THE interdiction of wine and other fermented and intoxicating
liquors, which is one of the most important
laws in the code of El-Isla'm, has caused the greater
number of the disciples of this faith to become immoderately
addicted to other means of inducing slight intoxication,
or different kinds of pleasurable excitement.

The most prevalent means, in most Moos'lim countries,
of exciting what the Arabs term “keyf” which I
cannot more nearly translate than by the word “exhilaration,”
is tobacco. It appears that tobacco was introduced
into Turkey, Arabia, and other countries of the
East, soon after the beginning of the seventeenth century
of the Christian era: that is, not many years after
it had begun to be regularly imported into Western
Europe, as an article of commerce, from America. Its
lawfulness to the Moos'lim has often been warmly disputed;
but is now generally allowed. In the character
of the Turks and Arabs who have become addicted to
its use, it has induced considerable changes; particularly
rendering them more inactive than they were in
earlier times; leading them to waste, over the pipe,
many hours which might be profitably employed: but
it has had another and a better effect; that of superseding,
in a great measure, the use of wine, which, to
say the least, is very injurious to the health of the inhabitants
of hot climates. In the “Tales of a Thousand

and One Nights,” which were written before the introduction
of tobacco into the East, and which we may
confidently receive as presenting faithful pictures of the
state of Arabian manners and customs at the period
when they appeared, we have abundant evidence that
wine was much more commonly and more openly drunk
by Moos'lims of that time than by those of the present
day. It may further he remarked, in the way of apology
for the pipe, as employed by the Turks and Arabs,
that the mild kinds of tobacco generally used by them
have a very gentle effect: they calm the nervous system;
and, instead of stupifying, sharpen the intellect. The
pleasures of Eastern society are certainly much heightened
by the pipe; and it affords the peasant a cheap
and sober refreshment, and probably often restrains him
from less innocent indulgences.

The cup of coffee, which, when it can be afforded,
generally accompanies the pipe, is commonly regarded
as an almost equal luxury. It is said that the discovery
of the refreshing beverage afforded by the berry of the
coffee-plant was made in the latter part of the seventh
century of the Flight (or, of the thirteenth of the Christian
era), by a certain devotee, named the sheykh 'Om'ar,
who, driven by persecution to a mountain of the Yem'en,
with a few of his disciples, was induced, by the want of
provisions, to make an experiment of the decoction of
coffee-berries, as an article of food; the coffee-plant
being there a spontaneous production. It was not,
however, till about two centuries after this period that
the use of coffee began to become common in the
Yem'en. It was imported into Egypt between the
years 900 and 910 of the Flight (towards the end of
the fifteenth or the beginning of the sixteenth century

of our era, or a little more than a century before the
introduction of tobacco into the East), and was then
drunk in the great mosque El-Az'har, by the fackee'rs
of the Yem'en and Mek'keh and El-Medee'neh, who
found it very refreshing to them while engaged in their
exercises of reciting prayers, and the praises of God;
and freely indulged themselves with it. About half a
century after, it was introduced into Constantinople*.
In Arabia, in Egypt, and in Constantinople, it was
often the subject of sharp disputes among the pious and
learned; many doctors asserting that it possessed intoxicating
qualities, and was therefore an unlawful
beverage to Moos'lims; while others contended, that,
among many other virtues, it had that of repelling sleep,
which rendered it a powerful help to the, pious in their
nocturnal devotions: according to the fancy of the
ruling power, its sale was therefore often prohibited,
and again legalized. It is now, and has been for many
years, acknowledged as lawful by almost all the Moos'lims;
and immoderately used even by the Wah'ha'bees,
who are the most rigid in their condemnation of tobacco,
and in their adherence to the precepts of the Ckoor-a'n,
and the Traditions of the Prophet. Formerly, it was
generally prepared from the berries and husks together;
and it is still so prepared, or from the husks alone, by
many persons in Arabia. In other countries of the
East, it is prepared from the berries alone, freshly
roasted and pounded.

Cairo contains above a thousand Ckah'wehs- †, or

coffee-shops. The ckah'weh is, generally speaking, a
small apartment, whose front, which is towards the
street, is of open wooden work, in the form of arches*.
Along the front, excepting before the door, is a mus'tub'ah,
or raised seat, of stone or brick, two or three
feet in height, and about the same in width; which is
covered with matting; and there are similar seats in
the interior, on two or three sides. The coffee-shops
are most frequented in the afternoon and evening;
but by few excepting persons of the lower orders, and
tradesmen. The exterior mus'tub'ah is generally preferred.
Each person brings with him his own tobacco
and pipe. Coffee is served by the ckak'weg'ee (or attendant
of the shop), at the price of five fud'dahs a cup,
or ten for a little bek'reg (or pot) of three or four cups†.
The ckah'weg'ee also keeps two or three na'rgee'lehs or
shee'shehs, and go'zehs‡, which latter are used both for
smoking the toomba'k (or Persian tobacco) and the
hhashee'sh (or hemp): for hhashee'sh is sold at some
coffee-shops. Musicians and story-tellers frequent some
of the ckah'wehs; particularly on the evenings of religious
festivals.

