male figures with the emblem of the nome (a piece of surveyed ground,

) and a standard bearing the symbol of the special district. As the lists here have no annotations, they are of less value than those at Denderah and elsewhere. They indicate that it was customary for all the districts of the land to pay their vows and bring gifts to the gods of a special sanctuary.
The Second Hypostyle Room (Pl. D) resembles the first, but is higher, deeper, and in all respects of more importance. Seti I. began it and his artists executed both the architectural details and the plastic adornment with the carefulness and purity of style that marks all their work. The son has here left unchanged the name of the father, which occurs at every point. Three rows of twelve columns each support the architrave, on which rest the roofing slabs, and are arranged in six groups, each of six columns. Between the groups access is afforded to the vaulted chambers in the wall facing us as we enter. The first two of the three rows of columns have papyrus-bud capitals. Beyond the second row the floor of the temple is considerably raised, forming a platform from which the vaulted chambers are entered. Upon this platform stands the third row of columns, the cylindrical shafts of which are entirely destitute of capitals, but bear huge blocks of stone forming an abacus for the support of the architrave. This peculiarity is simply explained by the fact that the columns in the third row are shorter than the others, owing to their raised platform, so that the architect, by omitting the capital, brings the abacus of all on the same level and avoids the unpleasant effect which different elevations of the architrave would make on the eye. When processions of worshippers filed in and out, performing pious ceremonies, this hall must have presented a very imposing spectacle. Inscriptions below the openings leading from the first hall to the second inform us they were formerly filled with doors of bronze (asem). The inscriptions and representations on the walls and columns repeat themselves wearisomely and are of little general interest. Here we see the king receiving from the gods such attributes of the royal dignity as the crooked sword or the scourge and crook (symbols, perhaps, of the royal duties of incentive on the one side and restraint on the other); there we behold him offering burnt-offerings to a single god, a triad, or a group of gods. If the king is receiving gifts, he is generally represented on his knees; when he sacrifices, he leans slightly forward, holding the burnt-offering in the left hand and libations in the right. Sometimes he is seated, receiving the blessings of the gods; he appears thus in the fine picture on the N. Wall of the second room, with Isis, Amenti, and Nephthys in front, and the goddess Ma and Renpet behind. His profile is evidently a faithful likeness and is everywhere portrayed with great artistic skill. The unusual handsomeness of this king is still recognisable in his mummy at Gîzeh. The sacrificial implements should also be noted. Censers like that in his hand have been found, but in bronze, while his were doubtless of gold. They are in the form of an arm, the hand holding a small vessel from which the smoke of the incense arises. The handle shows the carefully executed sparrow hawk's head of Horus. The libation vessel was in the form of a golden lotus flower, with small vases rising above the open corolla, from which

essences were poured out in honour of the god. The framework of each scene, the mouldings separating the lines of hieroglyphics, and the hieroglyphic symbols themselves are all executed with inimitable care. The side-walls of this hall, to the right and left, and the walls near the gates leading to the chapels, bear symbolic representations, like those in the first hall, of the nomes of Upper and Lower Egypt.
At a considerable interval, beyond the third row of columns in the second hall, and on the same level with them, is a series of SEVEN VAULTED CHAMBERS or CHAPELS, forming the Sanctuary of the Memnonium. The metal doors with which they were once closed have long since disappeared. In the piers separating the doors are rectangular niches, which probably contained images either of the deities to whom the chapels were dedicated or of King Seti. Each chapel is vaulted and the vaults are profusely and beautifully decorated with stars and the name Ra-ma-men (prænomen of Seti I.). Dedicatory inscriptions on three of the vaults prove that Osiris must be regarded as the chief divinity of the temple. It must be noted that the roofs of these chapels are not vaulted in the strict architectural signification of that word; they consist rather of blocks of stone cut in a round fashion and crowned by a key-stone which is hollowed out in the interior. The chapels were dedicated (beginning from the left) to the king, Ptah, Harmachis, Ammon, Osiris, Isis, and Horus. All the chief figures in the Osiris cycle of gods are represented here with the exception of Seth, the antagonist of Osiris, and his wife Nephthys. With them is associated the king who has become Osiris (see p. 57). Ptah, who becomes Sokar-Osiris when regarded in his relations to life beyond the grave, is of course represented. In the place of honour in the midst of the seven is Ammon, ‘who is the only one and whose years flourish among the gods’, who is ‘loftier in his ideas than any other god’, ‘to whose feet the gods crawl, recognising their lord and master’, who is ‘lord of eternity and creator of the unending’, of whom indeed the other gods may be regarded as attributes. To the right and left of Ammon are two groups of three. To the right are Osiris, Isis, and Horus; to the left are Ptah the primæval, the lord of the past; Harmachis, who announces the new day rising in the East, who struggles for the victory of life over death, and assures the future triumph of good over evil; and King Seti, the temporal incarnation of divine power in the present, in the sphere of human activity. — To these gods, conceived as filling these chapels with their presence, were brought the mummies, to be sanctified for their eternal home. The way to the different chapels was indicated on the very threshold of the temple, where Seti I., as we have seen, constructed seven doors in the rear-wall of the pronaos. Most of these, however, were closed by Ramses, probably to intensify and preserve the secret and mysterious character of the temple. But the paths to the

different chapels are still easily distinguishable, partly from the plan of the building, partly by the representations and inscriptions; for from each of the seven doors a processional approach led through the two hypostyle halls straight to tho entrance of the corresponding chapel; while the representations on the columns flanking each approach refer only to the deity to whom the chapel at the end of it was dedicated. In the vaulted chapels, amid the fumes of incense and the murmuring of muffled singing, waited the ministering priests of the sanctuary, pouring out libations and uttering benedictions as the processions wound along the aisles, either bearing a mummy to be sanctified or consisting of a group of privileged laymen bringing offerings to the Osiris gods for the soul's welfare of the deceased. — The dedications are inscribed on the door-posts in the traditional forms and with little variation. Similar vaults occur at Beniḥasan and Dêr el-Baḥri, and also in the lids of the sarcophagi in the museum at Gizeh. In each case the monuments to which they belong serve funerary purposes; the shape of the vault is, however, intended to represent the vault of heaven, which the Osiris-soul has to traverse, and they are usually decorated with stars. An inscription preserved on one of the vaults of the sanctuary informs us that the Pharaoh erected this structure for his father Osiris in the interior of the temple of Ra-ma-men and fitted up the chapel to resemble the heaven of the ninefold deities, imitating its constellations, etc.
The internal fitting up and appearance of the chapels vary little. As the middle place had to be assigned to Ammon, the chief of the gods, it was necessary to mark the special dignity of Osiris, to whom indeed the temple was consecrated, by making his chapel (Pl. d) wider than the others. The rear-walls of the latter are, in each case, occupied by two niches, with a lotus-flower between them, from which rises the slender form of Osiris, symbolising the blossoming of the soul in a ‘happier sphere’. In the back-wall of the sanctuary of Osiris, however, is a door, leading to a structure (Pl. E) which, including the adjoining smaller columned chambers, is as wide as the whole sanctuary. This was the scene of the mysterious rites celebrated in honour of the Divine-Deceased (Osiris, whose name even the Greek Herodotus shrank from breathing) by the esoteric priests of the highest class (see Baedeker's Lower Egypt, p. 124). The inscriptions in the chapels inform us that the priestly processions, which came from all parts of the kingdom, made a complete circuit of the chapel, keeping to the right wall on entering and returning to the door along the left wall. Thirty-six rites or ceremonies had to be performed during this circuit. First came a recitation to prove the worthiness of the worshipper to approach the holy place and the image of the god. Then the veil was lifted. The worshipper was next allowed to witness the investiture of the god by the priests with his fillets, garments, ornaments, and the attributes of his divine power. Not before this was accomplished did the pilgrim prostrate himself in adoration, bringing drink-offerings, libations, and burnt-offerings. The hymns to be sung at these ceremonies are all prescribed, and the pictorial representations show how the gods were to be clothed and in what attitudes they were to be worshipped. Possibly all these rites were performed only by the priests of
In the inscriptions the expression invariably used for the processions is the King, who is regarded as the embodiment and representative of all his subjects.

the temple. In any case the chapels are too small to have admitted more than the heads of the deputations from other parts of Egypt. Great weight is laid upon the sacred number seven, as shown in the number of the chapels themselves and in the seven heads of sparrow-hawks represented in each. That the king should appear as the seventh object of worship along with six gods is undoubtedly unusual; but it may be explained by the fact that Seti built the seventh chapel, not for the adoration of himself while alive, but for a future period when he hoped to be merged in Osiris. Neither Seti nor his son could avoid the interment of their mummies near the royal residence of Thebes; but it may be assumed that their earthly remains received consecration at Abydos, and that the Memnonium of Seti is to be regarded as a cenotaph, in which the Name of Pharaoh, as a symbol of the king himself, was to be honoured and preserved. The Pharaohs of the early empire possessed similar monuments here. These, however, fell into decay during the Hyksos period; and Seti was enabled to do what unfavourable times had hindered his predecessors from doing — i.e. to build a new and costly Memnonium, in which a place was reserved, near the tomb of Osiris, for the Names of his royal ancestors. In the arches above the niches in the rear-wall of the chapels are several representations of the king offering his Name, symbolised by the cartouche or ring

which surrounded royal names. In this way Abydos came to be the most important place for the preservation of lists of kings. The columned aisle leading to Seti's Chapel (Pl. a) contains inscriptions and representations relating to the king alone and showing us his relationship to the gods in its proper light. On the walled-up door to the first hall we see Thoth, the Reason or Intelligence, the god of the sciences and of historical records, offering a sacrifice in front of an image of the king (the latter unfortunately much damaged). The inscription reads ‘I, Thoth, the dweller in Abydos, come to thee on account of thy greatness and thy glory. For the sake of the sake of thy sanctity as king, for the sake of thy might and thy constancy on earth, and to make thee great’, etc. — On the columns of the first hall the king is represented as sacrificing and receiving the attributes of the kingdom from Thoth, Anubis Apheru, Horus the son of Isis, and Henmutef, the high priest of Abydos. The paintings on the S. wall of the same hall show us the king as a boy, held in the arms of Isis and suckled at the divine breasts of the Hathors. They admit him to the place of Horus, that he may increase in strength and ascend the throne of Osiris as a man. Hathor, the queen-deity of Heliopolis in Abydos, calls herself the mother of his beauty, and says to him: ‘Thou hast been nourished by my milk, thou who art adorned with the crown of Upper Egypt’. The Hathor of Denderah calls herself his nurse, who raised her arms to embrace his beauty. On the left side of the door farthest to the left, also leading to the second hall, we see the king, wearing a helmet, while Thoth pours over his head the signs of life and dominion. To the right the king appears with the richly decorated royal crown, holding the sceptre and scourge in his hands. The priest Henmutef burns incense before him, and the Nile brings him gifts, of which he is the producer. The king has now passed from the boy Horus to the man Osiris; Henmutef says: ‘I burn incense to thee and to thy name, O Osiris, King Ra-ma-men’. The words put in the mouth of the Nile are: ‘I bring to thee in my arms the superfluity as an offering, O king, lord of both worlds!’ On the sides of the columns facing the aisle leading to the royal chapel are represented Anubis-Apheru handing to the king the attributes of constancy and might; Thoth, either pouring the water of life and dominion over the king, or addressing him in set speech, with a roll in his left hand; Henmutef exhorting him, sacrificing to him, and reaching him the sign of approval

, thus reminding us of the passage in Diodorus which tells us that it was the duty of the priests to praise and warn the kings. The king has instituted festivals in honour of Horus, and Horus in return throws him the symbol of life. Isis, holding in her hand the lotus-staff, entwined by the Uræus-serpent, also invests him with life, which here as elsewhere included life beyond the grave, which the Egyptians termed the true life. On the S. wall of the second hall Seti is represented as seated

on the throne of Osiris. In front of him stands Horus, ‘the avenger of his father’, investing him with immortality, while behind is the jackal-headed. Apheru (Anubis), ready to protect him from danger. Above the dedicatory inscription, Thoth, the god of divine eloquence, promises Osiris Ra-ma-men that the Cycle of the Nine Gods will endue him with everlasting life. In the chapel itself the representations are very numerous. The king, in one, appears as a sphinx, resting on a base bearing the names of six nations that he has conquered. A somewhat singular scene represents standard bearers with the ensigns of the nomes, personifying the emblems of life, constancy, and power in threefold repetition; these, like the inscriptions between the standard-poles, teach us that Seti was endued with courage, length of days, uninterrupted safety and strength, victory, abundance, and the kingdom of Egypt for life. It would be wearisome to enumerate the multitude of other inscriptions of a similar tenour. Among the 22 representations in the king's chapel, many of which are in a very dilapidated condition, the most noteworthy is one in which the king appears on the throne of Osiris, embraced by the goddesses. Nekheb (Eileithyia) and Euto. Thoth and Horus draw tighter the stems of the plants symbolising Upper and Lower Egypt, which enfold the sign of union

sam. Safekh, the goddess of history, behind Thoth, inscribes the name of the king. In another scene Seti is seated on a throne supported by three figures in the form of Horus and three in the form of Anubis. Under a canopy adorned with Uræus-serpents appears the state barge of the king, probably a representation of the vessel kept in this temple and borne on high in the processions. Similar representations of the ship in which the Sun-God was supposed to traverse the heavens have been found made of bronze or the previous metals and may be seen in the museum at Gizeh (see Baedeker's Lower Egypt) and elsewhere. Below are canopi (Vol. I., p. 301), in front sacrificial offerings, and behind Thoth and Henmutef. — We observe that everything here refers to the king, whose name recurs in wearisome iteration, and who here receives back again as Osiris the offerings he had himself made, during his mortal life, to Osiris and thus to his future self, the Osiris-apotheosis of his soul.
A door in the Osiris Chapel (Pl. e), the third from the right wall, leads to the rear-structure (Pl. E) mentioned at p. 62). Though the structure is in a very ruinous state, its ground-plan can easily be made out. A colonnade, the roof of which, once supported by 10 columns, has fallen to the ground, stood in direct connection with the Osiris chapel. It contains 47 representations, some of which are almost wholly effaced. By the wall, to the right on entering, lay three small chambers adorned with fine sculpture. The first of these (Pl. i) is dedicated to Horus, the second (Pl. k) to Osiris, the third (Pl. I) to Isis. Behind them lay another room (Pl. h). In the wall to the left on entering Room E is a door leading to a room (Pl. m) with four columns, which was adjoined by three smaller apartments (Pl. n. o, p). Though the most sacred mysteries were celebrated in this suite of rooms, they offer little that is novel; the implements of the priests were kept in the side-rooms. Here, no doubt, many a spectacle was prepared which, when displayed in the Osiris chapel, filled the pious worshippers with awe and wonder.
SOUTH BUILDING. APARTMENT WITH THE TABLET OF THE KINGS.— This building consists of a series of rooms, all more or less ruinous and most of them roofless, a court, and some smaller chambers. The most important, to which a visit should be paid, even if all the others be omitted, is a long (65 ft.) and low Corridor (Pl. s), entered from the left side of the second hypostyle hall, between the second and third row of columns. The flat ceiling is adorned with a rich network of ornamentation, combining the name

of the king, the symbol of the ‘panegyric tent’

, and a number of stars. A dedicatory inscription, dividing the ceiling into two parts, records that ‘this Memnonium was erected in the temple of Abydos to his forefathers and all the cycles of gods of heaven and earth, by the king, lord of the diadems, who is born again, who surpasses all in strength and annihilates the barbarians, the victorious Horus, who appears in new glory, bearing sway over the barbarians in all countries, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, who achieves noble deeds, the lord of both worlds, Ra-ma-men. He erected to them these venerated sanctuaries outside the Necropolis, building them of stone and inlaying them with gold, in an everlasting work outlasting human life, etc.’ — By the right wall on entering the corridor from the second hypostyle is the celebrated ∗Tablet of Abydos, consisting of three long rows of royal shields or cartouches

, before which Seti and his son Ramses II. stand in adoration. The praying king raises his right hand and holds a censer in his left hand; the boy-prince, standing in front of him, still bears the lock of youth, hanging over his temples. In his raised hands he bears written rolls. The adjoining inscription, reads: ‘Recitation of songs of praise by Prince Ramses, son and firstborn of the king who loves him’. Above the shields is another inscription, which describes the king's offering as made to Ptah-Sokar-Osiris, the lord of the sarcophagus in the Memnonium of Abydos and (uaḥkhet) the royal forefather of Seti. He enumerates his gifts: 1000 loaves of bread, 1000 barrels of beer, 1000 cattle, 1000 geese, 1000 incense-offerings, 1000 oil-offerings, 1000 pieces of cloth, 1000 garments, 1000 barrels of wine, 1000 holy offerings. The figure 1000 here, which occurs in almost all sacrificial lists and also in other formulæ, is not, of course, to be taken literally but simply as equivalent to many. The king, as we see, brings his youthful son into the hall dedicated to his ancestors, where the earlier rulers of Egypt, under the symbol of their name, dwell beside the tomb of Osiris. He teaches the boy to offer rich gifts, such as hereafter he would wish offered to his own manes. It is beyond doubt that Seti was still living when this inscription was set up, and yet he already adds his own name to those of his predecessors; it occupies the whole of the lowest row (the third from the top) of the royal table, being repeated 19 times with prefix and affix. The living Seti provides for the future Osiris and for his worship at the holy grave. — In the first volume of this Handbook (p. 85) it has been shown that the establishment of the chronology of the Egyptian kings was rendered possible only by a collation of the lists of Manetho with the lists of Pharaohs preserved in the monuments. Among the latter none approaches in importance the royal tablet of the

Memnonium at Abydos, which contains no fewer than 76 cartouches, only two of which are slightly injured. The tablet from the temple of Ramses (p. 68), now in London, contains 16 entire and 2 half destroyed cartouches, while the list of Saḳḳârah, discovered by Mariette, has 39 whole and 3 damaged cartouches.
Mena, i.e. Menes, the first historic king of Egypt, heads the list. The names following his are those of the most prominent monarchs, at least those whose legitimacy was unquestionable. The Heracleopolitans and the Hyksos are naturally left out, but other rulers, of whom we possess monuments, have also been apparently deemed unworthy of inclusion in this important roll of honour. The merit of first observing and publishing this inestimable historical document belongs to Prof. Dümichen.
On the left wall of the corridor we again meet Seti and the youthful Ramses. The father holds a censer in his left hand, while the son, adorned with the priestly panther-skin, pours a libation on the altar in front of him. The titles of the right wall re-appear here. The inscription, which the royal pair faces, contains in systematic order the names of these objects of worship, with their homes, whom Seti has honoured with sacrificial gifts. The sculpture in this corridor, consisting of alto-reliefs on the fine-grained limestone, is all executed with the greatest delicacy. In the centre of the right wall a door leads into a narrow Chamber (Pl. t), vaulted in the same manner as the sanctuaries (p. 61), and preceding the stair (Pl. u) which leads to the hill at the back of the temple. The inscriptions here are in excellent preservation, being injured only in a few places; the adjoining figures of Seti and Ramses show the latter arrived at manhood and the throne. Safekh, the goddess of history, the great mistress of books’, addresses her darling son Seti. The ceremony of foundation, which we find more fully represented and described in the Ptolemaic temples, is also depicted here. The praises of the king are sung, and his merits are, at the command of Ra, to be committed to writing by the goddess of history. Thoth also congratulates the king in the emphatic manner usual to such inscriptions, and promises him an eternal existence and the stability of his kingdom for hundreds of thousands of years. Thoth is named the tongue of Ra and lord of the speech of the prophet of truth. This staircase was completed while Ramses shared the throne of his father as co-ruler.
The other rooms of this part of the building are all more or less in ruins. From the S. end of the kings’ gallery we enter a kind of peristyle Court (Pl. G), with seven columns, which perhaps was never completed. The sculptures and hieroglyphics are not very carefully executed and appear ‘en creux’ instead of in high relief. The most interesting scenes are those on the lower part of the walls, representing the slaughter of the cattle, gazelles, and antelopes which Seti had so lavishly vowed (in the adjoining king's gallery)

to the gods of the temple. Some of the resisting oxen are remarkably true to nature. Probably the sacrificial animals were actually slain in this court, a conclusion strengthened by the broken pottery found here by Mariette and the two springs of turbid water. A well has also been discovered outside the E. wall of the temple, which may be the spring described by Strabo.
The Room marked F on the plan is the most interesting of the other apartments in this wing. The entrance to it is on the left (S.) side of the space between the sanctuary and the third row of columns in the second hypostyle hall. The door leading to it is named ‘the great door of Ra-ma-men (i. e. Seti), the favourite of Sokar’. To this deity, Osiris-Sokar or Ptah-Sokar-Osiris, keeper of the realm of shades, this room is consecrated, though other gods, such as Nefer Tum, Horus, and Thoth are also represented here. The king appears in the act of offering sacrifice. To the extreme right on entering, on the wall between the doors, are reliefs of richly adorned Nilometers, the symbols of the state of stability and permanence aimed at by Pharaoh; the inscriptions inform us that they were dedicated to the Osiris of the under-world, Ptah-Sokar-Tatunen, who was worshipped in the Memnonium of Abydos. On the entrance-wall, to the right of the door, is the bark of Sokar, and a list is given of the titles of this god of the many aliases, who was revered in so many different spots. The form of the three columns preserved here is peculiar. The cylindrical shafts, which bear the abacus without any transitional member, are flattened at the points where their periphery would touch an exscribed square, and hence their section is in the shape of an octagon with four straight and four curved sides. — The doors to the right, on each side of the above-mentioned Nilometers, lead into two oblong rooms with vaulted ceilings, which have partly fallen in (Pl. q, r). — The other apartments of this wing contain nothing of special interest. They are all ruinous, and five of them cannot be entered except from the outside. — In visiting the Memnonium of Abydos, the traveller should bear in mind that he has to do with a cenotaph, dedicated to the manes of a king apotheosised as Osiris and to his forefathers; and he should also remember that the site of the building was determined by the belief that the souls of those who had been ‘sanctified’ near the Holy Tomb could look forward with confidence to the highest joys of the world to come.
MONUMENTS TO THE NORTH. Not only Seti, but also his son has erected a cenotaph to himself near the tomb of Osiris. To reach this Sepulchral Temple of Ramses II. we turn towards the N. and skirt the margin of the desert for a few minutes. It is in a very ruinous state, but still presents many features of interest. The ground-plan of a peristyle court, several rooms, and the sanctuaries beyond them can still be traced; but the average height of the remaining walls is only 5–6 ft. The picture of ruin presented to us