The leaves and capsules of hemp, called, in Egypt,
hhashee'sh, were employed in some countries of the
East in very ancient times to induce an exhilarating
intoxication. Herodotus (lib. iv., cap. 75) informs us
that the Scythians had a custom of burning the seeds of
this plant, in religious ceremonies, and that they became

intoxicated with the fumes. Galen also mentions the
intoxicating properties of hemp. The practice of chewing
the leaves of this plant to induce intoxication prevailed,
or existed, in India, in very early ages: thence
it was introduced into Persia; and about six centuries ago
(before the middle of the thirteenth century of our era)
this pernicious and degrading custom was adopted in
Egypt; but chiefly by persons of the lower orders;
though several men eminent in literature and religion,
and vast numbers of fackee'rs (or poor devotees),
yielded to its fascinations, and contended that it was
lawful to the Moos'lim. The habit is now very common
among the lower orders in the metropolis and other
towns of Egypt, There are various modes of preparing
it; and various names, as sheera, bust, &c., are given
to its different preparations. Most commonly, I am
told, the young leaves are used alone, or mixed with
tobacco, for smoking; and the capsules, without the
seeds, pounded and mixed with several aromatic substances,
for an intoxicating conserve. Acids counteract
its operation. The preparation of hemp used for
smoking generally produces boisterous mirth. Few
inhalations of its smoke, but the last very copious, are
usually taken from the go'zeh. After the emission of
the last draught, from the mouth and nostrils, commonly
a fit of coughing, and often a spitting of blood, ensues,
in consequence of the lungs having been filled with the
smoke. Hhashee'sh is to be obtained not only at some
of the coffee-shops: there are shops of a smaller and
more private description solely appropriated to the sale
of this and other intoxicating preparations: they are
called mahh'shesh'ehs. It is sometimes amusing to
observe the ridiculous conduct, and to listen to the conversation

of the persons who frequent these shops.
They are all of the lower orders. The term “hhash'sha'sh”
which signifies “a smoker, or an eater, of
hemp,” is an appellation of obloquy: noisy and riotous
people are often called “hhash'sha'shee'n,” which is the
plural of that appellation, and the origin of our word
“assassin;” a name first applied to Arab warriors
in Syria, in the time of the Crusades, who made use of
intoxicating and soporific drugs in order to render their
enemies insensible.

The use of opium and other drugs to induce intoxication
is not so common in Egypt as in many other countries
of the East: the number of the Egyptians addicted
to this vice is certainly not nearly so great, in proportion to
the whole population, as is the relative number of persons
in our own country who indulge in habitual drunkenness.
Opium is called, in Arabic, afiyoo'n; and the
opium-eater afiyoo'nee. This latter appellation is a term
of less obloquy than that of “hhash'sha'sh;” because
there are many persons of the middle and higher classes
to whom it is applicable. In its crude state, opium is
generally taken, by those who have not long been addicted
to its use, in the dose of three or four grains, for
the purpose above mentioned; but the afiyoo'nee increases
the dose by degrees. The Egyptians make
several conserves composed of hellebore, hemp, and
opium, and several aromatic drugs, which are more
commonly taken than the simple opium. A conserve
of this nature is called maagoo'n; and the person who
makes or sells it, maagoon' gee. The most common
kind is called bursh. There is one kind which, it is
said, makes the person who takes it manifest his pleasure
by singing; another which will make him chatter;

a third which excites to dance; a fourth which particularly
affects the vision, in a pleasurable manner; a
fifth which is simply of a sedative nature. These are
sold at the mahh'shesh'eh.

The fermented and intoxicating liquor called boo'zeh,
which is drunk by many of the boatmen of the Nile,
and by other persons of the lower orders in Egypt, has
been mentioned in a former chapter. I have seen, in
tombs at Thebes, many large jars, containing' the dregs
of beer of this kind, prepared from barley.

BATHING is one of the greatest luxuries enjoyed by the
people of Egypt. The inhabitants of the villages of
this country, and those persons who cannot afford the
trifling expense incurred in the public bath, often bathe
in the Nile. Girls and young women are not unfrequently
seen thus indulging themselves in the warm
weather, and generally without any covering; but
mostly in unfrequented places. The rich, I have before
mentioned, have baths in their own houses; but men
who have this convenience often go to the public bath;
and so also do the ladies, who, on many occasions, are
invited to accompany thither their female friends.