here is all the more striking from the obvious pains of the founder to make a costly and enduring monument. Where Seti contented himself with limestone, Ramses made lavish use of granite, Oriental alabaster, and black graywacke. The remaining fragments show that Ramses erected obelisks of granite in front of his cenotaph, and that caryatide-like figures of Osiris, now long since shattered, stood at the sides of the first peristyle court. Plastic ornamentation was freely used and so richly painted that the colours have to this day clung to some of the fragments. Ramses followed the example of his father in consecrating a chamber to the manes of his ancestors. In 1818 Mr. Bankes discovered in the chamber to the left (E.) of the first octostyle room a royal list of eighteen names, two of which were partly destroyed, and the relies of these tablets are still in situ. M. Mimaut, the French Consul General, tore down the walls on which the important cartouches were represented and sent the stones to Paris, whence they passed by purchase to the British Museum. Almost no inscription has been left intact here. We learn, however, that Ramses was much more anxious than his father to record his own achievements. Not a few names of peoples and towns which he subdued or captured may still be discerned among the ruins.
The visitor will gladly arrest his steps by the representation of a grand procession, which is to be found inside the great court, to the right and left of the entrance. The procession, beginning at the N. W. corner of the hall, which was formerly surrounded with Osiris-pillars, extends over the whole of the N. wall. Four temple officials are represented, one described as a secretary, two with leopard-skins as priests of Osiris and of the house of Ramses Meriamon Khnumt Abdu (connected with Abydos), and the fourth as Kerhub. Animals, some living and some dead, are brought to them for sacrifice. Among these are antelopes, geese, and oxen of extraordinary size and fatness. On the right side of the fore-court are similar scenes, in which the procession is still more grandly equipped. Here appear the royal war-chariot, numerous officials, and negroes, while incense is burned before the statue of the monarch. The colouring of these figures is surprisingly well preserved.
On the outside of the temple, N. side, is an inscription relating to the Kheta war, discovered by Eisenlohr in 1870; unfortunately only the lower parts of lines are preserved. Adjacent to the W. and N., are representations of events in the Kheta war, similar to those of the Ramesseum at Thebes. The exterior of the S. wall is covered with a long inscription, recounting the building of the temple, of which the following is a translation. ‘Behold his Majesty, Life, Salvation, and Health, the beloved son representing his father Unnofer and making him a beautiful and lordly dwelling, built for eternity of white, good, fair stone, the two great pylons of finished workmanship, the door-ways of syenite. The doors therein of bronze, plated with real electrum; the great seat (i.e. the inner sanctuary) of alabaster; its sanctuary covered with granite, and its exalted seat of sep tep, the meshen (cradle) for its cycle of gods. His exalted father lies within, even as Ra is united with heaven; his lordly portrait is by him that begat him, even as Horus on the throne of his father. He has daily multiplied the offerings for all

times, for the feasts of the seasons and the feasts of the year, the feasts for each day for himself. He filled the temple with all things, a superabundance of gifts of nourishment, bulls, calves, oxen, geese, incense, wine, and fruit, filling it with labourers, enriching it with fields, presenting cattle, filling the storehouse with superabundance, the barns reaching to heaven, the servants of the domains of the offering being the captives of his brave sword. His treasure-house filled with all gems, with silver and gold in bars, the storehouse full of all things sent as tribute from all countries. He has constructed numerous canals, and has planted timber of all sorts, fragrant plants from the land of Punt; he has done all this, the son of Ra, the lord of the diadems, the beloved of Osiris and of the gods the lords of Abydos’.
Like the temple of Seti, that of his son Ramses was also a sanctuary dedicated to Osiris, though in each case the predominant feature is the glorification of the monarch in his apotheosis as Osiris. Mariette was therefore on a wrong tack when he saw a special temple of Osiris in the enclosure (Pl. III; p. 52) to the N., near the village of El-Kherbeh, and spent much time and money in an attempt to find the actual grave of Osiris. Obviously this was merely an older sanctuary, erected by the kings of the 12th and 13th Dynasties on the site of a still more ancient temple. [Two steles in the Louvre, numbered C 11 and C 12, and the great stele of Mentuhotep, now in the museum of Gîzeh, give us information concerning these buildings.] Nowadays this temple is a mere heap of rubbish, and the few interesting ‘finds’ made here, such as the statues of Usertesen I. and Usertesen III., and some inscriptions of the time of Tutmes III., have been sent to the museum of Gîzeh. The same institution received the many hundred steles found partly on the site of this temple and partly in the Necropolis of Abydos. Three such cemeteries are distinguished. The first, containing tombs of the New Empire, from the 19th Dynasty downwards, lies to the S. of the temples of Seti I. and Ramses II. Another (Nécropole du Centre) lies to the W. of the path leading from the temple of Ramses II, to the so-called temple of Osiris, and contains graves mainly of the 6th and 11th Dynasties. Here was found the historically valuable tablet of Una (see Baedeker's Lower Egypt, p. 307), who accompanied three successive rulers of the 6th Dynasty in their campaigns. The third of N. necropolis, to the W. of the so-called temple of Osiris, contains numerous graves of the 12th and 13th Dynasties, but also many of the new empire. Among the interesting steles found here were those of a Neferhotep of the 13th Dynasty and of Sheshonk, the latter erroneously pronounced by H. Brugsch to have been a Persian satrap. The pyramidal structures found in the N. and central cemeteries are also interesting. Still farther to the W. lies a quadrangular enclosure surrounded by a lofty wall and named Shunet ez-Zebîb (Pl. IV; p. 52; magazine of the Zibebes), which probably served as a place of defence against the incursions of the Beduins of the Great Oases. A Coptic Convent (Pl. V; p. 52) to the N. E. of this point, dating from the year 1306 of the Coptic era, scarcely repays a visit.

[Back to top]


5. From Beliâneh to Ḳeneh (Denderah).

Comp. Map, p. 8.

56 M. STEAMBOAT in 4 ½ hrs. Comp. p. 45.
Between Beliâneh and Ḳeneh the Dûm Palm (Hyphæna the-baica) becomes more and more common, generally occurring in groups and increasing in size and beauty as we travel southwards (comp. p. 28). It is a fan-leaved palm of moderate height, dividing into two parts at the upper end of the stem and sometimes repeating this bifurcation two or three times. It extends far to the S. of Egypt, and whole forests of it are found on the upper Nile. Its large nuts contain a soft and fibrous pulp, which is edible and tastes like sweet cake; while various objects are made out of the hard rind. Its timber and bast are also of considerable industrial value.
The ancient Lepidotum must have lain on the E. bank of the river opposite Beliâneh; but, though described by Ptolemy as a large town, no trace of it remains. The Lepidotus (the Cyprinus lepidotus of Geoffroy, and Cinex deutex of Savigny) was held here in high honour, though, according to Plutarch, it was one of the fishes that swallowed the Phallus of Osiris and was hence generally regarded with special abhorrence.
From Beliâneh to Ḳeneh the Nile valley lies almost due E. and W. About 4 M. from the S. bank lies Samhûd, on ancient rubbish-mounds. Nagi-Hamadi, also on the S. bank, 19 M. from Beliâneh, is the station for Farshût, 3 M. to the S., now an uninteresting village with a large sugar-factory belonging to the Khedive.
So late as the 18th cent. this was still the seat of the great shêkh, who was the head of the Favaris (pl. of Fâris, here pron. Havâris), or tribes of mounted Arabs on the left bank of the Nile. The comparative width of the river plain makes horse breeding an important occupation among these tribes, and their shaggy grey dogs are also celebrated. The latters are frequently seen guarding the flocks of sheep, and are easily distinguishable from the worthless and cowardly curs that haunt the streets of the towns and villages. When encouraged to attack by their owners, these brave animals are exceedingly dangerous antagonists. From Farshût to the Great Oasis, see R. 35.
9 ½ M. Hôu (W. bank) and Ḳaṣr eṣ-Ṣaiyâd (E. bank) lie nearly opposite one another, at one of the sharpest bends in the stream. Hôu, a large but miserable-looking village, was the home of Shêkh Selîm, who died a few years ago, at a very advanced age, after sitting stark naked on the bank of the Nile for 53 years; he was regarded by pious Moslems with great honour and was deemed to possess great powers in helping navigation and barren women. His grave here is covered with Arabic inscriptions and votive gifts in the form of small boats.
Those who wish to visit the scanty ruins of the ancient Diospolis Parva traverse the village in the direction of the mountains, cross two deep ditches, near which stand the finely built piers of a ruined bridge, and reach (25 min.) a large mound of debris, known as Gebel Hôr (i.e. Horus). This is the only remnant of the ancient Diospolis, with the exception of a fragment of a temple of the Ptolemies in the village,

where, too, some stones bearing the cartouches of Ptolemy Philometor project from the ground in a clear space. Nothing of interest is to be seen here except one of the largest and oldest lebbek-trees in Egypt. The extensive cemetery contains numerous Cufie inscriptions. Hieroglyphic inscriptions have been found in grottoes in a hill to the W. of the town.
Ḳaṣr eṣ-Ṣaiyâd (mail steamer station) marks the site of the ancient Chenoboskion, which is mentioned by Ptolemy, by Stephanus of Byzantium, and in the Itinerary of Antonine, and belonged to the Nomos Panopolites. No remains are visible except a few fragments of the river wall, with an unimportant Greek inscription of the Roman period. It owes its name, meaning ‘geese pasture’ (Βοσχϊον, Copt.

, from the ancient Egyptian Geese lake), to the fact that immense quantities of geese, a favourite food and sacrificial offering of the old Egyptians, were reared here. Its propinquity to the home of Menes (This-Abydos) makes it seem quite natural that graves of hoar antiquity (6th Dynasty) should be found in the neighbourhood. These are reached from the village of Ḳaṣr eṣ-Ṣaiyâd in about 1 ¼ hr. Donkeys, but no saddles, may be obtained, through the Shêkh el-Beled. We first ride through a well-tilled district, cross a bridge over a canal which waters the district, pass the village of Isbah, and reach the Arab hills. The ancient tombs, constructed of light-coloured and unusually fine-grained limestone, now come in sight; they date from the reigns of Pepi, Merira, and Raneferka, all of the 6th Dynasty. The large tomb situated farthest to the left contains representations and inscriptions which are identical in style with those in the most ancient part of the Necropolis of Memphis. The ceiling was left rough-hewn. Some of the small inscriptions cut in the living rock near the entrance are in Coptic. The representations on the inside of the entrance-wall have been almost wholly destroyed, but some ships may be distinguished to the right of the door. On the right wall are figures bearing funereal gifts and a large sacrificial table. The rear-wall is divided into two distinct portions, as the left side of the tomb has been pushed much farther into the rock than the right. In the latter are two niches. That to the right contains an image of the deceased, one of the chief dignitaries under the Pharaoh Raneferka, named Zuta. (

). From the second niche, farther to the left, a mummy-shaft descends obliquely; adjacent is a Coptic inscription. In the deeply recessed rear-wall of the left side are four smaller niches, probably intended for the coffins of members of Zuta's household deemed worthy of special honour. — The next tomb, farther to the right, is of even greater interest than the one just described. It belonged to an official named Atkhenu, who lived in the reigns of Pepi, Merira, and Raneferka, and was not only engaged in the construction of the pyramids of these monarchs, but was also a distinguished warrior. The pyramids were named ‘Good Place’.

‘Fine Ascent’, and ‘Scene of Life’

. The names of the three kings and their pyramids were found in the inscriptions to the right and left of the entrance (outside). The tomb is in the form of a rectangle, with the mummy-shaft opening in the back-wall. The representation of Atkhenu, to the left of the entrance, is very lifelike and derives peculiar interest from the fact that the grandees of the early period are seldom represented, as here, in full military activity. Our hero, another Una (see Baedeker's Lower Egypt, p. 307), lifts the arm vigorously to strike his foe. The mode of wearing the hair and headdress, seen both in this figure and that of Atkhenu's wife, is unusual. Atkhenu was a rich man, possessing, according to the inscriptions, 2350 oxen. On the left side of the rear-wall are represented several scenes from the private life of the deceased. Cattle are being slaughtered, cooks are busy at their work, etc. Above the door leading to the mummy-shaft we see a large altar, adjoining which is a long but much damaged inscription. — The smaller tombs in the vicinity are less interesting. Several Coptic inscriptions testify that anchorites found retreats in these tombs during the Christian period. We are now approaching the region which, in the time of Pachomius, was most thickly populated with monks and anchorites.
Farther on we pass a fine mountain-mass, which looks especially imposing by afternoon light, and see several thriving villages, often situated close to the river. Deshneh, a steamboat-station on the N. bank, 13 M. from Ḳaṣr eṣ-Ṣaiyâd, is situated on the ruins of an ancient town.
The site of the celebrated Tabenna, which lay between Hôn (Diospolis) and Denderah (Tentyra), must be sought for either here or close to Keneh. It belonged to the nome of Tentyra and its Coptic name was Tabenneseh, which may be translated ‘place of the Isis palms’. The Greeks supposed that ‘nesi’ meant νηϚος (nesos) or island, and hence it comes that the town of Tabennesus, situated on the mainland, is generally spoken of as the Island of Tabenna. It is said that the Arabs name it Geziret el-Gharb or Isle of the West, but no support of this could be found on the spot. St. Jerome relates that at the end of the 4th cent. no fewer than 50,000 monks assembled in the district of Tabennesus to celebrate the Easter Festival. All of these followed the rule of Pachomius and belonged either to the chief monastery (Monasterium Majus) or to the smaller cœnobia, laurae, and anchorite cells dependent on it. It is marvellous that the temple of Denderah (p. 80), so close to this community of fanatics, should have been left almost intact. Perhaps the explanation is that at the time the monks settled here the strife about dogmas aroused much more excitement in the ecclesiastical breast than the dislike of heathen gods that had long since become harmless.
56 M. (17 M. from Deshneh) Ḳeneh (steamer-station), a town with 15,400 inhab., lies on the E. bank of the Nile at the point where the river, suddenly abandoning its northward course, turns to the W., almost at right angles. It is the capital of the fifth Mudîrîyeh of Upper Egypt, which is 597 sq. M. in extent and contains a population of 406,858. The Greek name of the town was Καινήπολις ‘Newtown’.

At the time of the pilgrimage to Mecca Ḳeneh presents a very lively scene, as it is then frequented by large numbers of the participators in that great religious picnic. The spiritual and material wants of the pious Ḥedjâdj are catered for by six spacious mosques, numerous coffee-houses, and a large number of places of amusement, among the attractions of which Egyptian dancing-girls are prominent. For the rest Ḳeneh differs little in general character from the other towns of Upper Egypt. The traveller should not fail, however, to see the most valuable piece of land near Ḳeneh, which is about one Feddan (3500 sq. yds.) in area and yields an excellent variety of potter's clay that has made Ḳeneh pottery, like that of Assiûṭ, famous throughout the country. Ḳeneh has a special reputation for its Ḳulal (pl. of Ḳulle), or cool porous water-bottles, and for its Ballâs and Zîr, large vessels used in carrying, purifying, and preserving water. In some of the early Egyptian inscriptions figures of the Ballâs and Zîr appear as distinctive symbols, in the exact forms in which they are made to-day. Hundreds of thousands of these clay vessels are annually exported from Ḳeneh in boats of a primitive but not unpractical description, constructed for the purpose, in which they are piled up in pyramidal form, fastened together with ropes made of the bast of the date-palm and attached to rectangular frames. A trustworthy report fixes the number sent away in 1860 at 900,000. Considerable activity is also manifested in the manufacture of kiln-dried pottery, generally either red or black, used for chibouk-heads, bottles, pitchers, vases, drinking-vessels, etc., of every size and shape. The almost invariably graceful forms and tasteful decorations of these utensils may be unreservedly set down as a bequest from ancient Egypt.

[Back to top]

6. Routes through the Eastern Desert.

Ḳeneh is a place of some importance as the starting-point of the caravans traversing the Arabian desert to Ḳoṣêr (p. 77) and as an emporium of the trade of Upper Egypt with the coast-districts of the Red Sea. It consequently affords a good opportunity of making a short and comparatively easy desert journey, as the interesting excursion to Ḳoṣêr can be made without any very great privation or danger. The caravan-route leads viâ Ḥamamâl, traversing the rocky Arabian Desert, which is not only of great scenic grandeur but also full of interest for the naturalist and the archæologist. Ḳoṣêr, a port on the Red Sea, is about 110 M. from Ḳeneh, and the journey can be made comfortably in four, or at most five days.
These desert-routes were important even in antiquity for the trade with the seaports and the land of Punt (Arabia) on the one side and the valuable quarries in the mountains of the Arabian Desert on the other. Spices and other costly products were sent across the desert to Ḳeneh, at first on donkey-back and afterwards on camels, while green breccia and several varieties of granite were sent down to the sea in return. The most important points on the Red Sea, named from N. to S., were Myos Hormos (now Abu Sar el-Ḳibli), in the latitude of Monfalût: Leukos Limen, now Ḳoṣêr; and Berenike, in the latitude of Assuân. The route from Ḳeneh to Myos Hormos leads to the N.E., and a short detour may be made through the Wâdi Faṭireh, with its granite-quarries, and past

the Roman town and colony of Hudreuma or Fons Trajanus, which lies in the latitude of Ḳau, about 3 days’ journey from Ḳeneh. Outside the walls lie a temple and other buildings, and some large columns and Greek inscriptions have been found in the quarries, which were worked chiefly in the time of Hadrian and Trajan. About two days journey farther to the N. is Gebel Dukhan (‘smoke mountain’), the ancient porphyry quarries of which were worked by the Romans. Here are the ruins of an Ionic temple of the time of Trajan (never completed), some remains of an irregularly built town, and two large water reservoirs. The old route led hence to Myos Hormos, the harbour of which has been silted up and is now practically useless. Travellers making for the Sinai Peninsula journey to the N. from the porphyry quarries for two or three days more, and cross by boat to Ṭûr (see Baedeker's Lower Egypt. p. 515). Those who undertake one of these journeys should study the ‘Reiscbriefe’ of Lepsius and Wilkinson's well-known work.
A much more interesting journey than that to Gehel Dukhân is the trip to Ḳoṣêr, or at least to Wâdi Ḥamâmât, where there are numerous Egyptian inscriptions. For the journey (there and back) 10-11 days should be allowed, and Egyptologists will probably want 2-3 days more. It is generally undertaken from Ḳeneh but we may also choose the old route from Ḳufṭ (Koptos. p. 98), or we may start from Luxor. The first two routes unite at el-Ḳarn and are joined at Laḳêṭah by that from Luxor. The necessary camels may be obtained in Ḳeneh with the aid of one of the consular agents (comp. p. 72). The route from Ḳeneh (telegraph-wires from Ḳûs to Ḳoṣèr) leads first through the villages of Shekh Rekâb, Dômeh, and Kum ‘Imran, which follow each other in quick succession, the first on the left, the other two on the right side of the road. The first night is generally spent at the caravanserai of Bir ‘Ambar, about 3 ½ hrs. from Ḳeneh, where the lofty palms and shady sycamores and mimosae offer a most inviting halting place. The large caravanserai was erected at the expense of an Ibrahim Pasha for the use of the Ḳoṣêr caravans and the Mecca pilgrims. The structure comprises several separate buildings, covered with dome-shaped roofs and surrounded by courts and colonnades. It has no owner and is free to everyone to use as he likes. As nothing is done to keep it in repair, it is rapidly falling into decay, like most of the Oriental buildings of the kind, and threatens soon to be a complete ruin. In the deserts of Upper Egypt the temperature at night is so mild, even in winter, that strong and healthy persons may safely sleep in the open air if warmly wrapped up: and for various reasons this is preferable to a night in the caravanserai. These, however, who prefer to take their chances in the interior should not fail to make the most minute examination of the room in which they intend to sleep, in order to clear out the vermin with which it is almost certain to be infested; scorpions and venomous snakes are by no means uncommon visitants.
It is the duty of the Khabir, or guide in charge of the caravan, to see that everyone and everything are ready betimes in the morning, so that a sufficiently early start may be made to cover the ground allotted to each day's march. He is held responsible for the safe conduct of the entire party, and expects implicit obedience to his marching orders. We soon turn our backs on the verdant green district bordering the Nile and enter the barren desert, almost entirely destitute of vegetation, which lies between the great river and the coast of the Red Sea. The first part of the route is very unedifying. We advance steadily, ascending almost imperceptibly, through a monotonous plain, intersected in all directions by small undulating heights. All around us extends the interminable yellowish gray, sun bleached rocks of the desert; not a trace of organic life is visible, not a single green tree or shrub. At the hill of el-Ḳarn (‘the horn’), which rises to the left of the caravan route, about midway between Bir ‘Ambar and Laḳêtah, the road from Ḳeneh is joined by that from Ḳufṭ. Not Ḳeneh but Koptos, the modern Ḳufṭ, a little to the S., was the starting-point of the road constructed by the ancient Egyptians for the traffic between the Thebaïd and the Red Sea. From this point onwards we therefore follow one of the most ancient trading routes

known. From the hieroglyphics on the rocks and temple-walls at Ḥamâmât we learn that the ancient Koptos road formed a link, as early as 3000 years before our era, in the intercourse carried on between the Nile valley and Arabia, viâ the desert and the sea.
We now ride in a S.E. direction through a dreary district, in which the only variety is afforded by an occasional Mobwala or Maḥaṭṭa. The Mobwalas are simply spaces covered with camel's dung, easily distinguished from the surrounding soil by their darker colour and their smooth, cement like surface. They occur on every great caravan route at regular intervals and are of the utmost importance as sign-posts showing the road. Hence no khabìr or camel-driver passes one of these places without giving his camels an opportunity to contribute their quota to the maintenance of the Mobwala. The Maḥaṭṭas or halting-places are 7 ½-9 M. apart and serve also as measures of distance. The swift-running camels take their name from the number of maḥaṭṭas they can reach in one day. Thus a camel which can cover 10 maḥaṭṭas, i.e. 75-90 M., in one day is known as an Ashari (runner of ‘ten’). Other milestones of the desert are afforded by the skeletons of camels, horses, and asses, and by small cairns above the remains of unfortunate travellers who have lost their lives in this dreary waste.
The Ḳoṣêr caravans usually pass the second night in the village of Laḳeṭah (9 hrs. from Ḳufṭ and Bîr ‘Ambar, 12 ½ hrs. from Ḳeneh). which is chiefly inhabited by ‘Ababdeh: it is also a halting-place for caravans coming in the opposite direction. The small oasis has two wells, five palms, a small piece of tilled ground, a few mud-huts, and a half-ruined Arab caravanserai. It is a characteristic specimen of a desert village and offers much to interest the stranger. It is a place of great comfort and convenience to the traveller, as its resources include the materials for a solid and satisfying supper in the shape of mutton, goat's flesh, poultry, eggs, etc. The dogs here are great thieves, and care should be taken to leave nothing within their reach at night. Near the chief well are some fragments of a Greek inscription of the reign of Tiberius Claudius.
The first Roman military station, the Hydreuma, now called by the Arabs Ḳaṣr el-Benât (‘castle of the maidens’), is 3 hrs. from Laḳêṭah. It lies to the S. of the caravan route and forms an oblong 125 ft. in length and 101 ft. in breadth. The wall inclosing the oblong, formed of layers of sandstone without cement, was 6 ½ ft. high. Within the wall lie 20 small chambers opening on a rectangular inner court, the only exit from which is on the N. side. No water is now procurable here. To the N. of the path, opposite the ruin of the Hydreuma, stands a rock of sandstone with numerous graffiti in Greek, Coptic, Arabic, Himyaritic, and Sinaitic characters.
At a distance of about 2 hrs. from the Hydreuma the rocks close in and form a winding pass or gateway named Muṭraḳ es-Selâm. On the Gebel Abu Kûʽeh (‘father of the elbow’), the rock at the entrance to the pass, are more graffiti, older than those at Ḳaṣr el-Benât; one of them contains the name of the religious reformer Amenhotep IV. We now approach the fine rocky scenery through which the second part of the Ḳoṣer route leads. In the distance, to the right, rise the S. foot-hills of the Ḥamiamât Mts., while nearer and in front are the S.W. spurs. Throughout the whole of the Nile valley from Cairo to Philæ the traveller encounters no such picturesque scenery as he sees in traversing the magnificent rocky formations of this part of the Egyptian Arabian desert. Even the imposing granite cliffs of the Shellâl islands and the quarries of Assnân pale before the rocky mass of the Ḥamâmât, rising to a height of 4200 ft. The outliers of the range consist of a yellow sandstone, followed by the red ‘Nubian’ sandstone, resembling that of the Black Forest, while the great central mass is composed of granite.
Beyond the Muṭrak es-Selâm the hills again diverge. Among them, to the N. of the caravan-route, lies a second Roman station, with a filled-in well. About 2 hrs. farther on the hills of reddish-yellow sandstone give place to loftier and almost black hills of breccia, through the valleys of which, now wide and now narrow, the caravan winds its way. Beginning

with the black mountains and stretching among them for a long way is the Wâdi Ḥamâmât, where the green breccia was quarried in the most ancient times. In 1 hr. more we reach the Bîr Ḥamâmât, a well 16 ft. in diameter, with a stone coping. Near the well are the remains of a Roman wall, and between the two are five unfinished sarcophagi, some completely shattered. Near the well begins a series of short graffiti, including an inscription of Phra em heb, a superintendent of labourers, and representing Ammon with a ram's head bearing the Atef crown. The cartouche of Seti II. is also met with. About 1 hr. farther on are longer inscriptions. In the first a miner named Art en benipe is mentioned and the symbol of the crow-bar

is given. The numerous inscriptions of the old empire found here, belonging to the 5th, 6th, 11th, 12th, and 13th Dynasties, have been published by Lepsius (Part II. of his ‘Denkmaler’) and have recently been completed by W. Golenischeff. They begin with kings Tetkara-Assa and Unas of the 5th, and Userkara and Pepi of the 6th Dynasty. The most interesting of all is the inscription of the 8th year of Sankh kara, in which a military expedition from Koptos to Ḳoṣêr is recorded; it gives the names of the stations, mentions the digging of two cisterns, and relates the passage from Tuâ (the early name of Ḳoṣêr) to the ‘Holy Land’ (i.e. Arabia). The name of Rohannu also occurs. Among the later inscriptions of the 20th Dynasty may be mentioned one of the 3rd year of Ramses (‘Denkmäler’ of Lepsius, III. 219; transl. in Brugsch's ‘History of Egypt’, Eng. transl., Vol. 2, pp. 175 et seq.). We learn from this inscription that in the part of this desert named Rohannu

lay a special district of the Ḥamâmât Mts. known as

Pa tu en bekhen, or the ‘Bekhen Mts.’, so called from the Bekhen found there, a dark-green, almost black, and exceedingly hard diorite, which was highly prized by the Egyptian sculptors. This region is figured in the fragments of a map of the time of Ramses II. now preserved in the museum of Turin; and from it it would seem that gold also was procured in the Bekhen Mts. In the treasury of the temple of Medînet Habu we find mention made of gold from Kush (Ethiopia), Teb (Edfu), Nubit (Ombos) and