There are, in Cairo, between sixty and seventy Hhamma'ms,
or baths, to which the public have access for a
small expense. Some of these are for men only; others,
only for women and young children; and some, for both
sexes; for men during the forenoon, and in the afternoon
for females. When the bath is appropriated
to women, a napkin, or any piece of linen or drapery, is
hung over the entrance, to warn the men from entering:
all the male servants having gone out a short time before;
and females having taken their places. The
front of the. bath is generally ornamented in a manner
similar to that in which most of the mosques are decorated,
but usually more fanciful, in red and white, and

sometimes other colours, particularly over and about the
entrance. The building consists of several apartments,
all of which are paved with marble, chiefly white, with
an inter-mixture, in some parts, of black marble, and
small pieces of fine red tile, in the same manner as the
doorcka”ah of a room in a private house, of which a
sketch has been inserted in the introduction to this
work. The inner apartments are covered with domes,
which have a number of small, round, glazed apertures,
for the admission of light. The materials chiefly employed
in the construction of the walls and domes are
bricks and plaster, which, after having been exposed to
the steam that is produced in the bath when it is in
use, are liable to crack and fall if the heat be intermitted
even for a few days. A sa'ckiyeh (or water-wheel),
turned by a cow or bull, is constructed upon a level with
the higher parts of the building, to raise water from a
well or tank, for the supply of the boiler, &c.

The bather, on entering, if he have a watch, and a
purse containing more than a trifling sum of money,
gives these in charge to the m'al'lim (or keeper of the
bath), who locks them in a chest: his pipe, and sword
(if he have one), he commits to a servant of the bath,
who takes off his shoes, and supplies him with a pair of
wooden clogs; the pavement being wet. The first
apartment is called the mes'lukh*. It generally has two,

Plan of Bath.

three, or four leewa'ns, similar to mus'tub'ahs, or considerably
wider, cased with marble, and a fountain (called
fisckee'yeh) of cold water, which rises from an octagonal
basement constructed of stone cased with marble, &c.,
similar to that in the inner apartment represented in a
section accompanying this description, in the, centre.
One of the leewa'ns, being designed for the accommodation
of persons of the higher and middle orders, is
furnished with mattresses and cushions: upon the other,
or others, which are for the lower orders, there is usually
no furniture excepting mats. In many baths there is
also, in the mes'lukh, a small kind of stall, for coffee.

In warm weather, the bathers mostly prefer to undress
in the mes'lukh: in winter, they undress in an
inner, closed apartment, called beyt-ow'wal; between
which and the first apartment is a short passage, with
two or three latrinae; on one side. “Beyt-ow'wal” signifies
“the first chamber;” and this name is given to the
chamber here mentioned because it is the first of
the warm apartments; but it is less warm than the principal
apartment, of which it is the ante-chamber. In general,
it has two mus'tub'ahs, one higher than the other, cased
with marble, like the pavement. The higher accommodates
but one person; and is for the higher classes; the
other is sufficiently large for two. When the former is
occupied, and another high seat is wanted, two or three
mattresses are placed one upon another on the lower
mus'tub'ah, or on the leewa'n (or raised part of the
floor). A segga'deh (or small prayer-carpet) is spread
on the mus'tub'ah for a person of the higher orders.
The bather receives a napkin in which to put his clothes;
and another to put round his waist: this reaches to the
knees, or a little lower; and is termed mahh'zam: a

third, if he require it, is brought to him to wind round
his head, in the manner of a turban, leaving the top of
the head bare; a fourth to put over his chest, and a
fifth to cover his back. It is generally a boy, or beardless
young man, who attends the bather while
he undresses, and while he puts on his mahh'zam, &c.:
he is called a la'win'gee (as the word is vulgarly pronounced),
which is a corruption of leewa'ngee, or
“attendant of the leewa'n.”

When the bather has undressed, and attired himself
in the manner above described, the la'win'gee opens to
him the door of the inner and principal apartment,
which is called hhara'rah. This, in general, has four

Section of the Hhara'rah.

low leewa'ns, like those of most rooms in private houses
which give it the form of a cross; and, in the centre, a fisckee'yeh
(or fountain) of hot water, rising from a
small, shallow basin in the middle of a high, octagonal
seat, cased with white and black marble, and pieces of
red tile. The hhara'rah, together with several chambers
connected with it, may generally be described as
occupying almost an exact square. The beyt-ow'wal
is at one of the angles. Two small chambers, which

adjoin each other, and occupy a second angle of the
square, contain, the one, a mugh'tus, or tank, of warm
water, to “which there is an ascent of a few steps; the
other a hhan'afee'yeh, consisting of two taps, projecting
from the wall; one of hot, and one of cold water; with
a small trough beneath; before which is a seat: the
name of hhan'afee'yeh is commonly given, not merely
to the taps above mentioned, but to the chamber which
contains them. A third angle of the square is occupied
by two other small chambers similar to those just
described: one containing a second mugh'tus, of water
not quite so warm as the former: the other, a second
hhan'afee'yeh. Each mugh'tus is filled by a stream of
water pouring down from the dome of the chamber.
The fourth angle of the square is generally occupied by
a chamber which has no communication with the hhara'rah;
and which contains the fire over which is the
boiler. The central part of the hhara'rah, its leewa'ns,
and the small chambers connected with it, are covered
with domes, which have a number of small, glazed
apertures.

The bather, having entered the hhara'rah, soon
perspires profusely, from the humid heat which is produced
by the hot water of the tanks and fountain, and
by the boiler. The operator of the bath, who is called
mookey'yisa'tee (for a reason I shall presently state),
immediately comes to him. If the bather be covered
with more than one napkin, the mookey'yisa'tee takes
them off, and gives him a wet mahh'zam; or the former
mahh'zam is retained, and wetted. The bather sits on
the marble seat of the fisckee'yeh, or lies upon a napkin
on one of the leewa'ns, or by the edge of one of the
tanks, to submit to the first operation, which is that of

cracking his joints, and is called tuck'tuck'ah. The
operator cracks almost every joint of his frame: he
wrings the body, first one way, and then the other, to
make several of the vertebra; crack: even the neck is
made to crack twice, by wrenching the head round,
each way, which produces a sensation rather alarming
to an inexperienced person: and each ear is generally
twisted round until it cracks: the limbs are wrested
with apparent violence; but with such skill that an
untoward accident in this operation is never heard of
The main object of this process is to render the joints
supple. The mookey'yisa'tee also kneads the bather's
flesh. After this, or previously, he rubs the soles of his
feet with a kind of rasp, called hhag'ar el-hhamma'm

Foot-rasps—One quarter of the real size.

of baked clay. There are two kinds of rasps used for
this purpose: one is very porous and rough; and its
rasping surface is scored with several lines: the other is
of a fine, close clay; and the surface with which the
rubbing is performed is rendered rough artificially.
both are of a dark, blackish colour. Those which are

used by ladies are generally encased (the lower, or
rasping, surface of course excepted) in thin, embossed
silver. The rougher hhag'ar is of indispensable utility
to persons who do not wear stockings; which is the case
with most of the inhabitants of Egypt: the other is for
the more delicate; and is often used for rubbing the
limbs, to render the skin smooth. The next operation
is the tekyee's, or that of rubbing the bather's flesh with
a small, coarse, woollen bag, called kees el-hhamma'm.
It is from this that the operator is called “mookey'yisa.'tee.”
This done, the bather, if he please, dips himself
in one of the tanks. He is next taken to a hhan'afee'yeh.
A napkin having been hung before the entrance
to this, the mookey'yisa'tee lathers the bather with leef
(or fibres of the palm-tree) and soap and sweet water,
which last is brought in a copper vessel, and warmed in
one of the tanks; for the water of the hhan'afee'yeh is
from a well, rather brackish, and consequently not fit
for washing with soap. The leef is employed in the
same manner as sponge is by us: it is not of the kind
produced by the palm-trees of Egypt, which is of a
brown colour: that used in the hhamma'm is white; and
is brought from the Hheja'z. The mookey'yisa'tee
washes off the soap with water from the hhan'afee'yeh;
and, if required, shaves the bather's arm-pits: he then
goes; leaving him to finish washing, &c. The latter
then calls for a set of napkins ('ed'deh), four in number,
and, having covered himself in the same manner as
before described, returns to the beyt-ow'wal; but first,
it is the custom of persons of the more independent
classes to give half a piaster, or a piaster, to the mookey'yisa'tee.
though it is not demanded.

In the beyt-ow'wal, a mattress is spread, for the

bather, on the mus'tub'ah, covered with napkins, and
having one or two cushions at one end. On this he
reclines, sipping a cup or two of coffee, and smoking,
while a la'win'gee rubs the soles of his feet, and kneads
his body and limbs; or two la'win'gees perform these
operations, and he, gives to each of them five or ten
Fud'dahs, or more. He generally remains half an hour,
or an hour, or more, smoking his shib'ook or shee'sheh:
then dresses, and goes out. The hha'ris, who is the
foreman, and who has the charge of drying the napkins
in the mes'lukh, and of guarding, brings him a looking-glass,
and (unless the bather have neither beard nor
mustaches) a comb. The bather asks him for his
watch, &c.; puts from one to four piasters on the looking-glass;
and goes. One piaster is a common sum to
pay for all the operations above described.