. By this last we should undoubtedly understand gold brought by the Koptos trading route, but not gold obtained there. The Turin Museum possesses the plan of another map of a gold-mining region (of the time of Seti I.), the gold from which seems to have been carried over the caravan-route ending opposite Edfu. The inscriptions in the so-called Temple of Redèsîyeh (more properly Wâdi ‘Abbâs; see p. 253) treat of the water-supply on this route to the gold mines.
In the great inscription of Ramses IV. a complete list is given of all the higher and lower officials, as well as of all the workmen, including 800 Aperiu (from the desert to the E. of the Delta), who had been sent to the quarries by command of the king. The total number amounts to 8368 souls, for whose support commissariat columns were constantly on the move between Koptos and Bekhen. At line 18 we read: ‘Total 8368. Provisions for these were brought upon ten waggons, and six yoke of oxen were attached to each waggon in going from Egypt to the Bekhen Mts.’ — Among the later inscriptions is one of the time of Darius, giving the genealogy of 25 architects. Xerxes and Artaxerxes are also mentioned in the inscriptions of Persian officials.
Just beyond the quarries the route turns from the N.E. to the S. and passes the ruins of el-Fawâkhir, an old mining site. Those who wish to continue their journey to the Red Sea have still two short days’ marches ahead of them, the route leading through the Wâdi Rôṣafah to Bêdah (Bîr

and thence through the Wâdi Ambagi to Ḳoṣêr or Kosseir, on the Arabian Gulf, the Leukos Limen (White Harbour) of the Ptolemies and the Tua of the ancient Egyptians. About 4 M. to the N. the scanty remains of Old Ḳoṣêr, corresponding to the harbour of Philotera, the ancient Aennum, which was named thus in honour of the sister of Ptolemy Philadelphus. Ḳoṣêr is now an unimportant town of about 3000 inhab., with a quay, a wooden mole 400 ft. long, two mosques, and several bazaars. The small houses are all whitewashed. The only edifices of any size are the government buildings erected by Moḥammed ‘Ali opposite the mole, the adjacent custom-house, and a large grain-magazine, also belonging to the Egyptian government.
In going from Ḳoṣêr towards the Nile the Beduins sometimes prefer another and more southerly route than that through the Wâdi Ḥamâmât. This diverges from the route above described at the Bîr el-Inglis in the Wâdi Bêdah (see above) and leads at first through the winding Wâdi Ḳabr el Khâdim, afterwards passing the Gebel Nuḥas and through the pass of Rî at el-Ghazâl into the Wâdi Ghazâl. To the right rise the conical Gebel Daghanîyeh and Gebel Moshâghir. We next follow the Wâdi Homûdah, which farther on takes the name of Wâdi el-Ḥomr from the fine Gebel Ḥomr, which flanks it on the right. The night is spent at Moilah, a village with water and a few huts of the ‘Ababdeh. At the Gebel Wâḳif we cross the Tariḳ e’dahrâwi, a road running from N. to S., and farther on reach Amarah, with another well and more ‘Ababdeh huts. Thence our route lies through the Wâdi Nûr and the Wâdi Ḳash to the Bir el-Ḳash, a dried-up well, beyond which we pass numerous quarries of green breccia. Beyond the passes of Rî at el-Khêl (sandstone formation) and Rî at el-Ḥamrah we reach the Mobwala (see p. 75) of Râs áṣfar, whence we go on through the Wâdi Mâhlat to Mobwalat Khâr el-Ghir. Lastly we proceed vi’ â Gâhrat e‘Dab'ah to Laḳêṭah (p.75), where our route unites with the more northerly one already described.
Caravans on the way from Ḳoṣèr to Esneh take a route still farther to the S., viâ the well of Darfâwi. The N. route from Nukhêl to Ḳeneh is now seldom used.
The journey to Berenike, on the Arabian Gulf in 24° N. lat., and to the emerald mines ½° to the N. of it, is seldom undertaken. We may start from Ḳeneh or Koptos, diverging at Laḳèṭah from the route to Ḳoṣèr, or we may begin at a point opposite Edfu (Contra-Apollinopolis) or Redèsîyeh (p. 253). On both routes traces of old watering stations are discernible. Both Pliny and the Itinerary of Antonine (3rd cent. A.D.) give a list of the ancient stations, with their distance from each other in Roman miles. The list in the Itinerary is as follows: Phœnicon 27, Didyme 24, Afrodito 20, Kompasi 22, Jovis 33, Aristonis 25, Phalacro 25, Apollono 23, Kabalsi 27, Kænon Hydreuma 27, Berenike 18 — in all 271 Roman miles = about 250 English miles.
Golenischeff took 11 days from Redèsîyeh (p.253) to Berenike, and returned thence to Assuân in 8 days. 1st Day. Bîr Abbâd (3 hrs.), in the Wâdi Miâh, an ancient station with quarry-marks like those at el-Hôsh, near Silsileh (p. 254). — 2nd Day. Temple of Seti I. at Redèsîyeh (p. 253), with rock-inscriptions of the 18-19th Dynasties. — 3rd Day. More masons’ marks discovered. Ancient station of Abu Greïah, with 2 cisterns (not to be confounded with the place of the same name near Berenike).—4th Day. Descent through the Wâdi Bêzaḥ, with its acacias (selem and seyâl, Acacia Ehrenbergiana and A. nilotica). From this point a diverging route leads direct to the emerald mines of the Wâdi Zabârah (see below). We cross the Wâdi Higelig. On the rocks to the right are rude representations of giraffes, camels, and ibexes. Remains of an ancient station named Samunt, with a cistern and chambers, occur in the same Wâdi. We next enter the broad green Wâdi Moëtḥeh, and steer for the Gebel Mugef, near which is a spring of excellent water. — 5th Day. Through huge granite rocks to groups of ten and twenty rude stone huts, probably built by miners. View of Gebel Zabârah. On a rock to the right is a view of an Egyptian bark, with sails and rudder. Farther on is a ruined station, with the remains of a stone hut. Near this point our route is joined by the route

from Ḳufṭ (Koptos), which Col. Colston followed in 1873. [Beyond (9 hrs.) Laḳèṭah (p. 75), Col. Colston's route led viâ (6 ½ hrs.) Marut, (8 hrs.) a high-lying well, ed-Dagbag, two old wells (8 ½ hrs.), Bezah (2 hrs.), and Wâdi Gerf (6 ½ hrs.).] — 6th Day. Ancient station of ed-Dueïg, with contreforts, chambers, and a large cistern, opening on the N.E. Adjacent is another smaller building. About 3 hrs. farther on we cross the watershed between the Nile and the Red Sea. Two more cisterns. We pass the granite hill of Abu Hâd. — 7th Day. Descent into the Wâdi Gemâl. Station in the form of a right-angled triangle. Two round cisterns. Lateral valley diverging towards the emerald mines. The mountains ( Gebel Abyad ) now rise to the right, instead of, as previously, to the left. — 8th Day. We proceed through the Wâdi Abyad and the Wâdi Higelig, leaving the Gebel Hamâta to the right; then along the Wâdi Rûmît. On a height in the Wâdi Husûn are some curious shèkhs’ graves, in a circular form. — 9th Day. Seven other circular tombs; the well of el-Haratrah lies to the right; old structure of a large cistern in the Wâdi el-Hasîr. Through the Wâdi Amrugûm to the Wâdi Lâhemi, which descends from the mountain of that name, crosses our route, and proceeds in windings to the Red Sea. The last station is Abu-Greïah, comprising several buildings, the largest of which, 60 paces long and 47 paces wide, contains the remains of rooms. Another building seems to have been a reservoir for rain water. — 10th Day. Arrival at the ruins of the old temple of Berenike.
The town of Berenike ( Berenice ), situated in the same latitude as Assuân, was founded in B.C. 275 by Ptolemy Philadelphus, who revived the commerce of the Red Sea by the establishment of several new ports. The town, which was named by Ptolemy after his mother, survived for 400 or 500 years. The ruins, still extant, surround the Temple, which faces the E.N.E. In front is a fore-court 28 ½ ft. in width and 12 ft. in depth. which was adjoined by the temple proper (inner length 31 ft.), comprising two rows of apartments. The central apartment, with somewhat sloping sides, seems to have been the main one, as its right and left walls and also the outside of the entrance wall (to the left) bear traces of paintings, representing a king sacrificing to various deities. The name of the Emp. Tiberius, sacrificing to the god Khem, appears here. The representation on the left outside-wall shows an emperor (probably Hadrian) appearing before a goddess, who seems to be, from the legend, the tutelary deity of the green (

uaz) emerald mine. To the left of this main apartment is a covered corridor, with a window, and adjacent is a staircase leading to the roof. The temple was cleared from rubbish in 1873 by Purdy Pasha, an American in the Egyptian service.
The Emerald Mines, which were visited last century by Bruce (1768-73) and in this century by Cailliaud (1815-18). Belzoni, and Beechey, were worked by the Arabs, according to Makrîzi, down to the year 760 of the Hegira (1370 A.D.), after which they were abandoned. Moḥammed ‘Ali made an unavailing attempt to reopen them. They lie partly in the Wâdi Sakêt and partly on the Gebel Zabarah, 14 M. to the N.E. They are best visited from Contra Apollinopolis, but may, like Berenike, be approached by following the coast of the Arabian Gulf from Ḳoṣêr. The first route diverges from the road to Berenike at Phalacro. Between Contra-Edfu and the mines are three old stations. At the first of these is the name of a sun-worshipping king of the 18th Dynasty. Close to the second, 13 hrs. from the Nile, is a temple hewn in the rock, the Temple of Redêsîyeh (so called after the place of that name of the Nile; see p. 253), which Seti I. dedicated to Ammon. No precious stones are now found in the emerald mines. To the S. of the Gebel Zabârah lies the village of Sakêt, with the huts of miners and a rock-hewn temple, with a few Greek inscriptions. Among these is a reference to Serapis and the Isis of Senskis.

[Back to top]


7. Denderah.

Both the ‘Three Weeks’ and the ‘Four Weeks’ Tourist Steamers stop at Denderah in ascending the river, the first halting 3 hrs., the second a whole day. The mail-steamer also halts here for a few hours in descending the river.
For a visit to the temple the steamboats and dhahabîyehs moor at the bank opposite Ḳeneh. The distance to the temple (about 2 M.) is easily accomplished in ½ hr. by the well-equipped donkeys standing in readiness. Those who wish to make a prolonged stay may procure the necessary conveniences for a night in the temple from the keeper ‘Ali Effendi, who lives in Ḳeneh. The Arabs, however, are afraid of the ‘afrît’ or ghosts. The visitor should not fail to be provided with candles or (better still) a magnesium lamp for exploring the crypts and other parts of the temple.
The capital of the 6th nome of Upper Egypt (Åa-ti, ‘the district of the place of the presentation of gifts’) appears in the inscriptions under several names. The two most frequent of these are

Ån, ‘the town of columns’, and the secular name

Ta-rir or

Ta en ta-rir, ‘the town of the district enclosed by ramparts’. From the latter are derived the Greek Tentyra and the modern Denderah.
We follow the bank of the Nile towards the N., through palm-trees, and then proceed to the W. through well-tilled fields, passing (right) a farm-enclosure guarded by yelping dogs; or we may ride at once towards the W. in the direction of the Gate of Augustus (p. 88) and proceed thence to the N., passing a door with unfilled cartouches, to the N. entrance, where the cards of admission (see Introd., p. xiv) are shown. The wall enclosing the temple is formed of Nile bricks, and there is another entrance on the W. side. The total enclosure is 347 yds. long and 306 yds. wide, and besides the large temple of Hathor contains a small sanctuary dedicated to Isis and a so-called ‘birth-house’ (see below). The N. door, which is in a straight line with the temple, is only 15° to the E. of N.; but in the temple-inscriptions it is always spoken of as the E. entrance, while the long sides of the temple are called the N. and S. sides. In the following description we follow the true geographical position. The N. gate was built under the Emp. Domitian, who is here named Germanicus. On the side next the temple appears the name of Nerva Trajanus, also with the epithets of Germanicus and Dacicus.
From the N. gate a modern brick passage leads to the temple. To the left of this passage lies a building deep-sunken in the debris and wanting its front. Round it ran a colonnade, the capitals of which, with the dwarf-like figure of the god Besa, project from the sand. The remains include a rather large vestibule (33 ft. by 16 ½ ft.), a long central room, two narrow side-rooms, some small

chambers, and the fragments of a staircase (to the right). This building is dedicated to the birth of Horus, with whom the son of each successive monarch is compared. Similar Birth-Houses (Egypt.

pa-mes), called by Champollion Mameisi (Copt., ‘place of birth’), occur in many other Egyptian temples (pp. 253, 289, etc.). The cartouches of Autokrator Kisres, which Hathor presents to Horus Sam taui, have been supposed to refer to Augustus; but the fact that the latter had no son makes this very doubtful. The ‘birth-house’ also contains the names of Trajan and Hadrian, to whom it probably owes its existence. The paintings represent the care of the young Horus, who is nursed and ministered to by goddesses and women with cows’ heads. — We now proceed to the temple, either by ascending over the heaps of rubbish, or by returning to the N. gate and walking thence in a straight direction.

∗∗Temple of Hathor at Denderah.

This interesting and much-admired building was dedicated to Hathor, the Egyptian Venus. The Portico (PI. E), which is supported by 24 columns, is 139 ft. in breadth. Each of the columns has a capital formed of four heads of Hathor, with cows’ ears, surmounted by a house, in reference to the meaning of Hathor, Hat (i.e. house) of Horus. The columns next the entrance show an open door. The six columns in the front row, three on each side of the entrance, are united by balustrades. The rubbish round the temple reaches to the balustrades in front and nearly to the roof on the E. side; hence the floor of the temple appears sunken and is reached by a flight of wooden steps. Originally, however, the temple stood level with the ground, and its present appearance, like that of the temples of Esneh and Edfu, is due to the accumulated rubbish of centuries. In accordance with the plan of other temples, a colonnade and a pylon should stand in front of this portico; but perhaps the means to add these were not forthcoming. The date of the temple is given by a Greek inscription of three lines, which runs round the cornice on the exterior of the building and reads as follows:

‘Under the rule of the Emp. Tiberius, and under the prefect Aulus


Avillius Flaccus, the governor Aulus Fulvius Crispus, and the district-governor Sarapion Trychambos, the inhabitants of the capital and of the nome dedicated the Pronaos to the great goddess Aphrodite and her fellow-gods, in the twentieth (?) year of the Emp. Tiberius. … ’ An inscription recently found by Dümichen on the E. side of the temple informs us that this outer wall of the temple was decorated in the second year of the Emp. Tiberius Claudius (42 A.D.). There are, however, many representations of the Emp. Nero both inside and outside the temple. The crypts of the temple date from the reigns of Ptolemy X., Ptolemy XI., and Ptolemy XIII. (Soter II.; Ptolemy Alexander; Neos Dionysos). The inscriptions running round the temple refer to Ptolemy XVI. Cæsarion and the Emp. Augustus. On the exterior of the rear-wall of the temple appears Ptolemy Kisres, accompanied by Cleopatra VI. and the little Cæsarion; the inscription is Ptulmis, surnamed Kisres. In both cases the Cæsarion referred to is apparently the son of Cæsar and Cleopatra. The temple would thus seem to owe its present form to the last of the Ptolemies and the first Roman emperors. It is, however, obvious that the site was previously occupied by older temple buildings, going back to the earliest period of Egyptian history. King Pepi of the 6th Dynasty is repeatedly represented in the crypts. In one of these crypts (No. 9) the ancient building plan of Denderah is mentioned twice. The first of these mentions occurs in the description of an excursion of the goddess to Edfu on the first of Epiphi: ‘The great building-plan (senti) of Ant (Denderah) was found written in ancient characters on hide, of the time of the successors of Horus. Found in the interior of the wall of the royal palace in the time of King Pepi’. Another passage reads: ‘The great plan of Denderah, a restoration of the monument made by King Ramenkheper (Tutmes III.), after it was found in ancient characters of the time of King Khufu’. The priests of Tentyra thus ascribed the foundation of their temple to Khufu and Pepi. There are, however, stones bearing the names of Amenemha I., Tutmes III., Tutmes IV., Ramses II., and Ramses III., all of whom probably either built or restored parts of the old temple.
If we compare the temple of Denderah with a similar structure of the earlier period, such as the temple of Abydos or the great national sanctuary of Karnak, we find it not less beautiful in its own way, though of course far from competing with these gigantic structures in magnificence or extent. Its chief characteristics are a fine symmetry of proportions and dignified adaptation to its purposes. A happy blending of Egyptian seriousness with Grecian grace, which meets us unmistakably at every turn, has a peculiarly pleasing effect, and we feel much more at home in the halls of the Hathor of Tentyra than in the great hall of the god of Thebes, with its forest of gigantic columns. Neither the figures nor the inscriptions sculptured on the walls compare in masterly execution with

those in the tombs of the ancient kingdom or with those peculiar to the times of a Seti or a Tutmes; but we cannot refuse our admiration even to these products of later Egyptian art. Here and there (as in several chambers of the upper story) we meet specimens of hasty and poor workmanship; but as a rule the sculpture of Denderah is pleasing and harmonions in style and executed with a care that does not overlook the smallest detail. The eye is uniformly pleased by the harmony of the whole with its details and by the great variety of composition which manifests itself in spite of the prescribed form to which the artist was confined.
Neither the general architectural scheme of the temple as a whole nor the style of the details shows any essential variation from those that may be traced in the earlier Egyptian temples. The first apartment, here as elsewhere, is a handsome Hypostyle Hall (Pl. E), open in front, with 24 massive columns supporting the roof (comp. p. 93). Next follows a room with six columns (Pl. D), with three apartments to the left (XVIII, XIX, XX) and three to the right (XXI, XXII, XXIII), from the last of which (XXIII) a passage leads to the festal chambers beside Hall B. The next room (Pl. C), with no columns, has apartments XVI and XVII on the left. A fourth hall (Pl. B), adjoined on the left by a single apartment (XII) and on the right by the suite of three festal chambers (XIII, XIV, XV), leads to the Adytum (Pl. A), a long narrow room in which the sacred boats were kept. From the passage (Pl. α) which encircles the latter, entrances lead into eleven side-chambers (left IV, V, VI, VII, III, II, right VIII, IX, XI, X), which are grouped round the main chamber (Pl. I) behind room A. There are also a number of secret passages (crypts), constructed in the hollow wall of the temple on the E., W., and S. sides. These passages, which are difficult of access, are in three stories, one above another (comp. p. 96). Finally from the central hall C, doors lead on the right and left to the two stairs which ascend to the roof of the temple (comp. pp. 91, 97).
The Egyptians had special names for each hall and side-chamber, for each corridor and staircase, for each door and window, in fact for each part, great or small, of the more or less complicated temples. In not a few cases these names explain the use of the different rooms; but the only certain information as to the special nature of the various apartments is obtained from the Inscriptions, which are arranged as a kind of ornamental border above and below the paintings on the wall, much like the borders seen sometimes on old-fashioned wall-papers. These inscriptions, which are of the greatest importance both for the history of architecture and for the explanation of the temple-cult, usually have their contents arranged in the same order. The name of the king, with all his titles and official epithets, is first mentioned, followed by the statement that he built, repaired, completed, or adorned such and such a room, or such and

such a staircase, the name of which is in each case given, followed by as full a description of the room in question and of what took place there, as space will allow. Prof. Dümichen uncovered the inscription at the foot of the exterior wall of the temple in 1875 (p. 97), and found that, as at Edfu, the names and dimensions of the chambers lying to the north were inscribed on the N. side, and on the S. side those of the chambers lying to the south. He has published the inscription with a translation.
Baugeschichte des Denderatempels, Strassburg, 1877.
In our description, we begin with the Hypostyle Hall or ∗Khent Hall (Pl. E). The first large hall of an Egyptian temple frequently bore the name

Khent, i.e. front room, as is the case here, at Edfu, at Philae, and elsewhere. It has several other names as well. Apparently with reference to the astronomical representations which adorn both halves of the ceiling, it is frequently named in the inscriptions

Nut usekh ur t' i.e. Great Hall of the Goddess Nut, who as the symbol of the vault of heaven was represented as a tall woman bending her face towards the earth and letting her arms hang down