Many persons go to the bath twice a week: others,
once a week, or less frequently: but some are merely
washed with soap and water, and then plunge into one.
of the tanks; for which, of course, they pay less.

The women who can afford to do so visit the hhamma'm
frequently; but not so often as the men. When
the bath is not hired for the females of one family, or
for one party of ladies, exclusively, women of all conditions
are admitted. In general, all the females of a
house, and the young boys, go together. They lake
with them their own segga'dehs, and the napkins, basins,
&c., which they require, and even the necessary
quantity of sweet water for washing with soap, and for
drinking; and some carry with them fruits, sweetmeats,
and other refreshments. A lady of wealth is also often
accompanied by her own bella'neh, or ma'sh'tah* , who

is the washer and tire-woman. Many women of the
lower orders wear no covering whatever in the bath;
not even a, napkin round the waist: others always wear
the napkin, and the high clogs. There are few pleasures
in which the women of Egypt delight so much as
in the visit to the bath, where they frequently have
entertainments; and often, on these occasions, they are
not a little noisy in their mirth. They avail themselves
of the opportunity to display their jewels and their
finest clothes, and to enter into familiar conversation
with those whom they meet there, whether friends or
strangers. Sometimes, a mother chooses a bride for
her son from among the girls or women whom she
chances to see in the bath. On many occasions, as,
for instance, in the case of the preparations for a marriage,
the bath is hired for a select party, consisting of
the women of two or more families; and none else are
admitted: but it is more common for a lady and a few
friends and attendants to hire a khil'weh: this is the
name they give to the apartment of the hhan'afee'yeh.
There is more confusion among a mixed company of
various ranks; but where all are friends, the younger
girls indulge in more mirth and frolic. They spend an
hour or more under the hands of the bella'neh, who
rubs and washes them, plaits their hair, applies the depilatory*, &c.
They then retire to the beyt-ow'wal
or mes'lukh, and there, having put on part of their dress,

or a large, loose shirt, partake of various refreshments,
which, if they have brought none with them, they may
procure by sending an attendant of the bath to the
market. Those who smoke take their own pipes with
them. On particular occasions of festivity, they are
entertained with the songs of two or more 'Awa'lim,
hired to accompany them to the bath.

MOST of the games of the Egyptians are of kinds
which suit their sedate dispositions. They take great
pleasure in chess (which they call sutren'g), draughts
(da'meh), and trictrac or backgammon (ta'woolah).
Their chess-men are of very simple forms; as the
Moos'lim is forbidden, by his religion, to make an
image of anything that has life. The Moos'lims of
Egypt in general are, however, less scrupulous with
regard to the prohibition of games of hazard: though
some of them consider even chess and draughts as
forbidden, games partly or wholly hazardous are
very common among all ranks of this people; and
scarcely less so is that of cards, which, being almost
always played for money, or for some other stake,
is particularly called, by way of distinction, le'ab el-ckooma'r *,
“the game of hazard, or, of gain.”
Persons of the lower orders in the towns of Egypt are
often seen playing at these and other games at the
coffee-shops; but frequently for no greater stake than
that of a few cups of coffee.

One of the games most common among the Egyptians
is that of the mun'ckal'ah. Two persons play at
this, with a board (or two boards joined by hinges), in
which are twelve hemispherical holes, called booyoo't
or beyts, in two equal rows; and with seventy-two small

shells, or the kind called cowries; or as many pebbles:
these, whether shells or pebbles, are termed the hhas'a
(in the singular, hhas'weh). To explain the game of
the mun'ckal'ah, I must distinguish the beyts of the
board by letters, thus.

Mun'ckal'ah.

The beyts marked A, B, C, D, E, F, belong to one
party; and the opposite six beyts to the other. One of
the parties, when they are about to play the game in
the most simple manner (for there are two modes of
playing it), distributes all the hhas'a unequally into
the beyts; generally putting at least four into each
beyt. If they were distributed equally, there would be
six in each beyt; but this is seldom done; for, in this
case, he who plays first is sure to lose. The act of distributing
the hhas'a, is called tebwee'z. When one
party is dissatisfied with the other's distribution of the
hhas'a, he may turn the board round; and then his
adversary begins the game; which is not the case
otherwise. Supposing the party to whom belong the
beyts A, B, C, D, E, F commences the game, he takes
the hhas'a from beyt F, and distributes them to the beyts
a, b, c, &c., one to each beyt; and if there be enough to
put in each of his adversary's six beyts, and more remain
in his hand, he proceeds in the same manner to distribute
them to his own beyts, in the order A, B, C, &c.;
and then, if he have still one or more remaining,
to his adversary's beyts, as before, and so on. If the
ast beyt into which he has put a hhas'weh contain but

one (having been empty before he put that in; for it
may have been left empty at the first), he ceases; and
his adversary plays: but if it contain two or four, he
takes its contents, with those of the beyt opposite; and
if the last beyt contain two or four, and one or more
preceding beyts also contain either of these numbers, no
beyt with any other number intervening, he takes the
contents of these preceding beyts also, with the contents
of those opposite. If the last beyt into which he has
put a hhas'weh contain (with this hhas'weh) three, or
five, or more, he takes these out, and goes on distributing
them in the same manner as before: for instance,
if, in this case, the last beyt into which he has
put a hhas'weh be D, he puts one from its contents into
E, another into F, a third into a, and so on; and thus he
continues, until making the last beyt to contain but one
stops him, or making it to contain two or four brings
him gain, and makes it his adversary's turn to play.
He always plays from beyt F, or, if that be empty,
from the nearest beyt to it in his own row containing
one or more hhas'wehs. When one party has more
than a single hhas'weh in one or more of his beyts,
and the other has none, the former is obliged to put
one of his into the first of his adversary's beyts. If
only one hhas'weh remain on one side, and none on
the other, that one is the property of the person on
whose side it is. When the board is completely cleared,
each party counts the number of the hhas'a he has
taken; and the one who has most reckons the excess
of his above his adversary's number as his gain. The
gainer in one board begins to play the next board; his
adversary having first distributed the hhas'a. When
either party has made his successive gains amount

to sixty, he has won the
game.—In this manner, the game of the mun'ckal'ah is played by young persons;
and hence this mode of playing it is called “the game
of the ignorant” (le'ab el-ghashee'm) ': others generally
play in a different manner, which is termed “the game
of the wise, or intelligent” (le'ab el-'a'ckil), and which
must now be described.

The hhas'a are distributed in one or more beyts on
one side, and in the corresponding beyt or beyts on the
other side; commonly in four beyts on each side, leaving
the two extreme beyts of each side vacant; or they are
distributed in any other conventional manner; as, for
instance, about half into beyt A, and the remainder in
beyt a. The person who distributes the hhas'a does
not count how many he places in a beyt; and it is at
his option whether he places them only in one beyt on
each side, or in all the beyts. Should the other person
object to his distribution, he may turn the board round;
but in that case forfeits his right of playing first. The
person who plays first may begin from any one of his
beyts; judging by his eye which will bring him the
best fortune. He proceeds in the same manner as
before described; putting one hhas'weh in each beyt;
and taking in the same cases as in the former mode;
and then the other plays. After the first gain, he
counts the hhas'a in each of his beyts; and plays from
that which will bring him the greatest advantage.
One of the parties may stop the other to count the
hhas'a which he takes out of a beyt to distribute, in
order to insure his distributing them correctly. The
gain of one party after finishing one board is counted,
as in the former mode, by the excess of the number he
has taken above the number acquired by the other;

and the first who makes his successive gains to amount
to sixty wins the game.—This game is of use in practising
the players in calculation. It is very commonly
played at the coffee-shops; and the players generally
agree, though it is unlawful to do so, that the loser
shall pay for the coffee drunk by himself and his adversary
and the spectators, or for a certain number of cups.

Another game very general among the lower classes
in Egypt is called ta'b. In other countries of the East
this is called “ta'b we-dookk;” but I never hear this
name given to it in Egypt. In this country it is played
in the following manner:—Four small pieces of stick,
of a flat form, about a span (or eight inches) in length,
and two thirds of an inch in breadth, are first prepared:
they are generally formed of a piece of palm-branch;
one side of which, being cut flat and smooth, is white;
the other, green, or, if not fresh, of a dull yellow colour:
the former side is commonly called white, and the
other, black. These are called the ta'b. Next, it is
necessary to be provided with a see'ga. This is a board,
divided into four rows of squares, called beyls or da'rs,
each about two inches wide; or it consists of similar
rows of holes made in the ground, or on a flat stone:
the beyts are usually seven, nine, eleven, thirteen, or
fifteen, in each row. To show the mode of playing the
game, I shall here represent a see'ga of nine beyts in
each row; and distinguish the beyts by letters.