. A colossal representation of this figure is met with twice on the ceiling of the hypostyle room at Denderah, and it is repeated twice more, in the apartment marked XV. on the plan and in the central Osiris-room on the N. side of the temple-roof. In the two last instances it occupies the entire surface of the ceiling. Astronomical representations, whether simply golden stars scattered promiscuously on a blue ground, or actual copies of the constellations as seen at some particular time, have been adopted as a suitable ceiling-decoration in nearly every Egyptian temple and tomb. The two names above given are by far the commonest for this first room, but it is also called ‘the seat of Osiris, Horus, and Isis’, and it is named in the inscriptions ‘the dwelling of Hathor, the house of the sistrum-playing, the house in which the tambourine is sounded, the seat of the rapture of joy, the birth-place of the celestial goddess Nut’. The hall is 143 ft. broad, 80 ft. deep, and about 50 ft. high.
On festal occasions the image of the goddess was conveyed in her boat to this Hall of Heaven, to meet there the sun-god, her father. The decorative designs in this room chiefly consist, after the ancient Egyptian custom, of representations of the royal builders of the temple. The Roman emperors Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero are in turn depicted, each bearing some dedicatory gift for Hathor or some other of the gods worshipped at Denderah. The central wall-spaces between the columns to the right and left of the main portal are each occupied with four designs, referring to the

entrance of the ruler into the sanctuary and to the ceremony of incense, to which he must submit in the first chamber according to the prescribed ritual. In the first we see the king (Nero) quitting his palace, preceded by five banners with sacred figures, while the high-priest (named Anmut-f) offers incense before him. In the second design, Horus and Thoth sprinkle the king with the symbols of life; in the third, the goddesses of the south ( Nekheb ) and of the north (Uaz) present him with the white crown and the crown ‘Nefert’; in the fourth and last, the king is conducted before Hathor by the gods Month of Thebes and Tum of Heliopolis. Admission into the temple proper was not granted to him until after this ceremony had been gone through, the sacred garment assumed, and the purification by incense and holy water completed. The representations referring to these, and the explanatory inscriptions, are quite in the same manner as those we have already noted in the earlier temples of the time of Tutmes and Ramses.
The sculptured ornamentation on the ceiling, dealing with astronomical subjects, is divided into a W. and an E. half. The figures in the W. section are turned towards the N. (outside), those of the other to the S. (inside). Each section is divided into three bands, most of which consist of two or more rows. The exterior bands of each section correspond to each other, as do also the central and inner bands. Between the two sections is another band, containing 10 sun-discs and 11 vultures, explained by Prof. Lauth as referring to the 21st year of the reign of Tiberius. — The exterior bands, which are embraced by a tall figure of the goddess of the heavens, contain the twelve signs of the Zodiac in their upper rows; to the right those of the N. sky (lion, serpent instead of the virgin, balances, scorpion, archer, goat), to the left or S., those of the S. sky (water-carrier, fishes, ram, bull, twins, crab). In this row appear also the principal constellations (Orion, Sirius, Sothis) and five planets (Saturn, Mars, Jupiter, Venus, and Mercury). Mingled with the other figures are the gods of the twelve hours of night, on the E. side in ascending order (I to XII), and on the W. side in descending order.
The second rows of the exterior bands each contain 18 ships, with the ‘Decani’ of presidents of the weeks, mentioned elsewhere in other inscriptions. This long series begins in the W. section and ends in the E. section. The second bands, both on the right and left, consist of two rows each. At the four ends of the upper rows are the four Winds, with expanded wings, which are adjoined on the right (next the entrance) by four figures of gods referring to Ra, and on the left by four similar figures referring to Tum, the god of evening. Then follows a series of ‘Decani’, beginning in the W. and continued in the E. section, consisting of the above-mentioned thirty-six ‘Decani’ arranged in twelve groups of three, each conducted by a president usually in the form of a serpent. The lower rows of the central bands contain, on the right (W.) the twelve hours of the

night, on the left (N.) the twelve hours of the day, each with their eponymous divinities.
The interior band on the W. side exhibits three designs referring to the moon, which is here represented as

‘uza’, eye. In the first are the 14 days of the waning moon, in the second the 14 days of the waxing moon, represented by 14 divinities ascending a flight of steps, while the victorious Thoth appears as a fifteenth divinity beyond the moon-disc. Finally appears Osiris as the moon-god, seated with Isis and Nephthys in a boat, floating above the symbol of the sky

, which is supported by four female forms. — In the E. section the interior band exhibits the course of the sun-disc through the 12 hours of the day, represented by 12 boats. In each disc appears the figure of the divinity to which the particular hour was sacred.
On the W. side of the hall, between the second and third row of columns (to the right of the entrance), and on the E. side between the third and fourth row (on the left) are Side-Entrances, through which the sacrificial offerings used to be brought into the hall (com. p. 88).
Of the three Prosekos Halls which we next enter, by far the largest is the hexastyle first hall, the —
Hall of the Appearance (Pl. D), called in the inscriptions usekh kha or Hall of the Appearance, and ‘Hall of the Appearance of Her Highness’, i.e. Hathor, the golden-rayed. The inscription at the foot of the external wall gives the measurement of this hall as 26 ells square, which closely coincides with its actual size, 45 ½ ft. square. On festal days the image of the mighty sun-goddess was carried in solemn procession from its place in the holy of holies, and was not seen by the multitude assembled in the vestibule until it reached this hall, when the lofty double doors were thrown open. Hence probably the name of the hall.
It is a remarkable fact that except in the Khent Hall, the secret passages, and Room XX (p. 88), the cartouches of the kings in all the interior rooms of the temple remain empty. In Room XX the accompanying royal cartouches are found: ‘Lord of the rulers, chosen by Ptah’, and ‘Kaisaros, ever-living, beloved by Ptah and Isis’. The latter, which is also found on the exterior W. wall of the temple, probably refers to Augustus, though the same designation was also used for Caligula, Claudius, and Nero. On the E. external wall of the temple at Denderah and in the temple of Isis at Philae,

Augustus is constantly indicated by the accompanying cartouches ‘Autokrator Kisres’. The temple was probably built in the unsettled times of the later Ptolemies, and the priests were therefore left in doubt whether to fill in the cartouches with the name of Ptolemy or of Augustus.
The representations on the walls and columns, many of which well deserve special attention, exhibit here also the Egyptian ruler worshipping Hathor or some other of the divinities revered in her temple. They illustrate several most remarkable ceremonies, which the king performed according to the prescribed ritual in presence of the images of the gods in the temple. We have seen reason to believe that the sculptured decorations of all the temple-chambers were executed about the end of the period of the Ptolemies and the beginning of the Roman empire. (The sculptures in some of the chambers in the sunk-floor and in several of the higher secret passages, date from the reigns of Ptolemies X., XI., and XIII.) Yet in spite of that, the entire adornment on the walls is arranged according to early Egyptian patterns; so that the ceremonies here depicted were not first introduced under the empire, and probably no Roman emperor ever took part in these ceremonies in this temple of Hathor. The walls of the temple at Denderah exhibit exclusively Early Egyptian Manners and Customs. What we here learn are the ceremonies imposed by the priesthood on the early Egyptian monarch who desired to worship the goddess. Thus in a representation to the right of the entrance the king appears twice over in the same design. First we see him, clad in a long robe and carrying a staff, entering the hall, preceded by the priest wearing the panther-skin and sprinkling incense on the burning censer. Next we see him standing before the image of Hathor, his robe laid aside; bending forward he goes through the motion of cleaving the earth with the short hand-plough in his hand, because it was an immemorial custom that the Egyptian king should turn the first sod on the site of a temple. (In the explanatory inscription here, as elsewhere, this ceremony is named ‘bai ta’, cleaving of the ground.) The king also smote the first blow with the hammer at the laying of the foundation-stone, and shaped the first brick for the enclosing walls, which were usually built of unburned bricks of Nile-mud dried in the sun. All these ceremonies performed by early Egyptian monarchs at the foundation of a temple, are here faithfully recorded according to early models, both in visible shape and by explanatory inscriptions. They are also recorded in the lowest of the four rows on the W. and E. exterior walls of the temple. In the temple of Horus at Edfu the king is represented performing similar ceremonies.
Another picture, also referring to the founding of a temple, appears on the immediately adjoining wall. Here the king once more appears before Hathor, bearing in his hand the building-tool

khus. The ceremony is named in the inscription ‘the Building of the Temple’; and the words placed in the mouth of the king and arranged above the Khus run: ‘I have built the monument, the great one, as a perfect building to all eternity’. The ceremony represented in the following design also refers to the building of the temple. The king, kneeling before Hathor, is shown shaping the first burned brick for the girdle-wall of the temple. As has already been mentioned in the description of the cult of Hathor, that goddess is frequently extolled in the inscriptions at Denderah as the goddess of joy, at whose festival wine flowed freely and the air was fragrant with incense and all the perfumes of Arabia. Thus, as the inscriptions here inform us, the king mingles grains of incense and wine with the material out of which he moulds the brick. On both sides of the portal admitting to the hall are two long inscriptions, each consisting of 14 vertical lines, and containing a list of all the names under which the great Hathor was worshipped at Denderah and else-where in Egypt. This is followed by a list of the chief gods and divine geniuses, those of the temple at Edfu being named in greatest detail; and finally comes a list of the sacred serpents of Denderah, which were probably not kept in the temple itself, but in the adjoining sacred groves.
We now enter the Side Chambers, of which there are three on each side. All are of the same size, defined in the inscription on the E. external wall as 11 ⅓ ells long and 6½ ells broad. The first on the left side (Pl. XVIII) was called

Ast. t, or in the fuller form (shown e.g. on one of the staircase-walls)

Asi.t. The inscriptions here clearly indicate that the incense, so lavishly used at the sacred festivals, was compounded in this room according to strictly observed recipes in which all kinds of sweet-smelling ingredients were employed; and that the holy oils and ointments for the various ceremonies were also here prepared. We may therefore name this apartment the Temple Laboratory. All the designs and inscriptions on the four walls of this apartment refer to the incense prepared and preserved here; to the oils and ointments used in the temple services; and to the various ingredients of which they were composed. Two seven-lined vertical inscriptions on the two parts of the entrance-wall contain what is to a certain extent a summarized description of the representations on the adjoining walls to the right and left. On each wall are two representations, i.e. four
Chemistry derives its name from the land of Khem

, called ‘black land’ from the dark colour of its soil.

in all. They exhibit the royal builder of the laboratory worshipping before Hathor, Isis, Hathor with the Horus of Edfu, and Isis with Horus Samtaui. In two of the designs the king is accompanied by one of the lords of the laboratory, once with the divine Master of Anointing

Mazet, once with Horus, the lord of the laboratory

, in the other two, by a goddess and two ram's-headed divinities, who also stand in some relation to the work of the laboratory. Both the king and his companions offer some of the costly perfumes of the laboratory to the gods above named.
The room next the laboratory (Pl. XIX) is named in the inscriptions here found simply

Sahi, which means ‘assembly-room’, ‘room’, ‘hall’, ‘apartment’. An indication as to its former use is afforded by the representations on the walls, which depict the king offering the first fruits of the fields, plants, flowers, and fruits, to Hathor and her fellow-divinities. Several times in the accompanying inscriptions Hathor is extolled as ‘she who produces all things’, ‘the nourishment-giving’, ‘she who provides food and drink, from whom everything comes that heaven bestows or the earth brings forth’. From these representations and inscriptions it may safely be concluded that this room was specially dedicated to the great Hathor as the deity who bestowed life and created and preserved all things, and that the offerings intended for Hathor were placed here on her festal day.
The next room (Pl. XX) is called in the inscriptions

Ḥer-ab, i. e. ‘the inner central room’, or the Middle Room, probably because it lay between Hall D and the E. side-entrance of the temple, which opened into this room (comp. p. 89, Room XXII, on the opposite side). From the inscriptions we learn that it was used for the reception of the offerings which were brought into the temple by the side-entrance. It has been mentioned above (p. 85) that in a representation in this room (beside the door of exit) the royal cartouches above the monarch worshipping Hathor have been filled in with the official name of Augustus, whereas elsewhere the cartouches are left vacant.
On the opposite (W.) side of the hall are the side-chambers XXI, XXII, and XXIII. The last two appear from their representations and inscriptions to have been used for precisely the same purposes as the corresponding chambers on the E. side. The first (Pl. XXI), however, to the right of the entrance, is shown by its adornment and its inscriptions to have been one of the two treasuries of the

temple. It bears the name

i. e. Silver Room, and its representations and inscriptions refer almost exclusively to the precious metals and precious stones, or to various kinds of ornaments for the divine images or other costly temple-utensils made of the precious materials deposited here. In the doorway the monarch is represented in the act of entering, and presenting to Hathor a jewel-casket, which a hieroglyphic inscription at the monarch's feet states to contain gold, silver, lapis-lazuli, and malachite. The goddess thanks the prince for his offering, with the words: ‘I bestow upon thee the mountains to produce for thee stones to be a delight for all to see’.
The MARGINAL INSCRIPTIONS afford farther information as to the former use of this room. The lower marginal inscription, in the half running from right to left, is as follows: ‘He has built the Silver Chamber for the golden one, as a building for eternity, he has adorned it with a multitude of stones, with all the wonderful gems of the mountains, so as to use them for all manner of work in the temple of Denderah’. In the other half the inscription reads: ‘He has built the lordly abode for the Hathor of Tentyris, as a noble monument for eternity. He has furnished it with precious stones and all the products of the mountains, so as to use them for all manner of work in the Gold Chamber. These were required to make of them the furnishing there, according to the sacred precepts for the execution of the work for the Thrice a day (i.e. for the sacrificial ceremonies that took place thrice a day). All the noticeable gems are placed in its interior as the threefold beautiful, on both sides of the Princess's silver-chamber, which is furnished with its requirements, according to the precepts of the ancients referring thereto’. The room here and elsewhere named the Gold Chamber is in the central story of the temple, and is entered from the W. staircase. In this room, if we have interpreted the inscriptions aright, were made all kinds of statuettes, necklaces and bracelets for the sacred images, amulets, and other precious articles used in the temple-services, by goldsmiths working according to strictly prescribed rules and under the immediate control of the high priests. Possibly, however, such articles were only repaired here.
The lower part of the wall of the silver chamber is decorated with a representation of considerable geographical importance. At the farther end, on the wall to the right of the entrance, appears the emperor offering ‘a golden necklace set with precious stones’ to Isis, who is accompanied by Horus, and on the opposite wall the emperor again appears with a similar ornament before Hathor and the sun-god Horus-Samtaui. In each case the monarch is followed by thirteen men carrying offerings, all of whom are typical representatives of foreign tribes, some from the mountain-districts of Upper and Lower Nubia, some from the districts lying to the E. and W. of the Nile valley. The name of the home of each is inscribed over his head, and over the casket or vase which each bears in his hands appears the name of its contents, among which are silver, gold, electrum, malachite, lapis-lazuli, mineral dye-stuffs, and other precious products of the mineral kingdom.
The second room on the right or W. (Pl. XXII) shares with Room XX (p. 88) the name Middle Room, because it has two entrances,

one from Hall D, the other from without. According to the exterior marginal inscription this was the room set apart for the libations, and the door from the outside is named in an inscription on its exterior, ‘the portal for the entrance of the priest of the libations, with the ewer for the Mistress of the gods’. This room also has an interesting geographical representation on the lower part of the wall, in which seven water-districts of Lower Egypt, conducted by the ruler of Lower Egypt, are seen approaching Hathor and Horus. — The third room (Pl. XXIII) on this side is named in the marginal inscriptions ‘the room for the Mistress in the town of the House of Hathor’, ‘the room of the hall that lies behind the hall of the altar’, and ‘the divine hall of the Golden One, the daughter of the sun, (lying) on the left side, where the left staircase (is situated)’. The chief exit from this room leads into Hall D, while another smaller door (to the left of the entrance) admits to a narrow passage communicating at one end with the Hall of the Altar (Pl. C), and at the other with the Staircase (p. 91) leading hence to the roof. Farther on this passage leads to the ‘Chief Festal Room’ (Pl. XIII; comp. p. 94). Mariette included Room XXIII in the suite of festal chambers, because it has direct communication with the festal Hall XIII and Rooms XIV and XV lying behind the latter.
Proceeding now in our course through the temple of Hathor, we next enter the central Prosekos Hall, or Hall of the Altar (Pl. C) as it is termed in the inscriptions

. It is about 45 ft. wide and 18 ft. deep. The E. inscription on the external temple-wall states that the ceremonies of the ‘offering of the divine things’ (sacrifices) were carved in this room, along with the gods of the sacrificial altar; and the W. inscription names it the ‘resting-place of the Mistress of the Goddesses’. The inscriptions on the upper and lower margins afford additional information as to the original purpose of the room, its decorations, and the festivals celebrated within it. The upper inscription, in the half running from right to left, is as follows: ‘He has built the Hall of the Altar for the Princess adorned with the vulture and the Uræus-crown, the wise goddess. It resembles heaven, with its lord the sun-god. He has richly loaded the altar for the revered goddess within it. — The gods are carved within it, as is seemly; the sacred offerings are laid at the foot of her throne with the ceremonies appropriate to the cult of Hathor. The names of the gods and the names of the place are inscribed on one of the walls in it, and the serpent-deities of Denderah are likewise recounted within it’. The last sentence refers to a list beside the door to the side-room XVIII, which recounts the names of the temple of Denderah and its chief rooms, the deities worshipped there along with Hathor, and the titles of the

priests and priestesses; details by name the sacred ponds, groves, trees and serpents of the temple-enclosure, and the sacred boats of Hathor used at the festivals; mentions the day of the chief festival at Denderah; and concludes with the name of the temple-domains and that of the territory behind it in the nome of Tentyris. The representations on the walls correspond to the marginal inscriptions. Thus over the portal by which we enter is a double representation of the ruler of Egypt. In one case he stands before the altar of Hathor, in the other before that of Isis, performing the ceremonies of offering incense and libation. This he does in his capacity as chief pontiff, as the accompanying inscription implies: ‘The sun, the son of the sun (the emperor Augustus), as priest of the incense (‘lord at the seat of fragrance’), offering incense to his mother, and as priest of the libations, holding the vessel of libation’. The rear-wall opposite bears several representations of the monarch expressing his homage in offerings to Hathor, who is accompanied by Horus or her son Ahi.
The first side-door, to the left of the entrance to Hall C, admits us to a narrow Ante-room (Pl. XVII), named

i. e. Staircase-Room, in the inscriptions. At the farther end are four steps, beyond which a door, opening on the right, leads into the large STAIRCASE HALL, whence an easy stone staircase ascends straight to the roof. This hall is in complete darkness as it is roofed over and admits no light from the sides. Another ascent to the roof is found on the opposite or W. side of Hall C, reached by a door to the right of the entrance to that room, and also by a smaller approach from Room XXIII (comp. p. 90). This second ascent is not by a straight and dark flight of steps, but by a kind of spiral staircase, with ten rectangular bends to the right, lighted by means of openings piercing the wall diagonally and widening towards the interior. The representations and inscriptions in the ante-rooms to the right and left and on the walls of both staircases refer exclusively to the entrance to the halls and the ascent of the staircases on the Great New Year's Festival. On that occasion the ceremonial procession of the priests with the images of Hathor and her fellow-gods, after completing the circuit of the lower rooms, ascended to the roof of the temple, in order that ‘the goddess Hathor might be united with the beams of her father Ra, on this noble day, the festival day of the beginning of the year’.
The most comprehensive idea of the festival is given by the representations on the two walls (each about 115 ft. long) of the straight East Staircase, which begins from Room XVII. The left wall presents us with a view of the procession ascending from the lower rooms of the temple, so that it is advisable to begin our inspection at the top of the staircase. An explanatory inscription of 13 lines closes with the following words: ‘She comes at her beautiful festival,

the festival of the beginning of the year, that her spirit may unite in the heavens with her father (the sun-god Ra). The goddesses are festive, the goddesses are joyful, when the right eye unites with the left eye. She rests on her throne in the place for beholding the sun's disc, when the bright one unites with the bright one. Her cycle of gods is at her right hand and at her left; she protects her beloved son, the sun (i. e. not the sun-god but his earthly representative, the reigning king of Upper and Lower Egypt)’. The above-mentioned union of the right eye with the left eye, i. e. of the sun with the moon, at which the New Year's festival at Denderah took place, is one of the astronomical epochs of the calendar veiled in mythological language by the Egyptian priests. We next discern upon poles the images of a jackal and of an ibis, the symbols of Anubis as guide of the dead and of the god Thoth, which are described in an eight-lined vertical inscription, after which the explanatory inscription is closed by five more lines, as follows: ‘O Hathor, thou ascendest the staircase in the town of the double-sweet life, in order to gaze upon thy father on the day of the New Year's festival. Thou betakest thyself to the roof of thy temple in company with thy cycle of gods. The Bukenkenu of Denderah are before thee, to avert harm from thy path, to purify thy way, to cleanse thy road from evil, at the double union in the sun's room on thy temple-roof, whose doors are opened to thee. Thou takest thy place on thy throne opposite the sun-god with his beams, at thy sides thy terrible attendant spirits on the seats of Hathor's Outlook on the Sun's Disc (a name of the temple of Denderah). Ancestral mother of the gods, thou unitest thyself with thy father Ra in thy festal chamber (i. e. probably the small kiosque-like pavilion on the roof of the temple)’. The above-mentioned Bukenkenu were images borne upon poles — small figures of gods and goddesses, sacred animals, and other symbolical objects — which were carried in front of solemn processions. Then follow representations of the persons taking part in the procession; the king and queen of Egypt, and priests and priestesses, some carrying the Bukenkenu (thirteen in number) or holding the prescribed offerings in their hands, and some personating different gods and goddesses, and wearing masks representing lions, bulls, oxen, etc. Among the latter may be pointed out the lion-headed person (No. 16 in order), walking behind the chief master of ceremonies who is chanting a hymn engraved on the tablet in his hand; the priestess (No. 24), bearing a cow's head as representing the milk - yielding Isis - cow, ‘who nourishes the mothers with what comes from her breasts’; and the two priests (Nos. 28, 29) with bulls’ heads, representing Apis and Mnevis, the two sacred bulls of Memphis and Heliopolis. The rear of the procession is brought up by men bearing the sacred shrines with the divine images. First comes the shrine with the chief image at Denderah, that of the goddess Hathor, then the ten shrines of her

fellow-gods, among whom were three other images of Hathor, four of Horus, and one each of Ahi, Osiris, and Isis.
The Second Side - Room (Pl. XVI) on the left side of Hall C, is named in the inscriptions

‘the antechamber belonging to the Hall of the Altar’; while in the exterior marginal inscriptions it is called

Seḥ ṭua, interpreted by Dümichen as Room of Purification. It was probably used in the preparations for the festival ceremonies that took place in the adjoining Hall of the Altar; and among its inscriptions in honour of Hathor is one that seems to indicate that the temple at Denderah is to be regarded as a replica of a celebrated temple of the sun-god of Heliopolis, of which however no trace now remains. Here a reference is made to the gilding and painting of the sculptured ornamentation, which are so often mentioned in the inscriptions. A careful examination of the walls in some of the rooms will still detect traces here and there of this painting.
We now pass through the central portal in the rear-wall of Hall C, and enter the last of the Prosekos Halls. This is the Hall of the Cycle of Gods (Pl. B), named in the inscriptions

Usekh paut neteru, or

Hir āb, i. e. Middle Hall. The whole of the sculptures and inscriptions in this room refer to Hathor in her capacity as goddess of light, who has her seat in the sun's disc rising from the horizon, and who was as such represented under the figure of an hawk with a woman's head in the middle of the disc rising on the sun-mountain. (With this we may compare the representation of the goddess above the central portal in the rear-wall, i. e. above the entrance to the Adytum A.)
The adjoining room to the left (Pl. xii) is named in the inscriptions

i.e. the Cloth Room or Wardrobe. It was the repository for the sacred wreaths and garments, with which the images of Hathor and her fellow-gods were adorned at the festivals celebrated in the temple and sometimes at the great new year's festival. According to the sculptures and inscriptions the prepared perfumes were also placed here. One half of the room was devoted to the garments, the other to the sacred perfumes. Over the latter presided the divine Mazet, previously mentioned among the managers of the manufacture of the incense and anointing oil as one of the lords of the laboratory (p. 88); over the former Hathotep, god of woven fabrics, with his companion the goddess Tai, held sway. The sculptured ornamentation on the walls is also arranged in harmony with this division of the room.
The opposite side-door on the right side of the hall, leads to three connected Rooms (Pl. xiii, xiv, and xv), which to a certain extent form a special enclosed sanctuary, within the large temple. We see here (1) the small temple (Pl. xv), open in front and somewhat higher than the two preceding rooms, and entered by a portal between two Hathor columns, approached by seven steps; (2) the unroofed fore-court (Pl. xiv); and (3) the small ante-room (Pl. xiii), forming a connecting link between the staircase and Room xxiii as well as between Halls C and B. The name

i. e. Chief Festal Chamber, is occasionally bestowed upon all three rooms in the inscriptions, both on account of the preparations here made for the chief festival at Denderah, the great new year's festival on the morning of Thoth 1st, and on account of the preliminary celebration before this festival, which was also conducted in this suite of rooms with great splendour by the priests of Hathor, ‘on the day of the Night of the Child in his Cradle’ (