In each beyt of one exterior row is usually placed a little
piece of stone, of dingy brick, about the size of a walnut;
and in each beyt of the other exterior row, a piece of
red brick or tile. Or, sometimes, pieces are placed only
in a certain number of beyts in those rows; as, for instance,
in the first four. The pieces of one row must
be distinguished from those in the other. They are
called kila'b (or dogs); in the singular, kelb. The game
is generally played by two persons. The four little slicks
are thrown, all together, against a stick thrust into the
ground or held in the hand with one end resting on the
ground, or against a wall, or against a stick inclined
against a wall. If they fall so that one only has its
white side upwards, the player is said to have thrown,
or brought, ta'b (plural teeb), or a wel'ed (or child,
plural wila'd), and counts one: if there be two white,
and the other two black, he counts two (itney'n): if
there be three white, and one black, he counts three
(tela'teh): if all four be white, four (ar'ba”ah): if all four
black, six (sit'teh). When one throws ta'b, or
four, or six, he throws again; but when he has thrown
two, or three, it is then the turn of the other. To one
of the players belongs the row of beyts A, B, C, &c.:
to the other, that of a, b, c, &c. They first throw alternately
until one has thrown ta'b; and he who has done
this then throws again until he has brought two, or
three. Supposing him, at the beginning' of the game,
to have thrown ta'b and four and two; he removes the
kelb from beyt I, and places it in the seventh beyt
from I, which is Q. He must always commence
with the kelb in beyt I. The other party, in like
manner, commences from beyt i. Neither party can
remove a kelb from its original place but by throwing

ta'b before each such removal. The kelbs before
removal from their original places are called Nasa'ra
(or Christians, in the singular, Nusra'nee); and after
removal, when they are privileged to commence the
contest, Moos'limee'n (or Moos'lims): when a person
has made a kelb a Moos'lim, it is said of him sel'lem
kelb; and of the kelb, as'lam. Each time that a player
throws ta'b, he generally makes a kelb Moos'lim, until
he has made them all so, and thus prepared them to
circulate in the beyts. Each player may have two or
more kelbs in circulation at the same time. Let us
suppose (to make the description more simple) that the
person to whom belongs the row of beyts A, B, C, &c.,
is circulating a single kelb: he moves it through the
two middle rows of beyts in the order of the letters by
which I have distinguished them, from K to S, and
from k to s; and may then either repeat the same
round or enter his adversary's row, as long as there be
any kelb remaining in that row; but in the latter case,
he does not continue to circulate the same kelb, excepting
under circumstances which will be mentioned hereafter.
Whenever a throw, or any of two or more throws,
which the player has made enables him to move his
kelb into a beyt occupied by one of his opponent's kelbs,
he takes the latter. For instance, if one party have a
kelb in the beyt m, and the other have one in o, and
another in s, and the former has thrown ta'b (or one)
and then four and then two, he may take the kelb in
o by the throw of two; then, by the throw of four, take
that in s; and, by the throw of ta'b, pass into a, and
take a third kelb if it contain one. A player may, by
means of a suitable throw, or two or more throws, move
one of his kelbs into a beyt occupied by another of his

own; and these two together, in like manner, he may
add to a third, or he may add a third to them: thus he
may unite any number of his own kelbs, and circulate
them together, as if they were but one; but he cannot
divide them again, and play with them separately, unless
he throw ta'b. If he avail himself of a throw which he
has made to bring them back into a row through which
they have already passed (either separately or together)
they become reduced to a single kelb: but he need not
avail himself of such a throw: he may wait until he
throws ta'b. Two or more kelbs thus united are called an
'eg'geh. The object of so uniting them
is to place them as soon as possible in a situation of safety; as will be
seen by what immediately follows. If either party pass
one of his kelbs into his adversary's row, he may leave
it there in safety as long as he does not want to continue
to play with it, because the latter cannot bring
back a kelb into his own row. The former, however,
cannot continue to circulate, the kelb which has entered
that row until he has no kelb remaining in his own row;
or unless he have only an 'eg'geh in his row, and does
not throw ta'b, which alone enables him to divide the
'eg'geh. In circulating through his adversary's beyts,
he proceeds in the order of the letters by which I have
marked them. He cannot pass the same kelb again
into his adversary's row: after it has passed through
that row, he circulates it through the two middle rows
only, in the same manner as at first.—This game is
often played by four or more persons; and without the
see'ga. When one person throws four, he is called the
Soolta'n. He holds a muck'ra”ah, which is a piece of
the thick end of a palm-stick, with two or three splits
made in the thicker part of it. When a player throws

six, he is called the Wezee'r, and holds the stick
against which the ta'b are thrown. Whenever a person
throws two, the Soolta'n gives him a blow, or two or
more blows (as many as the Wezee'r may order), on
the sole of his foot, or the soles of both feet, with the
muck'ra”ah. When a player throws twice six, he is
both Soolta'n and Wezee'r.

Many of the fella'hhee'n of Egypt also frequently
amuse themselves with a game called that of the see'ga,
which may be described in a few words. The see'ga
employed in this game is different from that of the ta'b:
it consists of a number of holes, generally made in the
ground; most commonly, of five rows of five holes in
each, or seven rows of seven in each, or nine rows of
nine in each: the first kind is called the khumsa'wee see'ga;
the second, the seb'a'wee; and the third, the
tis'a'wee. A khumsa'wee see'ga is here represented.