), i. e. the 4th Epagomene or intercalated day, on the night of which the closing festival of the Egyptian year began. Most of the representations and inscriptions refer to these festivals. Besides this common name each of the three apartments had a special name. No. xv was called

i.e. ‘Room of the Bright Light’, after the large and beautiful painting on the roof. As on the two halves of the ceiling of Hall E (p. 83), the heavenly vault is here personified as a woman with pendent arms, the ‘celestial Nut, the bearer of the light-beam’. She is here depicted with the sun rising from her lap, its beams covering the sun-mountain placed in the centre and surrounding with their splendour the head of Hathor, which is represented with radiating tresses as resting upon the sun-mountain.
The entrance - chamber adjoining the uncovered fore - court (Pl. xiv), and affording also communication with the W. staircase (p. 91), is indicated by its sculptured ornamentation as a second treasure - chamber. Like Room xxi (p. 88) it was named

i. e. Silver Chamber; and it was also called the ‘store-room’.
We now return to Hall B in order to visit thence the innermost part of the temple, ‘the hidden secret chambers’, as they are called in the inscriptions, the rooms of the Sekos. These consist of the Adytum, or Holy of Holies, occupying the centre, and the 11 side-rooms around it, I to VI on the right, VIII to XI on the left. The entrances to these are from the corridor α, which surrounds the Adytum on three sides and is reached from Hall B by the two doors on the right and left.
The Holy of Holies was the central hall A, which was named

, the ‘Dwelling of the golden one’, or the ‘Chamber of the golden-beaming one’ — ‘of the noble — of the beautiful — of the goddess’, also ‘the room of the great throne’ — ‘the repository of the sacred boat’, the ‘sancturary’. Here the lord of Egypt alone is depicted. He, the living type of the beautiful Horus, the son of the sun, the child of Hathor (as the Pharaoh is frequently named in this temple of Hathor), the visible representative of the deity, and as ruler of Egypt the incorporation of all the temporal interests of the state, he it was alone, to judge from the representations and inscriptions, whose sacred person might enter the holy of holies and in solitude commune with the deity. Only once a year was this permitted even to him, at the great festival of the New Year. We here see the monarch opening the door of the sacred cella, closed with a sealed band of byblos. He breaks the seal and removes the strip of byblos (sesh tebtu and seker atera), he places his hands in the two rings on the door and thrusts back the bolts, ascends the steps leading to the cella, and finally gazes upon the hidden figure of the goddess, and offers his homage. Other designs exhibit the monarch performing the prescribed ceremonies of offering incense before the two sacred boats of Hathor and her companion, Horus of Edfu, and before the boats of Isis and her companion Osiris. The portable boats (Tes-nefru, i.e. ‘the bearers of beauties’), which are here depicted on the side-walls, formerly stood in Room A, and held the shrines in which were the sacred images of the deities. The shrines were carried in solemn processions by the priests, sometimes without the boats, as e.g. at the new year's festival represented on the staircase (p. 91), and sometimes standing in the boats.
Mariette recognises only a store-room in this Hall A, and places the Adytum proper in Room I behind Hall A (Dendérah, Description Gênérale, p. 148).
The Side-rooms of the Adytum are, as mentioned above, entered from corridor α. Behind the Adytum, to the S., lies No. 1, the Large Chamber, the largest and most sacred of these side-rooms. The sanctity of this chamber is evidenced by the painting, in which the king is portrayed exactly as in the Adytum itself, ascending the steps to the shrine of Hathor, breaking the seal, and opening the doors, grasping the handles in his hands. Noteworthy also are the representations of the king offering vases of wine to Hathor and to Ahi, her son, in each case followed by a harp-playing goddess of the north and of the south. Two other pictures represent Pepi, the original builder of the temple (p. 81), kneeling before Hathor, bearing Ahi in his hands, and the later builder with a mirror before the goddess in a double shrine. The inscriptions give the dimensions of these images and state that they were made of gold, so that

they were probably preserved in this room or its recesses. The room is also named the Chief Apartment and the Dwelling of Hathor. — Room II is called the Vase Room. The wall-sculptures shew the king offering vases to the goddess. — Room III is the Sistrum Room, with corresponding representations. — Room IV (immediately to the left of the entrance to the corridor α) is the Room of the Restoration of the Body. — Room V is named the Birthplace (meshlon). Here Isis was brought to bed in the form of a black and red woman. A large representation shows Thoth and Khnum, and the king and queen before Isis and Nephthys. — Room VI was the Sokar Room, in which Osiris-Sokar renewed his limbs. The adjoining Room VII also belonged to the worship of Osiris. It is named Sam taui, ‘union of the two lands’, because, according to an inscription ‘the rays of his son unite in it with his body at the noble new year's festival’.
Room VIII, on the right side of the Adytum, was called the Chamber of Flames. Hathor is here represented as the goddess Sekhet, who exterminates evil with fire. — Room IX is the Throne-room of Ra. Here the monarch before Horus transfixes the crocodile with his lance, symbolizing the slaying of his enemies. — The first door on the right side of corridor α admits to Room x, named after its sculptures the Room of Ahi (son of Hathor), but also Room of Purifying. — Room XI adjoining is the Room of the Mena Necklace. A design in the doorway shows the king presenting the necklace to Hathor.
We have now concluded the survey of the apartments on this floor. Before ascending to the roof of the temple, we should visit two of the subterranean chambers which claim attention not only for their remarkable construction but also for the fresh tints of their paintings.
The temple at Denderah contains’ no fewer than 12 Crypts (or 14 if we reckon separately the parts of those that are divided), constructed in the thickness of the temple-walls, and lying both above and below the level of the temple-floor, some isolated, others in two or three stories. The walls of these are no less richly adorned with sculpture than the rooms we have already inspected. They were doubtless used for storing the precious articles and images required for the temple - services. Their decorations date from the reign of Ptolemy XIII. Auletes (81-52 B. C.), and are therefore older than the decorations of the temple proper, which were finished under the Roman emperors from Augustus to Nero. The arrangement and entrances of these passages in the different stories are shown in the small Plans II, III, and IV. Some are approached by narrow flights of steps descending from the temple-pavement and formerly concealed by movable stone-slabs; others we enter by climbing or creeping through very narrow openings, sometimes low down, sometimes high up close to the roof, but always in the inner wall of the



corresponding temple room. Six of the twelve crypts are beneath the ground-level, and of these two are in the first hypostyle hall E (Nos. 11 and 12 in Pl. II). The entrance to crypt No. 10 is in Room XXIII, adjoining Hall D. Of the remaining three subterranean crypts (Nos. 1, 4, 7), the first is only accessible by a flight of steps descending from crypt No. 2, which lies above it and is entered by an opening in the wall of Room VII. The discomforts of the climb are compensated in this case by the sight of two crypts, the lower one, the largest of all, consisting of 7 chambers, and the upper one adorned with representations and inscriptions in unusually good preservation. No. 4, entered from Room VIII, and No. 7, from Room XIV, are closed with doors, which the temple-keeper will open on request. Good stone stairs lead to both, and no visitor should fail to visit at least these two crypts. Magnesium wire or a lamp will be found useful in examining the painted walls. On the staircase leading to No. 4 occurs a mention of a festival celebrated on the 4th Epagomene day, and within the crypt is a painting of king Pepi, kneeling and offering a golden statue of Ahi. All these statues, whose dimensions are given, were probably kept in the crypts. Still more important are the inscriptions in crypt No. 9 (mentioned on p. 81), which is entered by a very narrow hole high up in Room x. The calendar-dates of festivals instituted by Tutmes III. (1700 B.C.) are here found. Mention is also made of the fact that the ancient plan of the temple under Cheops was re-discovered in the reign of King Pepi (6th Dyn.).
We now ascend one of the staircases mentioned on p. 91 to the Temple Roof. Caution must be observed on account of the holes made in the roof to admit light and air to the rooms below. At the S. W. angle of the roof stands a small open pavilion, supported by 12 columns, which played an important part during the solemn procession at the festival of the new year (p. 91). We pass through this pavilion in passing from the E. staircase to the W. chambers. The W. staircase, which ascends in successive flights, leads past a room in the middle story, probably used as a workshop for restoring and repairing the statues and utensils of the temple. Six chambers on the roof, three on the W. and three on the E., the first in each case being unroofed, were used in the worship of the slain and risen Osiris, as curious representations indicate. The second room on the E. side formerly contained the famous Zodiac of Denderah, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris.
Finally a walk round the outside of the temple will be found interesting. The Inscriptions, so frequently referred to above, which contain the names and dimensions of the various apartments of the temple, were laid bare by Prof. Dümichen in 1875, and after being copied were again covered up. The projecting lions’ heads on the sides of the building, probably intended to carry off the rain-water, should be noticed. At the left corner of the rear-wall is a Portrait

of Cleopatra, with the sistrum and the Mena-necklace. Before his mother stands Ptolemy Kisres, or Caesarion, the son of Caesar, offering incense. Both are worshipping Isis and her son Horus.
Behind the temple of Hathor is a Temple of Isis, consisting of a vestibule and three chambers. The unattractive and uninteresting building, which is partly covered with rubbish, owes its origin to the emperor Augustus. The gate facing the E. bears the Egyptian cartouches of Claudius and Nero, and two Greek inscriptions on the entablature mention the 21st year of Tiberius. This gateway marks the limit of the temple area in this direction; and about 10 min. farther on we reach another gate, which apparently belonged to another temple-precinct. It bears the cartouche of Antoninus.

[Back to top]

8. From Ḳeneh to Thebes (Luxor).

47 M. STEAMBOAT in about 5 hrs. Cook's mail-steamer halts for 2½ hrs. at Ḳeneh on Wed. and Sat. mornings on its downward voyage, and crosses thence to Denderah.
Ḳeneh, see p. 72. The steamer passes three islands. On the W. bank lies the village of Ballâs, with clay-deposits from which most of the ‘Ḳeneh pottery’ is made (p. 73). Balâlîs (pl. of Ballâs, named after the village), Kûlal (pl. of Kûlle), and other kinds of jars, some of considerable size, lie on the banks awaiting shipment.
12½ M. (E. bank) Ḳufṭ, the ancient Koptos, nearly opposite Ballâs. Though now of no importance, this place was down to the time of the Khalifs a populous and thriving trading-town.
Even in antiquity a canal, mentioned by Strabo and still traceable, led from the Nile to the walls of the town, past which the Canal of Senhur (p. 100) now flows. One of the stones of the bridge is said to bear the name of an Antef (11th Dyn.); and there is also a Greek inscription from the same place, of the 8th year of Trajan and dedicated to the tricoloured Isis. To the S. of the town and on the road leading to the desert are various remains of ancient buildings. One of these is a square pillar of red granite, bearing a dedication by Tutmes III. to Ammon Ra, and apparently a relic of a temple built by that monarch. Still farther to the S. is a narrow passage, with inscriptions of the reign of Caius Caligula, dedicated to Khem Ra of Koptos upon his Staircase (comp. p. 178). The stair-case with 14 ascending and 14 descending steps typifies the waxing and waning moon (comp. p. 85). The boat of Khem, borne by four priests, is here depicted, and beside it is an address to the priests of Khem upon his Staircase. The most considerable relic of antiquity, a fragment of black granite, probably part of an altar, lies to the N. It comprizes an exaltation of Khem, Isis, and Heh (eternity) by Ptolemy XIII. Neos Dionysus.
Koptos is mentioned on very early monuments and also by Greeks and Romans at a late period. Theophrastus, Pausanias, Athenæus, Plutarch, Josephus, Ælian, Lucian, Stephanus of Byzantium, Agatharchides, Pliny, Ammianus Marcellinus, Apuleius, and many other authors, all mention it, proving the widely-spread fame of the city. It was especially famous for its commerce. The trade-route, which now leads from Ḳoṣêr on the Red Sea to Ḳeneh, formerly ended at Koptos, where Nile-boats received


the goods transported hither on camels, or, at an earlier period, on asses, as is expressly mentioned in the great Harris Papyrus (Ramses III., 1320 B.C.). The desert-route to Ḳoṣêr unites with that from Ḳeneh at el-Karn before Laḳêṭah (p. 75). Koptos early became an emporium for many kinds of goods. Inscriptions of the 6th Dyn. are found by the side of the old trade-route to the Red Sea at the Wâdi Ḥamâmât (p. 76). In a tomb at Beniḥasan belonging to Ameni, a princely official under the 12th Dyn., is an inscription recording the treasures brought by Ameni to Koptos in the train of the crown-prince Usertesen. Koptos was the capital of the fifth nome of Upper Egypt, which bore two hawks on its banner. Its name appears in hieroglyphics as

Kebt and

Kebti; in Coptic it is Keft and Kebto; in Greek Κοπτος, Κοπτις, Κοϕτός, etc. The Arabic Ḳeft corresponds to the Coptic Keft. The deity chiefly worshipped here from a very early period was Khem Min (Vol. 1., p. 138), whose wife was called Isis, and son Horus. Osiris also had a burial-place here (Ha nub, ‘Gold house’), in which a part of his body (called Ḳab) was preserved. The book of magic, the search for which is narrated in the demotic romance of Setnau, was sunk in the Nile at Koptos. A medical leather-roll found at Koptos, and now in the British Museum, is said to have been written in the reign of Khufu or Cheops (4th Dyn.). Koptos was fortified as early as the 12th Dynasty; for the wealthy city and eth routes leading to it required to be defended against the warlike tribes who lurked between the Nile and the Arabian mountains, and who, even under the Roman emperors, were a source of danger. Guards were especially necessary at this point, for there is no doubt that a considerable number of Phœnician merchants had settled in Koptos at a very early date along with the Egyptians, and were engaged in importing the products of Arabia, and at a later date even those of India, which were conveyed viâ Arabia to the Egyptian Red Sea ports afterwards called Berenike and Leukos Limen, and thence across the desert to the Nile. The green breccia, used for many buildings even under the Romans, was quarried at Ḥamâmât, on the desert-route to Koptos. It is even probable that Kebt-town or Keft-town means ‘place of the Phœnicians’, for the Phœnicians were named Keft or Kaft in Egyptian. Strabo and Pliny expressly state that the population of the town was mixed, containing both Egyptian and Arabic (i. e. Semitic) elements. The hieroglyphic name of the town also occurs with the determinative sign of the post

, which is only used after the names of foreign places or of places in which foreigners were conspicuous. The reports of Plutarch, Ælian, etc., concerning the strange cults at Koptos farther indicate that a considerable Semitic community dwelt in the town, and was regarded with hostility by their Egyptian neighbours. Ælian's statement that the inhabitants of Koptos worshipped the crocodile (Seth) and crucified the hawk (Horus) can only refer to these Semites. The true Egyptians revenged themselves by throwing an ass from a rock (as Plutarch narrates), because Typhon (Seth) was red-haired and of the colour of an ass. Red-haired men (and many red-haired Semites are represented on the monuments) were despised, and like all foreigners were stigmatized as ‘Typhonic’. Many non-Egyptians are commemorated at the sides of the trade-route from the Red Sea to Koptos; names of Persian kings are nowhere more numerous.
The camp of the Beduins, who hired their camels to the caravans and escorted them through the desert, must have anciently existed within the circuit of the town. These Arabs appear to have been the instigators of a great insurrection in Upper Egypt, which broke out under Diocletian in 292 A.D., and led to the siege and destruction of Koptos. The town revived somewhat under the Khalifs, but finally decayed with the gradual transference of the Egyptian trade to the route from Ḳoṣêr to Ḳench.
About 7 M. above Koptos, on the E. bank, lies Ḳûs (mail-steamer

station), now an insignificant village, occupying the site of the ancient Apollinopolis Parva. According to Abulfeda (d. 1331) this town was second in size only to Fosṭâṭ (Cairo), and was the chief centre of the Arabian trade. To-day heaps of ruins are the only remains. A few stones with fragmentary inscriptions have been built into the houses of the town; and the mosque contains a basin formed of a single stone, with the name of Ptolemy Philadelphus upon it. A pylon, which stood here 30 years ago but has now disappeared, bore a Greek inscription, announcing that ‘Queen Cleopatra and King Ptolemy, the great gods and Philometors, and their children dedicated the temple to the god Arueris and to the deities worshipped along with him’. Arueris is the earlier Horus, usually identified by the Greeks with Apollo, whence the name of the town Apollinopolis. The modern name Ḳûs appears to be derived from the Egyptian

Ḳesḳes. Near Senhur (E. bank), 3 M. to the S. of Ḳûs, Prisse d'Avennes discovered the ruins of a small temple of Isis, in which the Horus of Apollinopolis, Khem-Min of Koptos, the triad of Thebes (Ammon-Ra, Muth, and Khunsu), and other gods, were also worshipped. To the E. of Senhur passes the canal of Senhur (p. 98), which begins above Thebes and extends N. to Ḳeneh. In the 12th cent. B.C. Ḳûs was notorious for the number of its scorpions. Numerous Christians dwell here and also in Naḳâdeh, on the W. bank of the Nile, about 3 M. to the S.W. Naḳâdeh (mail-station), with numerous dove-cotes, a Coptic and a Roman Catholic church, has old and narrow streets, but presents a picturesque appearance from the river. The traveller who lands here near sunset on a Sunday or festival (recommended) will be pleasantly surprised to hear the sound of church-bells. The churches themselves are uninteresting. Great success has attended the labours of Christian missionaries here and still more in Ḳûs; and a considerable proportion of the Coptic community (including the worthy and learned bishop of Ḳûs) have embraced Protestantism. The missionaries of the United Presbyterian Church of North America have also had considerable success at Luxor, Esneh, and other towns in Upper Egypt, their converts, however, being exclusively from among the Copts, never the Mohammedans. Demetrius II., patriarch of the Copts (d. 1870), excommunicated both the converts and the missionaries. In 1866 he instigated a persecution of the proselytes, whom he sought to terrify by fines, stripes, and imprisonment; and he destroyed the publications of the missionaries (who have a printing-press of their own) wherever he could lay hands upon them. The British and American consuls thereupon interfered energetically on behalf of their fellow-believers, and now the Coptic Protestants enjoy complete immunity from every form of religious persecution.


Between Naḳadeh and Luxor (E. bank) the Nile makes a bend, beginning at ed-Denfîḳ (W. bank), after which we continue in a S.W. direction. — Kamûleh, a mail steamer station on the W. bank, formerly possessed extensive plantations of sugar-cane. In 1824 it was the residence of Shêkh Aḥmed, and of ‘Ali Kâshef Abu-Ṭarbûsh, who bravely defended it against the insurgents. — On the E. bank, about 3 ½ M. from the river, lies the temple of Medamût. The ruins are not without interest, but it is better to visit them later from Luxor (p. 151) if time permit, than to interrupt the journey so near Thebes.
On the left bank, as we draw near Thebes, rise high limestone hills, presenting precipitous sides to the river, from which, however, they are separated by a strip of fertile land. The right bank is flatter, and the Arabian hills retreat farther into the distance. Before reaching the point where the W. chain projects a long curved mass of rock towards the river, we see to the left first the great obelisk, and the pylons of the temple of Karnak, half-concealed by palm-trees. When we clear the abrupt profile of the W. cliffs and new formations are visible at its foot, we may catch a distant view of Luxor towards the S.E. None of the buildings on the W. bank are visible until the steamer has ascended as high as Karnak; then first the Colossi of Memnon and afterwards the Ramesseum come into view. The telegraph-posts and wires, which here obtrude themselves upon the view, seem strangely out of place beside the majestic relics of Egypt's golden period. As we gradually approach Luxor, we distinguish the flags flying above the white houses on the bank and from the consular dwellings, and the re’îs applies himself to find a suitable anchorage beside the other dhahabîyehs, which are always to be found here. Those who desire to keep by themselves may first halt off Luxor, lay in provisions and other necessaries, visit Karnak, and then land on the W. bank. In this case the re’îs will probably raise objections, and the sailors (for whom a sheep should be bought, as they have tasted no meat on the voyage) prove mutinous, so that watchmen will be necessary.

[Back to top]

9. Thebes.

Arrival. The three-weeks tourist steamers halt for three days (8th, 9th, and 10th) at Luxor on the upward journey; the four weeks steamers for five days. Travellers by the mail-steamers and by Gaze's seventeen days steamers spend 3-4 days in a hotel. — The Quay lies in front of the Luxor Hotel (see below); porters await the arrival of the steamers. Travellers should see that all their luggage is landed and conveyed to the hotel, and should not quit the quay till this is done. — Post Office beside the Karnak Hotel; Telegraph Office (line viâ Ḳeneh) near the Luxor Hotel.
Hotels. LUXOR HOTEL, with a fine large garden in which several interesting stones are placed, pens, per day 15s. or 19fr. in Jan. and Feb., 13s. or 16 ½fr.: the rest of the year (bottle of Medoe 4s., bottle of beer 2s. 6d.), cheaper for Egyptologists and those making a stay of some time. Pension includes morning coffee, lunch about noon, supplied also to those

making excursions, and a substantial dinner about 6 p.m. The rooms are clean but not luxurious. The manager of the hotel, which belongs to Messrs. Thos. Cook & Son, is M. Pagnon. — ∗KARNAK HOTEL, ½ M. lower down on a terrace on the river, also belonging to Messrs. Cook, with similar charges. — GRAND HOTEL THEWFIKIEH (Messrs. Gaze & Son), pens. 12s., wine from 2s.
Consular Agents. British and Russian: Aḥmed Effendi, who frequently gives ‘fantasîyas’ (p. 103) and Arabian dinners. American: Ali Mûrad. German: Moharb Todrus. All the consuls sell antiquities; best from Todrus.
Distribution of Time. The ruins of the city of the hundred gates are so huge, so widely scattered, and so profoundly interesting, that at least 5-6 days are necessary to inspect the chief points alone. Those who are specially interested in Egyptology will of course devote a much longer time to Thebes; weeks or even months may be spent in a careful study of its monuments and tombs. — Cook's tourist programme devotes the 1st day to the temple of Seti I. at Ḳurnah and the Tombs of the Kings, the return being made at the choice of the tourist either direct or over the hill to Dêr el-Baḥri, the Ramesseum, and the Colossi of Memnon. — 2nd day: Temple of Karnak; Luxor in the afternoon. — 3rd day: Ramesseum, Tombs of Shêkh ‘Abd el Ḳurnah, Dêr el-Medîneh, Medînet Habu, and Colossi of Memnon. Those who are fatigued by the previous excursions should at least make an effort to proceed to Medinet Habu where the party lunches (and in the interval visit Dêr el-Medîneh). — A moonlight ride to Karnak may be taken (at the tourist's private expense) on one of the evenings.
Those who are at liberty to arrange their time for themselves will find the following programme of a Three Days’ Visit convenient.
1st day. Luxor and Karnak (E. bank). Though visitors are sometimes advised to reserve this, the most gigantic of the monuments, to the last, it is really desirable to visit Karnak first of all, before fatigue has begun. The traveller who visits Karnak on the first day proceeds then to view the other lions, with the satisfactory feeling that Thebes has fulfilled his highest expectations; and he will not fail to take a later opportunity, by moonlight or at any free time, to return to refresh and confirm his first impression. Visitors should ride early to Karnak, while the temple of Luxor, easily reached in a few minutes from the dhahabiyeh, may be reserved for an afternoon visit.
2nd day, Cross the river early, visit the Colossi of Memnon, the Ramesseum, Medînet Habu, and Dêr el-Medîneh, in the morning if possible, if time permit also one of the tombs in the part of the Necropolis of Thebes known as Kurnet Murrai, and finally some of the Tombs of Shêkh ‘Abd el-Ḳurnah. The view at sunset from this point is of incomparable beauty and interest.
3rd day. Cross the river early, visit the temple of Seti I, at Ḳurnah, ride to the valley of the Tombs of the Kings (Bîbân el Mulûk) with the famous graves of the Pharaohs, then cross the ridge which divides the latter from the other valleys of the Necropolis, and visit the terrace temple of Dêr el-Baḥri and some of the tombs of el-Asasîf. A visit to the Tombs of the Queens may be combined with an expedition to Medînet-Habu. Other less important monuments may be included according to their situation.
The Four days' programme of Gaze's steamers is still better: — 1st day. Luxor and Karnak. 2nd day. Temple of Seti I., Tombs of the Kings, Dêr el-Baḥri, and the Ramesseum. 3rd day. Colossi of Memnon, Medine Habu, Dêr el-Medîneh, and Shêkh ‘Abd el-Ḳurnah. 4th day. Great temple of Karnak.
A Five days' visit may be spent as follows. — 1st day. Visit the temple at Luxor and the great temple of Ammon at Karnak. — 2nd day. On the W. bank, Colossi of Memnon, Medînet Habu; Dêr el-Medîneh. — 3rd day. Ramesseum; Tombs of Shêkh ‘Abd el-Ḳurnah; terrace temple of Dêr el-Baḥri; el-Asasîf; Drah Abu'l Neggah. — 5th day. Second visit to Karnak; visit to the various side-temples and pylons; excursion to Medamût (p. 151) is desired.



Other claims upon the traveller's time will be made in Thebes. If he have paid a visit to one of the consular agents, he will be invited to a Fantasîya, and if he have brought good introductions, the fantasîya will be preceded by a dinner. Among the modern Arabs the word ‘fantasîya’ is applied to every kind of amusement, from the aimless discharging of muskets, to the greatest festivity. In the present connection it signifies an evening party, at which the chief entertainment is the more or less skilful dancing of hired ghawâzi, and which is recommended especially to gentlemen who have not before seen anything of the kind. Chibouks, cigarettes, coffee, and liqueurs are offered to the guests.
Antiquities. The traveller in Thebes is frequently tempted to purchase antiquities. Half the population of Luxor is engaged in traffic with antiquities, and the practice of fabricating scarabæi and other articles frequently found in tombs is by no means unknown to the other half. Many of the articles offered for sale are so skilfully imitated that even experts are sometime; in doubt as to their genuineness; the ordinary traveller seldom or never secures an authentic specimen. Only as many piastres as they ask shillings should ever be offered to the importunate hawkers of antiquities at the temples and tombs. Those who desire a genuine memorial of antiquity should apply to the director of the hotel or to one of the above named consular agents. Even in this case, however, absolute certainty is not attainable; for though honourable traders themselves, the consular agents are liable to be deceived in the purchases they make. Caution should be observed in the purchase of unopened Papyrus Rolls; for dishonest vendors are in the habit of pasting torn fragments of papyrus (frequently found in tombs) upon canes so as to present the appearance of genuine papyrus-rolls. Egyptian antique bronzes, with artificial rust, are made wholesale in Trieste, Paris, and Hanau; Cairo and Luxor have the best factories for the fabrication of antiques in terracotta and carved wood. Valuable and genuine antiques may, however, still be obtained in Luxor by those who are prepared to spend money. The prices are high; 3l. being now charged for a genuine scarabæus. Good and reliable specimens, including papyri, may be obtained from Mohammed M'hasseb and ‘Abd el-Megid.
Photographs. Good photographs are produced by A. Beato in Luxor; but even in Shepheard's and other hotels in Cairo, excellent photographs of Egyptian temples are sold at moderate prices. Those by H. Bechard are distinguished for artistic taste; those by Sébah are also good. — Photographs of the Royal Mummies (p. 230) about 1s. 6d. each.
Guides and Donkeys. A guide is of great assistance in saving time. The charge is 4-5 fr. per day, or more for a large party. Guides on the E. bank are not allowed to serve on the W. bank, and vice versâ. The following guides may be recommended: On the right bank (for Karnak), Ḥasán Aḥmed, Sedan, and ‘Abd el-Megîd; on the left (W.) bank, ‘Ali, who can take good rubbings; Moḥammed ‘Ali, Aḥmed Gorgâr, ‘Abd al-Mansûr, Isma'îl Ḥusên, Khalifeh and his son Selîm, Aḥmed ‘Abd er-Rasûl, etc.
The DONKEYS on the E. side of Thebes are good and have good saddles. To Karnak 1 fr. or 1s., and as much more when the traveller is called for or keeps the ass for the day. On the W. side the donkeys, which are much more heavily worked, are not so good, but they are fairly well saddled. Charge 2 fr. per day. The hotels on the E. bank provide donkeys; on the W. bank they must be ordered beforehand. — Little girls with water-bottles run after the traveller, especially on the W. bank, keeping up with the donkeys with tireless agility. One should be selected and repaid with a few piastres on the return. The attractive faces of these merry children sometimes vividly recall the portraits of Egyptian women of the time of the Pharaohs.
Sport. Sportsmen may have an opportunity of shooting a jackal, the best time and place being at and after sunset near Bîbân el-Mulûk or the Ramesseum. An experienced hunter is to be found at the Luxor Hotel. Hyenas are sometimes shot on the Karnak side. In March numerous quail are found here.
Literature. The following are the chief authorities for ancient Thebes:

Mariette, Karnak, Etude topographique et archéologique. Leipzig, 1875.
Brugsch, Reiseberichte, 1855. — E. de Rongé, Etudes des monuments du massif de Karnak, in the ‘Mélanges d' Archéologie égyptienne et assyrionne’.
On each side of the Nile, here interrupted by three islands, stretches a wide belt of fertile land, bounded both on the E. and W. by ranges of hills, displaying a bolder and more definite formation than is usually the case with the mountains that flank the river-valley. On the E., the ridge, overtopped by finely shaped peaks, retires farther from the stream than on the W. The fertile strip ends as abruptly at the foot of the barren limestone-cliffs as a lawn adjoining a gravel-walk in a garden. Most of the ruined temples are situated in the level district and are reached by the waters of the Nile when the inundations are at their highest; while the tombs are hewn in the flanks of the hills, where their dark openings are so numerous, that the E. slope of the Libyan range might be aptly compared to a piece of cork or to a honeycomb. Viewed from the river, the site of ancient Thebes presents the appearance of a wide mountain-girt basin or valley richly endowed with the gifts of never-failing fertility. Nature here revels in perpetual youth, while the most enormous edifices ever reared by mortal hand, though grey, desolate, and succumbing to the common fate of all human handiwork, yet compel the admiration of posterity for the wonderful race that has left such mighty memorials of its existence — memorials that have indeed been injured but not annihilated in the flight of thousands of years. The verdant crops and palms which everywhere cheer the traveller as soon as he has quitted the desert, the splendid hues that tinge the valley every morning and evening, the brilliant, unclouded sunshine that bathes every object in the winter season, and the inspiring feeling that every hour is enriching the imagination with new and strange pictures, wholly prevents in Thebes the rise of that melancholy which so often steals over the mind in presence of the relics of by-gone greatness and of vanished magnificence.
The various monuments are situated as follows. On the right (E. bank) rises the Temple of Luxor, now occupied by dwellings, and to the N. are the immense ruins of Karnak, formerly connected with it. Beyond these monuments lay the streets of ancient Thebes. Farther to the N. is another extensive temple-site at Medamût, which must be regarded as occupying the site of a suburb of Thebes. On the left (W.) bank was the Necropolis, with vaults in the rock and many mortuary temples. Each of these had its large annexe for the priesthood, schools, or libraries. The temples were adjoined by groves and lakes, and from ancient commercial contracts we gather that one quarter of the citizens dwelt here. Nearer the mountains stood the houses of the embalmers, refuges for visitors to the necropolis, shops for the sale of numerous articles which the Egyptians were accustomed to bring as offerings to their ancestors, stables for the sacred animals, and slaughter-houses for the cattle

brought to be sacrificed. The landing-place on the other bank, opposite Karnak, was united with the temple of Ḳurnah by rows of sphinxes. As the ancient pilgrim continued on his way towards the N.W. and crossed the hill of the cemetery now called el-Asasîf, he came in sight of the rocky amphitheatre which enclosed the terraced precincts of the temple of Dêr el-Baḥri. Northwards from Ḳurnah a well-made route led to the valley of the Tombs of the Kings, now called Bîbân el-Mulûk, which could also be reached by a shorter though more fatiguing mountain-path from el-Asasîf. Between the entrance of the valley of the Kings’ Tombs and el-Asasîf and close to the mountain lay the necropolis known as Drah Abu'l Neggah. Thence following the edge of the fertile strip towards the S. W. we reach the magnificent Ramesseum. Behind rises the mountain-ridge. The tombs on its E. slope, partly occupied as dwellings by the fellaḥîn, belong to the village now called Shêkh ‘Abd el-Ḳurnah. As we gaze down upon the plain from the higher-lying graves, the Colossi of Memnon are conspicuous in the midst of the fertile belt. Behind these are the prominent ruins, known as Kôm el-Ḥêṭân, rising near the central point of an imaginary line connecting the Ramesseum with the temple of Medînet Habu, the magnificent Memnonium of Ramses III. Turning from Medinet Habu to the S.W., we reach a small temple of the Ptolemies; to the N., near the mountains, lies the valley with the Tombs of the Queens; and skirting the line of hills to the N.W. we reach the scanty tomb-remains of Ḳurnet Murraï, to the W. of which lies a valley with the small but interesting temple of Dêr el-Medîneh. Two points are of special value for taking one's bearings. One is the summit of the mountain lying between el-Asasîf and Bîbân el-Mulûk; the other is the door of either of two tombs at Shêkh ‘Abd el-Ḳurnah. One of the tombs, in which Lepsius lived, is known to the guides as Ḳaṣr Lepsius; the other was inhabited by Ebers, who is remembered by the fellaḥîn as Abu Bûlos (Father of Paul).
The name THEBES is probably the Greek form of the Egyptian

Uabu, with the feminine article t prefixed, i.e. Tuabu. The Hellenes, familiar with the name Thebes (Θήβαι), which was borne by cities in Bœotia, Attica, Thessaly, Cilicia, near Miletus in Asia Minor, etc., believed that in Tuabu they had met it once more. Possibly, however, the name may be derived from the words

ȧpt ȧsu, which were applied to the temples on the E. bank at least. Among the Greeks the town was known as Διόσπλις, a translation of Pa-amen, city of Ammon, also called Diospolis Megale or Diospolis Magna to distinguish it from Diospolis Parva or Hôu (p. 70).
The famous capital of Upper Egypt was certainly founded [under the ancient empire, but whether earlier than the 11th Dyn.,

of which tombs have been found, is open to question. Hardly any traces of earlier monuments have been discovered. The earliest prosperity of Thebes dates from the eclipse of the first flourishing period of Memphis. Previously it was named the southern On, in distinction to Heliopolis, the northern On. A legend, known to us, however, only from inscriptions of a later date, narrates that Osiris was born here. Such a myth can scarcely have been invented in later times, for from the beginning of the New Empire onwards, Osiris fell into a position quite subsidiary to the other gods of Thebes, especially to Ammon-Ra with whom Muth and Khunsu formed a triad. Only in connection with the worship of the dead did Osiris retain his leading rank. Among goddesses a Hathor seems to have enjoyed especial honour from the earliest times; and even till a comparatively late date the nome Phathyrîtes (the Pathros of the Bible), of which Thebes was the flourishing capital, was called after her the ‘Hathor district’. Under the early empire the afterwards gigantic city was not conspicuous. It is seldom mentioned, and even under the 13th Dyn. Assiûṭ-Lycopolis (p. 31) is described as the chief town of Upper Egypt. When the Hyksos invaded the Nile valley, the legitimate princes, who had ruled from the Mediterranean to the Cataracts, were driven to the south. Here they reigned during several inglorious centuries, until Raskenen and King Aahmes (p. XXXI) arose and under the banner of Ammon of Thebes expelled the strangers. The succeeding princes, won important victories not only on Egyptian soil but also in Asia, always fighting under the auspices of Ammon with whom was joined the Ra of Lower Egypt, and who, as we have seen (Vol. I., p. 138), was speedily placed at the head of all the national gods. The liberation of the country was directed from Thebes, and that city continued for centuries to be the favourite seat of the Pharaohs, and the reservoir into which flowed the untold treasures exacted as tribute or brought as booty from Asia to Egypt. A large share of this wealth was bestowed upon Ammon. The magnificent and gigantic temple, erected at this period to the god, is still one of the chief sights of Thebes. The grandees of the kingdom esteemed it an honour to become priests of Ammon, the schools beside his temples flourished, and the kings offered their richest gifts to this god, from whom they expected a surer fulfilment of their petitions than from any other. Thus Thebes became the city of Ammon, the No or No-Amon of Scripture and the Diospolis of the Greeks. Victory over foes was the burden of every prayer of the Pharaohs at this culminating period of Thebes, and the warriors led out by the monarchs were drilled under the eye of the god. In the introductory remarks on the history of Egypt mention has already been made of the great warrior-princes who placed Thebes at the zenith of its fame, and in the description of the various monuments reference will again be made to them. Here it may be added that the fame of the huge city early reached the ears even of the Greeks. In a possibly interpolated passage of the

Iliad (IX, 379-384), Achilles, enraged with Agamemnon, assures Ulysses that he will never more unite in council or in deed with the great Atrides: —
“Ten times as much, and twenty times were vain; the high pil'd store”
“Of rich Mycenæ, and if he ransack wide earth for more,”
“Search old Orchomenus for gold, and by the fertile stream”
“Where, in Egyptian Thebes, the heaps of precious ingots gleam,”
“The hundred gated Thebes, where twice ten score in martial state”
“Of valiant men with steeds and cars march through each massy gate.”
(Blackie's Translation.)
The epithet έχατόμπυλος, i.e. ‘hundred-gated’, here used by Homer, was also applied by later classical authors to Thebes. Diodorus, Strabo. Pliny, and Bato of Sinope all make use of it, referring, however, to the pylons of the temples in the capital of Upper Egypt. With the rising importance of the god and with the increase of his wealth, of which they had the disposal, the archpriests of Ammon gradually grew to regard themselves as the chief persons in the state; and, after the way had been prepared by a series of weak princes, they succeeded in usurping the throne and by their rule prepared the ruin of Egyptian power. From the 20th Dyn. onwards, Thebes began to decay. Ramses III. indeed adorned the left bank especially with elaborate buildings; but his immediate successors did no more than hew out for themselves deep and richly carved graves in the valley of the Kings’ Tombs, and the princes of Lower Egypt who succeeded the priests of Ammon of the 21st Dyn. were the less able to bestow attention upon Thebes, the more eagerly they strove to adorn their homes in the Delta with gorgeous structures. Yet even these princes did not wholly abandon Thebes, and they did not omit to inscribe pretentious reports of their mighty acts on the walls of the temple of Ammon. The armies of the Assyrians penetrated as far as Thebes and plundered it; the Ethiopians planted their rule here and honoured Ammon with buildings and inscriptions; the princes of the 26th Dyn. did for Saïs what the princes of the 18th and 19th Dyn. had done for the city of Ammon, but they also paid their homage to the great god of Thebes by erecting smaller buildings there. The invading army of Cambyses ascended as far as Upper Egypt, but seems to have done little or no damage at Thebes. Nectanebus I, one of the native Egyptian princes who maintained themselves against the Persians, found time and means to add a handsome pylon to the temple of Ammon. Alexander the Great and the princes of the house of the Lagidae probably found Thebes still a great though decadent city, and they assisted to embellish it, as many buildings dating from the period of the Ptolemies still attest. After the 22nd Dyn. the treasures of Ethiopia had ceased to enrich Thebes; and when the harbour of Alexandria began to attract to itself the produce of Egypt brought from the Red Sea to the Nile valley, the vessels of Koptos, with their lading of Indian and Arabian goods, but seldom found their way S. to the great city of Ammon. Thebes still remained conspicuous

as a city of temples and priests, but its inhabitants declined in wealth. It may be easily conjectured that these, formerly the chief among the citizens of Egypt, bore but ill the fate which now placed them far behind the Alexandrians. Strangers sat on the throne of Ra, and cared not to take the trouble to visit in person the remote Diospolis, the coronation-town of the Pharaohs, who had been accustomed to make a triumphal entry after each victory and to offer thanks to Ammon. The earlier noble Lagidae were succeeded by worthless rulers, whose extravagant tastes forced them to drain the resources of the Thebaïd and other provinces. Under the gluttonous Euergetes II. and his consort Cleopatra Cocce the Alexandrians rose in revolt and expelled Alexander I., the king's son. The citizens of the capital of Upper Egypt dared also to rise in the attempt to win back their lost independence; and they refused to lay down their arms even when Ptolemy Soter II. (Lathyrus) was recalled from banishment by the Alexandrians and was universally recognized in Lower Egypt. The army of Lathyrus besieged the town, whose inhabitants bravely defended themselves in the huge temples, each of which served as a fortress. Finally, however, Thebes was stormed; its treasures were plundered and its venerable monuments terribly mutilated. Thenceforward Thebes is only mentioned as a goal of inquisitive travellers, who under the Roman emperors were attracted to the Nile by two monuments in particular — the pyramids and the musical colossus of Memnon on the W. bank at Thebes. Diodorus (60 B. C.) and Strabo (24 B. C.) describe Thebes as it was after the destruction. The latter found only a few relics on each side of the Nile, just as the traveller of to-day does. An earthquake, no common occurrence in Egypt, had done more than the hand of the fierce warrior to destroy the monuments of thousands of years. In 27 or 24 B. C. a convulsion of this nature wrought such havoc that Eusebius declared, though not without exaggeration, that the Egyptian Thebes had been levelled with the ground. In the absence of some such natural force, we should be tempted to declare that the annihilation of many parts of the monuments of Thebes must have been a task only less difficult than their construction. At many points, especially in the temple at Karnak, the injury is plainly to be ascribed to human hands. The representations, dating from the period of the Ptolemies, within the second main pylon, to the left as we approach the large hypostyle 'hall, have been removed with axes or hammers. Some smaller injuries, especially to the names of the kings, were due to political reasons, as when Tutmes III., after he obtained the sole power, destroyed the cartouches of his too ambitious sister and guardian; others are to be ascribed to the evil habit of certain Pharaohs of appropriating the monuments of their predecessors by substituting their own names for those of the real builders; and yet others had religious causes, as when the name of

Seth was obliterated at various epochs. The introduction of Christianity and the edicts of Theodosius were followed by the destruction of many pagan statues and the obliteration of many pagan inscriptions. At all events the new religion and the closing of the temples dedicated to the ancient gods removed all possibility of anything being done to preserve the monuments of the Pharaohs. The Nile, which annually overflowed as far as the temple of Karnak in particular, and the saline exudations of the soil, wrought harm; jackals and other animals sought shelter in the subterranean chambers; many tombs, at first occupied by Christian hermits, were converted into peasants’ dwellings; Christian churches were erected in the temple-halls, and houses were built between the columns of the temple at Luxor. Carefully hewn blocks and slabs were removed from the monuments, which were used as quarries, and many limestone details were thrown into the furnace and reduced to lime. Whither the enormous population of the hundred-gated Thebes betook itself is unknown. A few widely-scattered villages alone now represent of the giant city. These have given names to the various edifices and tombs, whose holy names might only be uttered with pious awe in the time of the Pharaohs. The ruins of Thebes remained long forgotten. On the revival of learning classical students recalled their fame; Pococke rediscovered, described them and drew them: and finally the publications of the great French Expedition revealed to astonished Europe how much of the ancient magnificence of the Pharaohs had survived to our time. Each succeeding scientific expedition made its longest halt here and found here its richest rewards. The names of Champollion, Wilkinson, Lepsius, and other Egyptologists are familiar words on the site of ancient Thebes; and Mariette, who carried on excavations under the auspices of the Khedive, must also be mentioned.


[Back to top]

10. The Temple of Luxor.

The name of Luxor is derived from the Arabic el-Ḳaṣr. pl. el-Ḳuṣûr, and means ‘the castles’, having reference to the extensive temple in which part of the village of Luxor was built, and which is adjoined by another part. The mosque still stands within the temple. The house of the British consul, as well as the so-called Ḳaṣr Fransâvi, and other buildings, which formerly stood here, have been removed within the last few years, the S. side of the temple laid free, and the interior cleansed. The chief entrance on the N., with the pylons and their obelisks still on their ancient site, is also to be thoroughly excavated. Seen from the river, the temple now presents a highly imposing appearance, previously interfered

with by modern buildings. The house of Moharb Todrus, the German consular agent (p. 102), lies farther to the N., near the landing-place, where traces of an ancient construction may be seen, which is unfortunately disappearing before the annual inundations, and not far from the principal pylon. To the left of the main pylon is the village, with a shop, kept by a Greek, at which provisions of all kinds and porter, ale, candles, etc. may be purchased. Farther to the N.E. dwell numerous ghawâzi.
The removal of later buildings from the ∗Temple of Luxor has rendered it easy to reconstruct its ground-plan (see opposite), and to see that its erection was gradual and more or less affected by the existence of still earlier buildings. The general main axis of the temple lies from S. W. to N. E.; but the axis of the N. portion deviates considerably from the direction of that of the S. portion, partly on account of the shape of the river-bank, partly because it was desired to have the pylons at Luxor corresponding to those of Karnak. A careful examination indeed reveals three different axial directions. These deviate from the true meridian, at an angle of 41′21″ on the S., and at an angle of 51° on the N. As was the custom, the part of the temple containing the sanctuary (the S. part) was built first, including the large peristyle hall. This took place in the 18th Dyn. under Amenhotep III., while the W. portions were added by Ramses II. From the obelisks to the back of the sanctuary, the total length of the temple is 284 yds. Later kings,

including some of the Ptolemies, placed inscriptions with their names on the ancient buildings. The PRINCIPAL PYLON is easily recognized by the obelisks and colossi at its portal. The visitor who places himself in front of this perceives at once that rubbish and earth conceal one-half of the sloping façade which is richly adorned with carvings and inscriptions now sadly damaged. Like all pylons, the one before us consists of two truncated pyramids with an entrance-door between them. The latter was 55 ft. in height. The side-towers, which rose about 20 ft. higher, were crowned with an elegant concave cornice, which has now almost completely disappeared, and were framed with the astragal. The entrance-door is completely ruined. Under the cornice is a conspicuous Inscription in large letters, which may be traced also on the architrave of the peristyle court, wherever it has remained visible and entire. This inscription contains a dedication, intimating that Ramses II. built this imposing edifice for his father Ammon-Ra, the king of the Gods. On each side of the entrance were two monolithic Colossi, 40 ft. in height; the most easterly has disappeared, the three others are half-buried in rubbish. In front of the central figures, though not quite symmetrically placed, rose two Obelisks of pink granite, one of which (the W.) now adorns the Place de la Concorde at Paris. It is to be hoped that a crack, which has been noticed in the monument from the days of antiquity, will not lead to its destruction under the influence of a northern climate. This W. obelisk was smaller than its E. neighbour which is still standing; and the ancient architects endeavoured to counteract this inequality by giving the smaller obelisk a higher base than the other, and placing it a little farther forward. The inscriptions on the obelisk still standing at Luxor are clearly and finely cut in the stone and are perfectly legible. They name Ramses the Pharaoh, with many pretentious titles, as the founder of this gorgeous building erected in honour of Ammon in southern Thebes (Apt res). The faces of these obelisks, like those of most others, are slightly convex, as the priestly architects observed that a flat surface was apt to appear concave in a strong light. Details supplied by the French engineers give a vivid idea of the enormous weight that had to be handled in the erection of an obelisk, although the Paris obelisk is comparatively small; considerably larger obelisks are to be seen at Karnak. The W. obelisk of Luxor is 75 ft. high, its base is 7 ½ ft. square, and its weight is upwards of 212 tons.
The exterior walls of the pylons of nearly every Egyptian temple are adorned with representations referring to victories granted by the gods of the sanctuaries to the royal builders. At Luxor these representations refer to victories granted by Ammon to Ramses II. The rich sculpture with which the broad walls of the pylons were covered has suffered severely from the hand of time. At several places the Reliefs en creux, deeply cut in the stone, are practically

rubbed out. On the left (E.) wing, however, the life-like figure of the king, shooting arrows from his chariot, and the fine rearing horses of his chariot, are still clearly to be distinguished. On the right (W.) wall also a good deal may be made out. The king is here represented in his camp. He has dismounted from his chariot, which waits for him, and has seated himself upon his throne. His officers await his instructions, and farther in the background the troops rest in their camp. The inscriptions are much injured, but it can be made out from them that they were graven in the stone chiefly in honour of Ramses II.'s victory over the Kheta (Aramæans) and their allies. In the 5th year of the king, on the 9th Payni, the fortress of Katesh on the Orontes was stormed. The river and the contest on its banks are still distinguishable. The Epic of Pentaur in 90 vertical lines, covers the lower part of the W. wing and part of the E. wing; some of it has recently been uncovered, the rest is still concealed by rubbish. This poem was the national epos, the Iliad, of the ancient Egyptians. It occurs twice on the E. bank at Thebes — on the N. side of the pylon at Luxor and on the S. side of the temple of Karnak (here also partly concealed by earth). It is also found, though in a very fragmentary condition, on the N. wall of the temple of Ramses II. at Abydos (discovered first by Eisenlohr), and in the most complete (hieratic) form in the Papyrus Raifet (now in the Louvre) and the Papyrus Sallier III. (now in the British Museum).
The poetic text on the pylons at Luxor is followed by a prose text, dealing mainly with the arrival of two hostile spies, who gave out at first that the Kheta had fled into the land of Khirabu (Helbon or Aleppo) to the N. of Tunep, but who on being scourged revealed the real lurking-place of the enemy to the N. W. of Katesh. The king hastily recalled the Egyptian troops, but too late to prevent his camp being suddenly attacked on the S. by the Kheta. The Egyptians were surrounded, and only the personal bravery of the king secured the final victory. This prose inscription, preserved in full at the Ramesseum and in the temple of Abu-Simbel, describes the same event as the poem of Pentaur, though it dates it a month later.
The most important and finest episodes according to the restoration of the text by E. de Rouge are as follows. Then the miserable and worthless Kheta with his numerous allies lay hidden behind the fortress of Katesh. His majesty found himself alone (with his servants). The legion of Ammon marched after him; the legion of Ra passed through the valley to the S. of the fortress of Shabtun and marched forwards … In the centre was the legion of Ptah, supported by the fortress of Arnam; the legion of Sutekh (Seth-Typhon) went upon its way. The king had summoned all the leaders of his army, who were in the valleys of the land of Amaur. The miserable and worthless prince of the Kheta was in the midst of his soldiers; and for fear of His Majesty dared not prepare himself to battle. Yet he ordered forward his archers and his chariots, that were more in number than the sand of the sea shore. Three men were in each chariot, and they had united themselves with the warriors of the land of the Kheta, expert with all weapons. He remained hidden

behind the fortress of Katesh. Then they pressed forth on the S. side of Katesh and attacked the centre of the legion of Ra, which was on the march, and having no warning was unprepared for the battle. The archers and chariots gave way before them. His Majesty alone had made a halt to the N. of the fortress Katesh, on the W. bank of the Orontes. News was brought to His Majesty of what had happened. And behold, the king rose up like his father Mont (the god of war); he seized his weapons and put on his armour, like Baal in his hour. The noble horses that bore his majesty (‘Victory for Thebes’ was their name) came forth from the stable of Ramses, the beloved of Ammon, and the king dashed in his attack into the midst of the miserable Kheta. He was alone and no other was with him. And as he hastened on before the eyes of those that followed him, he found himself surrounded by 2500 chariots of war, (cut off) from his return by all the warriors of the miserable Kheta and the numerous peoples that accompanied them; by the people of Arados, Mysia, and Pisidia (Aratu, Masa, Pidasa). Each of their chariots bore three men, and they had all united themselves. ‘No prince was with me, no general, no commander of the archers or chariots. My soldiers have deserted me, and my knights have fled before them; not one of them has made a stand to fight by my side’. Then spoke his majesty: ‘Who art thou, O father Ammon? does a father forget his son? Have I ever undertaken anything without thee? Have I not walked and do I not stand ever according to thy words? Never have I trespassed thy commands … What are these Semites to thee? Ammon renders the godless helpless. Have I not offered to thee countless sacrifices? Through me thy holy dwelling was filled with my captives. I have built thee a temple for millions of years, and I furnish thy store-houses with all my goods. I brought the whole world to thee to enrich thy possessions; 3000 oxen I sacrificed to thee on all manner of sweet-smelling wood. I have not failed to make thy forecourt. Stone pylons I erected for thee, and I myself erected the flag-staffs before them. I caused obelisks to be brought from Elephanta, and it was I who caused stones of eternal duration to be brought. For thee ships plough the deep and bring to thee the tribute of the nations. Surely a wretched fate awaits him who resists thy commands, but happiness will be to him who knows thee. I beseech thee, O father Ammon, look upon me here in the midst of countless peoples who are strange to me. All nations have united themselves against me, and I am alone and no one is with me. My numerous soldiers have deserted me; no one of my knights looked out upon me when I called them; none of them heard my voice. But I believe that Ammon is of more value to me than a million of soldiers, than a hundred thousand knights and a hundred thousand brothers and young sons, even were they gathered together in one place. The work of multitudes of men is as nothing, Ammon out-weighs them all. This have I accomplished, O Ammon, according to the counsel of thy mouth, and have not exceeded thy commands. Behold, I have paid honour to thee to the uttermost ends of the earth’. My voice sounded to Hermonthis and Ammon came at my cry. He gave me his hand, I uttered a cry of joy, and he spoke behind me: “I hasten to thine aid, O Ramses, my son, beloved of Ammon. I am with thee”. — In the farther course of his speech, Ammon says: “Not one of them (the foe) finds his hand to fight; their hearts have vanished from their breasts for fright; their arms have become weak. They are no longer able to launch their arrows, and strength fails them to hold their spears. I thrust them into the water, so that they fall in like the crocodile. They lie prone, one upon another, and I spread death in their midst. I will not that one should look behind him or that another should turn himself. He who falls there shall not rise again”. The king of course, as the epos goes on to narrate, completely vanquished the Asiatics allied against him, after hard fighting and after his charioteer himself had lost courage. — Finally the prince of the Kheta sends a messenger with a letter. His submission is accepted; and Ammon greets the Pharaoh returning in triumph.
The general impression produced by the pylon with its obelisks,

colossi, and the various subsidiary details, is still not unimposing; and the whole entrance to the temple at Luxor is unusually picturesque, perhaps on account of the very abundance of small details which are unrestrainedly placed here side by side with the huge and dignified.
Beyond the principal pylon was the Great Peristyle Court (Pl. A), which was entirely surrounded by a double row of columns (twelve pairs on each of the four sides). It measures 185 ft. in length and 167 ft. in breadth. This hall was at one time completely built up, but the W. side at least has now been laid bare. The most recent excavations have revealed a portico, dating from Ramses II., on the inner side of the N.W. wall of the court. The architectonic purport of this portico, which is somewhat lower than the court and has three clustered columns, is not apparent. Between the inner row of columns on the S. side of the court arrows and shields of Ramses II. were placed. A mosque situated within this court prevents the excavation of the E. wall, and considerably mars the general effect. Ramses II. founded the court, but the Ethiopian Sabako wrote his name on the portal, while Ptolemy Philopator wrote his on several of the abaci. On the S. side this court was terminated by a smaller Pylon, beyond which, though not with the same axis (see above), is a Colonnade (Pl. B), 58 yds. long, built under the 18th Dynasty. The last is in tolerably good preservation and contributes essentially to the dignified appearance of the ruins of Luxor when viewed from the river-bank or still more from the island crossed on the way to visit the monuments of W. Thebes. Seven couples of columns, nearly 42 ft. in height, with calyx-capitals, still support a heavy architrave above a lofty abacus. The whole was built by Amenhotep III., but King Horus, Seti I, and Seti II. have also recorded their names upon it. The marvellous play of colour shown by this colonnade with its deep, heavy shadows when the setting sun sheds a rosy light upon the E. sky, is nowhere excelled. The Second Peristyle Court (Pl. C) had double rows of columns on its N., E., and W. sides. These, belonging to the order of sculptured papyrusbud columns, are specially effective as seen from the river-bank. The court was 48 yds. long and 55 yds. broad, and ends in a Hypostyle Hall (Pl. D), the roof of which was borne by 32 sculptured bud-columns arranged in 4 rows of 8. The two sphinxes at the entrance bear the name of Sebekhotep II. (13th Dyn.). This hall was barely 20 yds. deep and 35 yds. wide, and for some unexplained reason its E. wall forms an acute angle (instead of a right angle) with the S. wall of the preceding peristyle court. The Open Space (Pl. E), which we next find, is entered from the river side, and is specially commended to the traveller's attention. The ancient entrance to the sanctuary-chambers has here been altered into a kind of apsidal recess, bounded on the right and left by two granite Corinthian columns. The court in front of this was used as a church

in later Christian times, and the fine ancient sculptures were covered with lime and gaudily painted in the early Christian style.
Beyond this space were the series of chambers forming the Sanctuary, now accessible only from the side next the river. This is certainly the most ancient part of the temple, and unusually clearly-cut hieroglyphics inform us that it was built by the same monarch who reared the Colossi of Memnon, i.e. by Amenhotep III. The first Room (Pl. F), with four columns, contains a series of representations of homage and sacrifice before Ammon Generator, and in the chamber to the E. of it (Pl. n) are represented the confinement of the mother of the king (Mut-em-ua) and the nursing of the infant Amenhotep. Beyond Room F is the Holy of Holies (Pl. G). It is doubtful whether Assyrians or Persians destroyed the original sanctuary, but at all events after the Macedonians had conquered Egypt and after the death of Alexander the Great, it was restored in the name of Alexander II., for whom Ptolemy Soter I. ruled as ‘satrap’. Alexander boasts in the dedicatory inscription of having restored the work of Amenhotep. The last rooms of this part of the temple have now also been excavated, and contain various fine sculptures of the 18th Dynasty. Ammon of Thebes, especially in his ithyphallic form as the productive power, appears everywhere as the chief deity of the temple, receiving sacrifices and bestowing gifts. In the chamber adjoining the last square hall traces have been found of a staircase ascending to the roof of the temple.

[Back to top]

11. Karnak.

Travellers who arrive at Luxor in the morning should devote the afternoon to a first visit to Karnak; if they arrive in the evening they should spend on it the next morning. Karnak is about ½ hr's. ride from Luxor; ass 1 fr., for the whole day 2 fr. Guides (2s.; p. 103), who speak a little broken English, are useful to save time on a first visit, but they are not indispensable. The donkey - boys and temple - keepers also speak broken English. A visit to Karnak by moonlight is exceedingly attractive, but travellers are advised not to make it alone, even although there is nothing to fear from robbers.
Next to the Tombs of the Kings, Karnak is by far the most interesting part of ancient Thebes. Even under the Pharaohs the group of temples here was considered the most striking creation of an age peculiarly famous for architectural achievements. Centuries have here destroyed much, yet there is no other building in the world that can match the dimensions of the temple of Ammon at Karnak. The brilliant life that once enlivened these halls with colour and sound has long slept in silence beneath the dust. Could it be recalled by some magician's wand it would present to the beholder a dazzling and bewildering scene of unique splendour; but it may be questioned whether the admiration and interest commanded by the temple in its uninjured and frequented days could equal the pure enjoyment which is awakened in the breast of the sympathetic

beholder by the building now, ruined but with its whole plan and theory still clear and intelligible. There is nothing now to distract the eye from the lines and forms of the temple; and the pomp of banners and the clouds of incense are replaced by the magic of dignified antiquity. Amidst these hoary ruins, we realize the shortness of our mortal span and recognize the evanescence of human greatness and splendour.
Starting from the great pylon of the temple of Luxor, we proceed to the E., then follow the street with the Greek shops, and leaving the houses of the ghawâzi and the hill with the tomb of the shêkh to the right, hold towards the N. We soon arrive at the first ruins of Karnak, and finally, if we have followed the W. route, reach an imposing row of Kriosphinxes, i.e. sphinxes with the bodies of lions and the heads of rams. Near this point, to the S. of the temple, are two almost parallel Processional Avenues flanked with sphinxes, one uniting the temple of Muth (p. 148) with the S. pylons (p. 147), the other leading from the temple of Luxor to the temple of Khunsu (p. 148). These two avenues were connected with each other by a third cross - avenue of sphinxes. We follow the left (W.) avenue, the flanking sphinxes of which are carved in the grand style and are placed close to each other. Between the legs of each is a statuette with the name of Amenhotep III. (Ra-ma-neb). This leads us to the handsome but almost too slender Pylon XII, erected by Ptolemy III. Euergetes I., with a winged sun-disc in the casement, with boldly-spread pinions. In the time of the Lagidae additional pylons, corresponding to this one, were placed at the extreme corners of the temple. That on the N. side (p. 143) is still in admirable preservation. Inside the portal Euergetes is represented in Egyptian style though clad in Greek costume. To the right of the lowest representation on the left side, the king appears sacrificing to Khunsu. Between these are the hawk of Horus, the vulture of Nekheb, and the ibis of Thoth, which are also represented flying, to bear to the world intelligence of the battles, victories, and wisdom of the prince. The inscriptions record that this pylon was dedicated to Khunsu of Thebes. Another avenue of sphinxes follows, beyond which rises the Temple of Khunsu (Pl. V.), a handsome building on which, however, we now bestow only a passing glance (comp. p. 148). About 200 paces towards the W. bring us to the First Main Pylon (el-bâb el-kebîr), which faces the river. We here begin our description of the temple.

I. The Great Temple of Ammon.

a. General View. The First Main Pylon.

As we stand before the massive pylons of the largest group of buildings at Karnak, we may cast a glance at the rows of Kriosphinxes which led from the temple-portal to the Nile. Between these rows

moved the long processions which left the temple of Ammon to visit the W. parts of Thebes. State-barges, glittering with gold and brilliant colours, waited here to receive the priests and the sacred images. On the river-steps were ranged choirs, which, at least on the five great festival days of Ammon, greeted the pilgrims from the opposite bank with songs. The ancient constructions on the banks have long been washed away. In January and February, the months in which most travellers visit Karnak, the stream is only 100-200 paces from the procession-avenue; while during the inundation the water penetrates into the interior of the temple, which in ancient times it was prevented from doing by huge embankments Ramses II. constructed this route to the river, yet most of the Kriosphinxes that adorn it have statuettes of Seti II. Merenptah between their legs, and two small broken obelisks also bear the name of Seti who reigned towards the close of the 19th Dynasty. In 1883 a small temple with the name of king Psammuthis, of the 29th Dyn., was discovered at the S. W. corner of the pylon to the right.
The ∗First Main Pylon (Pl. I) is of enormous size. It is still 124 yds. wide, with walls 16 ft. thick and 142 ½ ft. high. This gigantic portal, which probably dates from the Ptolemies, although no record of the fact is known, is destitute of inscriptions. Possibly it was covered with stucco and adorned with paintings, as its decoration with reliefs would have demanded enormous toil and time. No one should omit to make the ∗Ascent of this pylon. This may be done most easily, and without any danger or special difficulty, on the N. side, till we are about half way up, and thence by means of a steep and narrow stair in the interior. The top is so broad that even those who are subject to giddiness need not fear to trust themselves upon it. After enjoying the extraordinary view of the immense ruins from this point of vantage, it is useful and interesting to seek to identify, with the aid of the accompanying plan, the various columns, obelisks, and pillars which at first present themselves in apparently inextricable confusion. This is comparatively easy as regards the nearer (W.) portion of the temple; but the more distant portions, from among which obelisks tower, are partly out of sight, and are partly so foreshortened by distance, that they appear to form one confused system of ruins. The view by moonlight is indescribably fine. But on the whole the result is a general though ineffaceable impression, rather than a clear idea of the arrangement of the various parts of the building. The latter is only to be obtained by wandering, plan in hand, through the ruins. It must, however, never be forgotten that the temple of Karnak, so far from having one single uniform plan, grew up gradually, and that many of its parts owe their character not to any artistic calculation, but to such accidental considerations as the space at the disposal of the architect, the means and length of life of the builder, and the like.

The building is at once a temple of the gods and a temple of fame; dedicated ‘à toutes les gloires’ of the empire of the Pharaohs, it was compelled to receive additions, often in most unsuitable places, whenever it was the will of the king to recognize the favours of Ammon by new buildings which should record for posterity what the god had done for him, and through him for Egypt.
Before we enter the peristyle court, an inscription on the door of the pylon, to our right as we enter, merits notice. This was placed here by the savants who accompanied the army of Napoleon to Egypt, and records the latitude and longitude of the chief temples of the Pharaohs, as calculated by them.
Republique Française. An VIII. Géographie des monuments.
Temples Longitude Latitude
Dendera 30° 21 0 26° 10 0
Thèbes Carnac 30° 20 4 25° 44 15
Luqsor 30° 19 16 25° 42 55
Esneh 30° 14 19 25° 49 39
Edfon 30° 33 4 25° 0 0
Ombos 30° 38 39 24° 28 0
Syène 30° 34 19 24° 8 6
Isle Philae 30° 33 46 24° 3 45
This monument of untiring and successful diligence deserves to be greeted with respect; it contrasts with the execrable taste of the idle tourists who have scribbled over and defaced inscriptions within the temple, with their own insignificant names. Opposite the French table an Italian learned society (Feb. 9, 1841) have erected another showing the variation of the compass (declinazione dell’ ago magnetico) as 10′56″. The inscription is signed ‘Marina genio’ etc.

b. The Great Peristyle Court and its Additions.

The great ∗Peristyle Court (Pl. A) is believed by important authorities to have been built by the rulers of the 22nd Dynasty. The oldest part of the temple is the sanctuary (p. 134), situated much farther to the E. Probably the clearest view of the growth and historical development of the great house of Ammon would be obtained by beginning there and thence visiting the later portions in the order of their erection; but in following out this plan we should be obliged to diverge irregularly hither and thither from the main lines, and so would miss much of the effect designed by the builders. The influence of the god was supposed to radiate from within outwards; while the procession of his adorers advanced slowly towards Ammon from without inwards. The sanctuary was the final, unapproachable goal of the pious, few of whom were permitted to penetrate farther than the peristyle court. The hypostyle hall was indeed open to certain privileged worshippers, but only the ‘initiated’ were allowed to approach any nearer to the holy of holies. That sacred chamber itself might only be entered by the high-priest and the king, the representative of the god upon earth. The arrangement of the peristyle and succeeding chambers indicate in the clearest manner the nature of the services celebrated within them.

The Architectonic Features of the court must be noticed before we proceed to examine its uses. It is 275 ft. deep and 338 ft. wide, and covers an area of 9755 sq.yds. On each side a kind of colonnade or stoa is formed by a row of columns and the exterior wall. Eighteen columns still stand on the left side, but the row on the right was interrupted by Ramses III., who has here placed a temple (Pl. C), projecting considerably beyond the S. wall, and at right angles to it. Both rows of columns are unsculptured. Another small temple (Pl. B) was built in the N.E. angle of the court by Seti II. Merenptah. Both of these smaller temples are later additions, with no reference to the purpose of the court, and they interfere with the effect designed by the original builder. The double row of huge columns in front of the doorway of the second pylon was, on the other hand, part of the original plan. The lofty shafts, which were terminated by calyx-capitals of gigantic proportions, taper towards the top, and contract rapidly immediately above the convex bases on which they stand. The calyx of the capitals was surrounded with petals, from amidst which slender marsh-plants sprang. In the centre of each was a cubical abacus, serving as a pedestal for an image of a god. Mariette conjectured that a small hypæthral temple (like that at Philae) stood in front of the second pylon, and that not only was there an additional (sixth) pair of columns adjoining the others but that the vaulting of the whole was rendered possible by two central columns between the pairs at each end which are about 36 ft. apart. As, however, there is not the faintest trace of these conjectural six columns, it is perhaps more probable that this colonnade represents a processional or triumphal avenue, formerly covered only by a velarium, and that the continuation of it is to be recognized in the elevated central row of columns in the hypostyle hall (p. 125). Of the original columns only five can now be traced on the left side, and one on the right, close to the second pylon, which terminates the peristyle on the E. Three still show about ⅛ of the original height, one about ¼, and another about ½; the only complete column is on the right. Upon this last Psammetikh I., of the 26th Dyn., has placed his name over that of the Ethiopian Taharka, of the 25th Dyn.; above, on the abacus, is the name of Ptolemy IV. Philopator, which also appears on the recently excavated base of one of the broken columns. The shaft is composed of 36 courses of carefully hewn stone, the capital of 5 courses. The height is 69 ft.; the greatest breadth of the capital 16 ft., the circumference at the top 49 ft. — The above-mentioned second pylon, on the E. side of the court, is mostly in ruins. Before the doorway is an antechamber (Pl. b), the entrance to which was flanked by two statues of Ramses II. The figure on the left side has fallen down; that on the right, broken at the top, displays excellent workmanship, especially in the legs, and recalls the Daedalian figures of the earliest periods of Greek art.
We may mention here in anticipation that the roof of the following hypostyle hall was supported by a perfect forest of papyrus-bud columns, through the midst of which a broad passage was marked by calyx-columns, closely resembling the detached pairs of columns in the first court (comp. p. 126). At this point we first obtain a clear idea of the arrangement of this portion of the temple, and the same remark applies also to all the rooms between it and the sanctuary. It should also be remembered that the number of those privileged to follow and behold the procession gradually decreased from room to room as the sanctuary was approached. Headed by the king or chief priest, the crowd of priests, bearing the standards, symbols, and images of the gods, passed through the doorway of the first pylon into the peristyle court. The double row of calyx-capitals served at once to indicate their passage and to mark the limits beyond which the pions spectators must not press. The sacred procession rolled on slowly beneath the shade of the velarium and entered the hypostyle hall through the second pylon. Many of those who were permitted to enter the first court had there to quit the procession and to take up their positions to the right and left of the calyx-columns. Others again were not permitted to advance farther than the hypostyle, and so with each room until the sanctuary was reached. To this day the clearly defined passage thither may be traced, and it will be observed that at each successive stage the place appointed for those who had to quit the procession is smaller than the preceding.
1. The Small Temple of Seti II. Merenptah (Pl. B), in the N. E. angle of the court, to our left as we enter by the first pylon. This building, which has only recently been made partly accessible, is built of grey sandstone, except beside the three doors, where a reddish quartzose sandstone has been used. The figure of the god Seth has everywhere been erased from the name of the builder. Only a small portion of the walls is entirely sculptured; and the representations that are still extant show that the temple was dedicated to the Theban triad, Ammon, Muth, and Khunsu. In the chamber entered by the W. (left) door appears the sacred boat of the goddess Muth, to whom Seti Merenptah, accompanied by his son, offers a libation. The richly dressed boy is called ‘royal prince’ and ‘heir to the crown’. Adjacent is the figure of the helmeted Pharaoh, presenting the image of the goddess of truth to Ammon and Khunsu.
2. The Temple of Ramses III. (Pl. C), dedicated to Ammon, interrupting the S. wall of the peristyle court.
The great Harris Papyrus, which is chiefly concerned with the erection and equipment of temples, details no fewer than six buildings and five estates in the vicinity of Thebes, distinguished by the terms Hat (temple), Pa (house), Menmenu (pasture), adding after each one of the two names of the king and frequently also an additional name, such as ‘thy victory

thou makest abiding for all eternity’. The personnel assigned to these foundations is reckoned at 86,486 individuals, of which 62,626 belonged to the largest temple (at Medînet-Habu). The above-mentioned Temple C. bore the name Pa Ramses hak an (House of Ramses, prince of Heliopolis) and had 2623 priests and attendants.
The building is in form a complete temple, but in view of the enormous dimensions of its surroundings can claim only the character of a chapel. Its total length is 170 ft. The Pylon with the entrance door is much injured, especially at the top. Beyond it is a Peristyle Court (Pl. α), with eight Osiris-pillars on each side, and at the end four caryatide pillars forming a Passage (Pl. β), whence a door leads to a small Hypostyle (Pl. γ), with eight papyrus-bud capitals. Finally come the chambers of the Sanctuary (Pl. δ). Sculpture is not wanting in this temple, which owes its origin to the wealthy founder of the Memnonium at Medinet Habu (p. 174). This most lavish of Egyptian kings had already founded within the limits of the temple of Ammon the temple of Khunsu (p. 148) as a worthy symbol of his liberality to the gods; and that fact explains the comparative smallness of the temple before us. The exterior of the pylons was adorned with representations expressing the gratitude of the Pharaoh to the god for victory in battle. On the Left Wing (E.) Ramses III., wearing the crown of Upper Egypt

, holds a band of prisoners by the hair and raises his sword for a blow which must strike off all their heads at once. Ammon, standing in front of him, hands him the sword of victory, and delivers to him chained together the representatives of the vanquished peoples, who appear in three rows. In the first two rows are the conquered nations of the south, in the third row those of the north. On the Right Wing are similar representations, the king here wearing the crown of Lower Egypt

. In the doorway, Ramses III. receives from Ammon the symbol of life, etc. On the right side-wall of the pylons are representations of battles and captives, which were concealed by the colonnade, a conclusive proof that the circumference of the court cannot date from Ramses II.
In the peristyle court (Pl. α) the following inscription occurs on the architrave of the caryatid passage on the right. (We omit the lengthy introductory titles of the king.) ‘Ramses, king of Upper and Lower Egypt, prince of Heliopolis (i.e. Ramses III.), the living and beneficent god, who resembles Ra that lightens the world with his beams on the E. and W. horizon, the lord of beams, like the sun's disc in the heavens. Men extol him, when they behold Ramses III., the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, the son of the sun, the lord of the diadems, Ramses the prince of Heliopolis, who built this monument for his father Ammon-Ra, the king of the gods. He erected anew (m maui) the building known as Pa Ramses ḥak an (princes of Heliopolis), as a house for Ammon, of white and well-hewn stone, finishing it with everlasting work’. The inscription (injured) goes on to describe the king as a darling of Ammon, a victory-bringing Horus, who is as rich in years as Tum, a king and protector of Egypt, who overthrows the alien peoples, etc.
The lower parts, especially in the sanctuary-chambers, are covered with rubbish. A long List of Offerings on the left (E.) exterior wall is of some interest. It records that Ramses III., in the month Payni in the 16th year of his reign, decreed that gifts for his father Ammon-Ra, the king of the gods, should be laid upon the silver altar, such as provisions, sacrificial cakes, etc. Then follow some details (injured) as to the amount of the offerings.
3. The Portique des Bubastites (Portico of the Bubastites; Pl. a), so called by Champollion, is the part of the court between the left (E.) wall of the temple just described and the S. part (i.e. the farthest to the right) of the second pylon. This space, only 43 ft. wide, had a door admitting to the temple from the S., and is to be regarded as the E. end of the colonnade which lined the S. wall of the court. Two unsculptured papyrus - bud columns divide it from the rest of the court. Numerous inscriptions dating from the 22nd Dyn., which originated in Bubastis, cover the walls, and contain important material for the history of that period. This dynasty succeeded the inglorious line of priest-kings, who seized the throne of Thebes after the self-indulgent rulers of the 20th dynasty. Their names are rather Semitic than Egyptian, a circumstance that need cause no surprise when we remember that Bubastis is named as their home, a city in the E. part of the Delta which was settled by Semitic tribes. As their names appear to be of Aramaic origin it is not impossible that they were placed upon the throne of the Pharaohs by the Assyrian conquerors who are mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions of Mesopotamia, though the Egyptian hieroglyphics ignore them. Like their predecessors of the 21st Dyn., they retained the chief priesthood in their own control, apparently by committing this office to their heirs. In the hall in which we now are the king appears several times with the crown - prince, who is named ‘first prophet of Ammon-Ra’; and the crown-prince occurs also without his father. Sheshenk I. probably began the decoration of the building, for his name appears in the usual place for the dedication-inscription, i.e. on the architrave above the columns. The names of Osorkon I. and Takelut I. also occur. The last-named king appears before Ammon-Ra accompanied by his son Osorkon, clad in the priestly panther-skin; and Osorkon also occurs alone offering sacrifice to Ammon. On the E. wall is a double painting representing Ammon to the right and left, wearing the feather-crown and seated on a throne, while the deceased son of the same Osorkon approaches in priestly garb to offer sacrifice. Beneath is a long but unfortunately damaged Inscription, dating from the 12th year of Takelut II., which mentions a remarkable event said to have occurred in the reign of the father of that prince (probably Sheshenk II.). The passage in question is not absolutely clear, but this much may be gathered with certainly, viz. that on the 25th Mesori in the 15th year of the father of Takelut II., something unusual

happened to the moon, which plunged all Egypt in alarm. This was probably a lunar eclipse. In the left wing, on the N. wall, Ammon appears presenting Osorkon I. with the notched staff of years and the sword of victory; beneath, the king drinks the milk of life from the breast of Hathor; and adjacent is Osorkon as a youth with the crown, to whom Khnum hands the symbol of life.
Before proceeding on our way towards the sanctuary, we must inspect a most important historical monument which owes its origin to Sheshenk I. (the Shishak of the Bible), founder of the dynasty of the Bubastites. This is on the outside of the S. Wall of the temple of Ammon, and is easily found. Issuing from the doorway of the Portico of the Bubastites, we turn to the left, and immediately find ourselves in front of this important representation. The massive form of the king, wearing the double crown, appears brandishing his weapon over a band of foes with pointed beards, who raise their arms in supplication. Farther to the left is the large figure of Ammon, with the double feather on his head, grasping in his right hand the sword of victory and in his left cords binding five rows of captives with name-labels. Foes with pointed beards kneel before him and beg for mercy with uplifte hands. The portrait of King Sheshenk was left unfinished, the outline drawing of the crown being still visible on the stone. His cartouche and the inscriptions placed in his and Ammon's mouth are more distinct. Beneath Ammon appears the goddess of Thebes with the symbol of the nome of the city of Ammon

upon her head. In her left hand she holds a bow and arrow, in her right a battle-axe and six papyrus cords, which unite five rows of names of towns, surmounted by busts. These are the names of places besieged and captured by Sheshenk in his campaign against Rehoboam, and we have thus a collateral corroboration of the Biblical narrative, such as has not been found for any other portion of the Old Testament.
The Biblical passages are as follows: I Kings XIV., 25-26: ‘And it came to pass in the fifth year of king Rehoboam, that Shishak king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem: And he took away the treasures of the house of the Lord, and the treasures of the king's house; he even took away all: and he took away all the shields of gold which Solomon had made’. 2nd Chron. XII., 2-4 & 9: ‘And it came to pass, that, in the fifth year of Rehoboam, Shishak king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem because they had transgressed against the Lord. With twelve hundred chariots, and threescore thousand horsemen; and the people were without number

that came with him out of Egypt; the Lubim, the Sukkiim, and the Ethiopians. And he took the fenced cities which pertained to Judah, and came to Jerusalem’. Verse 9 is the same as the above passage from Kings. — The conquered people named in the representation are the Amu, Kenus (Nubians), Menti, and Sakti (Asiatics).
Champollion, the great decipherer of hieroglyphics, was the first to perceive that the names in the inscription belonged to the above-mentioned ‘fenced cities’, and that Sheshenk, called by the Greeks Sesonchis, was identical with the Shishak of the Bible. The third name in the third row from the top, attracted his attention especially; it reads ‘Judah (Juda) Malek’, and may be translated king of Judah. The heads of the busts above the name-labels, with their characteristic Semitic features, are sufficient by themselves to prove that only places could be here signified that were inhabited by peoples related to the Jews. Of the 120 name-labels only a few can be identified with certainty with otherwise known names of places in Palestine, such as Rabbath (last ring of the first row), Taanach, Shunem, Rehob, Hapharaïm, Adullam, Mahanaïm, Gibeon. Beth-Horon, Kedemoth, Ajalon (in the second row). Several symbols have recently been obliterated by the whitewash used to preserve the wall, and some of the name-labels have also been destroyed, as e.g. Megiddo at the beginning of the third row. The rest of the inscriptions, which are couched in the usual emphatic style, give no farther information as to the campaign.

We return to the peristyle court and proceed to the Second Pylon (Pl. II). The left or N. side has fallen and the right side is sadly damaged. The colossi of Ramses H., which guarded the projecting entrance, have already been mentioned on p. 119. But neither Ramses II., as appearances might suggest, nor even his father Seti I. built this pylon, but the predecessor and father of the latter, Ramses I., who also planned the hypostyle hall, afterwards adorned by Seti I. and Ramses the Great. The cartouches of Ramses II. frequently occur sunk instead of being embossed, because they have been placed on spots previously occupied by the older cartouches of Ramses I. or Seti I. The same is the case on the back of the N. pylon, whereas on the back of the S. pylon, which was erected by Ramses II., his name appears in genuine bas - relief. In the doorway (Pl. c), where the cartouches of Ramses I., Seti I., and Ramses II. are found, an intervening door was erected by Ptolemy VII. Philometor

and Ptolemy IX. Euergetes II., during their joint-reign (170-165 B.C.). The lintel and upper parts of this latter doorway are wanting, but the jambs are in good preservation, with expressions of homage to Ammon and his fellow-gods. On the inner side (to the left) of the earlier doorway appears Ramses II. kneeling before Ammon and receiving the symbol of kingship. Behind him stands the goddess Muth, and Khunsu, with the moon's disc on his head, conducts Ptolemy VII. Philometor to behold the god Ammon. Probably the representation is a restoration by Philometor of an older work on the same spot.

c. The Great Hypostyle Hall.

The ∗∗Hypostyle Hall of Karnak (Pl. D) was commenced under the 18th Dyn. by Ramses I., completed by Seti I. (19th Dyn.), and enriched with new sculptures wherever there was room by Seti's son Ramses II. Its breadth (inside measurement) is 338 ft., its depth 170 ft., and its area 5450 square yards, an area spacious enough to accommodate the entire church of Notre Dame at Paris. The roof is supported by 134 columns, of which the central row is higher than the others. Each of the 12 columns in this row is 11 ⅗ ft. in diameter and upwards of 32 ft. in circumference, i.e. as

large as Trajan's Column in Rome or the Vendôme Column in Paris. It requires six men with outstretched arms to span one of these huge columns. Their height is 69 ft., that of the capitals 11 ft. The remaining 122 columns are each 42 ½ ft. in height and 27 ½ ft. in circumference, and have papyrus-bud capitals. ‘It is impossible’, says Lepsius, ‘to describe the impression experienced by everyone who enters this forest of columns for the first time, and passes from row to row, amidst the lofty figures of gods and kings, projecting, some in full relief, some in half relief, from the columns on which

they are represented’. Many of the columns are prostrate, others lean as though on the verge of falling, and architrave and roof-slabs have either fallen or seem on the point of doing so. Yet the whole is so well-preserved that we never forget that we are in a colonnaded hall, and the ruinous appearance so far from destroying the general impression adds a picturesque charm to it. The enormous proportions of this structure are perhaps best appreciated, if we place ourselves in the wide doorway of the second pylon and look through the double row of huge calyx-columns towards the sanctuary, i.e. towards the E. The magic influence of the place is fully felt in the morning or evening, or by moonlight, when the columns cast intense black shadows on each other.
Roof. The processional route (p. 119) was distinguished by placing on each side of it higher columns than in the rest of the temple. These higher columns have calyx-capitals, on which rest cubical abaci, supporting the massive architraves which run parallel with the main axis of the temple. Above the architrave another small erection is visible. The lower columns immediately adjacent on both sides were connected with this inner row, by erecting upon them square pillars, separated by windows, and united with each other by means of a long architrave, above which another smaller erection is observed. Only one of the windows is now extant, and that in imperfect preservation. The union of these four rows under a common roof thus provided a lighted passage, about 78 ft. high (about 32 ft. higher than the rest of the hall), through the centre of the colonnaded hall. The shape of the columns in the outer rows is shown in Vol. I., p. 164 b; the calyx-capitals of the two inner rows in Vol. I., p. 165 a. — The Columns are not monolithic, but are built, like huge watch-towers, of hewn stones. The central rows have smooth shafts and enormous calyx-capitals with curved edges. Five bands at the neck of the column fasten the striped petals and slender water-plants, which, mingled with royal cartouches and other decorations, cling to the calyx. Each capital resembles a gigantic goblet. Unfortunately the minuteness of the ornamentation, especially on the upper parts, is not very suitable for the huge proportions of the columns. All the columns, both in the inner and in the outer row, are adorned with the name of Ramses II. and various embellishments. The shafts in every case bore sunk reliefs (‘en creux’), the former painting in which is still traceable at places. The inscriptions and representations present, on the whole, but little variety; but in a few considerable differences may be noted as regards the persons of the gods and the gifts which they received or bestowed. This is specially the case with the columns. Those in the first six rows to the N. have, towards the top, the cartouche of Seti I., and farther down that of Ramses IV.; the remaining rows have Ramses II. at the top and Ramses IV. below. Ramses III., Ramses VI., and Ramses XIII.

have also recorded their names, sometimes filling in vacant spaces and sometimes scratching out older names. On the capitals the cartouches of Ramses II. or of his more immediate successors are found; on the border of the extreme top of the shaft, this same Pharoah is usually named king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of both worlds, son of the sun, lord of the diadems, etc. The broader field beneath exhibits almost universally vertical cartouches, surmounted with the feathers

, and standing upon the symbol of gold

. On the largest field, still lower, the king appears twice; once sacrificing to the god, and once with the celestials offering him emblems, generally symbolizing in some familiar way one of the higher blessings of life. The simple inscriptions repeat each other over and over again. They begin: ‘I give thee’, or, ‘I grant thee’, or else mention a visit of the king to the temple. The carvings and hieroglyphics placed by Ramses II. are much inferior to those dating from the reign of his father Seti I., a fact we have already noticed at Abydos.
By far the most important place among the gods here is filled by Ammon, Muth, and Khunsu, the Theban triad (Vol. I., p. 138). At Karnak Ammon was conceived of in two capacities, which must be distinguished from each other; he was in the first place Ammon Generator, in the second place Ammon-Ra, the king of the gods. Ammon may be identified by his feather-crown, Khunsu by the crescent on his head and the lock on his temples, and Muth by the vulture-cap. The other gods that appear with them may be easily identified with the help of the introduction on the Religion of Ancient Egypt (Vol. I., p. 124). On the architrave are some clearly cut inscriptions, of which a few deviate from the usual formulae. One of these, dating from Seti I., on the architrave above the bud-columns in the first cross-row to the E. (right), is as follows: ‘He is a king, mounting his horse like the son of Isis (Horus). He is an archer of a mighty arm and like the (god of war) Mentu a great wall of brass. He is the protector of his soldiers, when they thirst in the hollow way, on the day of battle. No opposition is offered to him from the hundred thousand brave hearts that are united in one place’. In the inscriptions the king usually boasts of having erected an eternal and magnificent building in the house of his father Ammon, of founding festivals, or of offering great treasures.

d. The North Exterior Wall of the Hypostyle.

We turn to the left (N.) from the entrance to the Hypostyle Hall, and in the N. wall, between the 4th and 5th rows of columns from the pylon, reach a door (Pl. d), through which we pass. The outside of the temple-wall is covered with inscriptions and martial representations. These begin on the N. part of the E. wall of the

temple, which we reach by proceeding at once to the right (E.), afterwards returning to the N. wall in following the description below. On the E. Wall the reliefs are in two divisions, an upper and a lower. The series begins at the top, to the left of the beholder. Here we see King Seti alighting from his chariot, in a well-wooded country belonging to the tribes of the Remenen (Armenians) and Retennu (Syrians). These are compelled to fell trees, which are leafy and seem to be tall and slender; and were probably to be used for ship-building (as Solomon used the trees felled by the people of Hiram) or for flag-staffs. The physiognomies of the Asiatics are distinctly characterized. The fortress appearing behind the horse is named ‘Kaṭbar to the N. of Henuma’. In the representation below the king is shown driving in his chariot above the slain. Beside the horses, which drew the king on state occasions, are their names; the king's favourite horse is here called ‘Victory in Thebes’. — The Ṭema en pa Kanana, the fortress Kanana, is overcome. This was Seti's first great exploit, which he performed, as the inscription informs us, in the first year of his reign, when he overthrew the Shasu, the Semitc neighbours of Egypt from Zar (Pelusium) to the fortress of Kanana (Canaan). ‘His majesty was towards them as a furious lion. They were transformed to corpses, hewn down in their blood within their valleys’. Confused heaps of slain appear below the fortress (to the left). An Asiatic, with a hat, prays with upraised hands for mercy; several fall pierced with arrows. Only one escapes from among ten thousand to proclaim in distant lands the bravery of the king. — We now reach the N. Wall, where also there is an upper and a lower series of representations. In the first scene (to the extreme left), above, the army has penetrated far enough to storm the fortress of Ninûa (Nineveh), in the land of the Chaldaeans. The stream which washes the stronghold is the Tigris. The inhabitants of the country, who are represented full face somewhat awkwardly and contrary to the usual Egyptian method, conceal themselves among trees. The king, advancing to the attack in his chariot (his head and that of his galloping horse have been broken off) seizes two of them standing in their chariot, and shoots arrows against the mounted foes. In the adjoining scene (nearly obliterated) the king is binding captives with his own hand, and drags others behind his chariot; to the right he appears dragging four captives with him and drawing others in two rows behind him. A single line inscription between the rows names these prisoners the mighty princes of the Retennu (Syrians or Assyrians). In the representation higher up, beyond a damaged portion of the wall, the king appears in his chariot, with his right hand raised and holding in his left his bow and the cords to which other two rows of prisoners (described as Retennu ḥart, or Upper Syrians) are fastened. The scene takes place before the Theban triad, Ammon, Muth, and Khunsu, to whom the king also presents costly

vessels of silver, gold, khesbet (lapis-lazuli), and mafek (malachite.)
In the corresponding scenes in the lower row the king appears in his chariot (at the left end of the N. wall), with his back turned to the great ones of the Khara (Syrians). He drives past several castles, built by himself, some of them described as water-stations; beside the lower ones is a small fresh-water lake. In the second scene the king is shown in his chariot, shooting arrows against his foes, who are named ‘Shasu’ (Beduins). Fortified water-stations appear here also and a beacon or watch-tower of King Ramenma.
The following representation is one of the most remarkable in Egypt, for it clearly proves that a kind of Suez Canal, i.e. a canal dividing Africa from Egypt, existed as early as the time of Seti I. The relief represents the king on his homeward journey. His spirited horses prance along before the light chariot, which carries only the Pharoah and the heads of his slain enemies. (The king's favourite horse is named ‘Ammon gives the sword’.) In his left hand the king holds the reins and his bow, and in his right the sword of victory, the scourge, and a number of cords to which pinioned enemies are fastened. Three of the latter he drags after him, and three rows of Asiatics fastened together by the neck precede the horses. The bastions with reservoirs which the procession has to pass are represented at the foot of the relief, in accordance with the peculiar Egyptian system of perspective. The desert-station immediately beside the hind hoofs of the king's horses is called Migdol of King Ramenma. (Migdol is a Semitic word meaning a fortified tower generally.) Between the hind and forelegs of the horses appears another fortress, called the castle of the lions. The train of returning warriors is separated from their Egyptian fatherland by a canal full of crocodiles. That this is not merely an arm of the Nile is indicated by an inscription above the bridge, to the right, which names it Ta ṭenat, i.e. literally ‘the cutting’. The crocodiles, which do not live in salt water, show that this canal was supplied from the Nile; and the two groups of figures on the farther bank show that it marked the boundary of Egypt. In the upper group are priests and grandees, with curious nosegays in their hands, who await the Pharaoh with low obeisances; in the lower group the women raise their hands in greeting to the returning king, who brings with him their husbands and sons. The inscription runs: ‘The priests, the great ones, and the princes of Upper and Lower Egypt approach to welcome the good god (i.e. the king) on his return from the Syrian land, with enormous booty. Never has the like happened since the time of the god’, i.e. probably since the time of Ra. — The ‘cutting’ which thus divided Asia and Africa can only be the canal by means of which the early Pharaohs endeavoured to unite the Nile with the Red Sea (comp. Vol. I., p. 427), the through communication from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean

being then completed by the Pelusiac arm of the Nile. The canal, frequently suffered to fall into disuse, was restored by Nekho (7th cent. B. C.) and at a later period by Darius I. Communication between the Nile and the Red Sea was maintained even under the Arabs, but it was afterwards interrupted, and not restored until the construction of the present fresh-water canal by Lesseps. The bastions which defended it are those that compelled the Jews during the Exodus to change their N.E. route at Etham or Etam, i.e. the fortified places (khetem), and to turn towards the Red Sea on the S. The relief, which is gradually becoming more and more indistinct, deserves careful study. The conqueror of the Semites, who is here joyfully welcomed as he approaches in his chariot, is the ancestor of the Pharaoh of the Bible narrative who perished in the Red Sea.
The victorious monarch next appears, after his arrival at Thebes. As in the upper representation, he conducts to Ammon two rows of rebellious Asiatic princes, captured in the land of the Retennu, and presents to the god magnificent vessels.
We have now returned to the door by which we left the hypostyle hall. It is adorned with the name of Ramses the Great. To the right and left are two colossal companion reliefs, in which Ammon is represented holding several rows of captives by cords, and pr