See'ga.

The holes are called 'oyoo'n (or eyes, in the singular
'ey'n). In this see'ga, they are twenty-five in number.
The players have each twelve kelbs, similar to those
used in the game of the ta'b*. One of them places two
of his kelbs in the 'eyns marked a, a: the other puts

two of his in those marked b, b: they then alternately
place two kelbs in any of the 'eyns that they may choose,
excepting the central 'eyn of the see'ga. All the 'eyns
but the central one being thus occupied (most of the
kelbs placed at random) the game is commenced. The
party who begins moves one of his kelbs from a contiguous
'eyn into the central. The other party, if the
'eyn now made vacant be not next to any one of those
occupied by his kelbs, desires his adversary to give him,
or open to him, a way; and the latter must do so, by
removing, and thus losing, one of his own kelbs. This
is also done on subsequent occasions, when required by
similar circumstances. The aim of each party, after
the first disposal of the kelbs, is to place any one of his
kelbs in such a situation that there shall be, between it
and another of his, one of his adversary's kelbs. This,
by so doing, he takes; and as long as he can immediately
make another capture by such means, he does
so, without allowing his adversary to move.—These are
the only rules of the game. It will be remarked, that,
though most of the kelbs are placed at random, foresight
is requisite in the disposal of the remainder.—
Several see'gas have been cut upon the stones on the
summit of the great pyramid, by Arabs who have served
as guides to travellers.

Gymnastic games, or such diversions as require much
bodily exertion, are very uncommon among the Egyptians.
Sometimes, two peasants contend with each
other, for mere amusement, or for a trifling wager or
reward, with nebboo'ts, which are thick staves, five or
six feet long: the object of each is to strike his adversary
on the head. The nebboo't is a formidable weapon,
and is often seen in the hand of an Egyptian peasant:

he often carries it when on a journey; particularly when
he travels by night; which, however, is seldom the case.
Wrestling-matches are also sometimes witnessed in
Egypt: the combatants (who are called moosdre'eefn,
in the singular moose/re*) strip themselves of all their
clothing excepting their drawers, and generally oil their
bodies; but their exercises are not remarkable, and are
seldom performed but for remuneration, on the occasions
of festivals, processions, &c.—On such occasions, too,
mock combats between two men, usually clad only in
heir drawers, and each armed with a sabre and a small
shield, are not unfrequently witnessed: neither attempts
to wound his adversary: every blow is received on the shield.

The game of the geree'd, as played by the Memloo'ks
and Turkish soldiers, has often been described; but the
manner in which it is practised by many of the peasants
of Upper Egypt is much more worthy of description.
It is often played by the latter on the occasion of the
marriage of a person of influence, such as the sheykh of
a tribe or village; or on that of a circumcision; or
when a votive calf or ox or bull, which has been let
loose to pasture where it will, by common consent, is
about to be sacrificed at the tomb of a saint, and a
public feast made with its meat. The combatants
usually consist of two parties of different villages, or of
different tribes, or branches of a tribe; each party about
twelve or twenty or more in number; and each person
mounted on a horse or mare. The two parties station
themselves about five hundred feet or more apart. A
person from one party gallops towards the other party,
and challenges them: one of the latter, taking, in his
left hand, four, five, six, or more, geree'ds, each six feet,

or an inch or two more or less, in length, but generally
equal in length to the height of a tall man, and very
heavy (being the lower part of the palm-stick, freshly
cut, and full of sap), pursues the challenger at full gallop:
he approaches him as near as possible; often within
arm's length; and throws, at his head or back, one
geree'd after another, until he has none left. The
geree'd is blunt at both ends. It is thrown with the
small end foremost; and with uplifted arm; and sometimes
inflicts terrible, and even fatal, wounds*. The
person against whom the geree'ds are thrown endeavours
to catch them, or to ward them off with his arm
or with a sheathed sword; or he escapes them by the
superior speed of his horse. Having sustained the
attack, and arrived at the station of his party, he tries
his skill against the person by whom he has been pursued,
in the same manner as the latter did against him.—
his sport, which reminds us of the tournaments of
old, and which was a game of the early Bed'awees, continues
for several hours. It is common only among
those tribes who have not been many years, or not more
than a few centuries, settled on the banks of the Nile;
and who have consequently retained many Bed'awee
customs and habits. About the close of the period of
my former visit to this country, three men and a mare
were killed at this game within an hour, in the western

plain of Thebes. It is seldom, however, that a man
loses his life in this exercise: at least, of late, I have
heard of no such occurrence taking place.—In Lower
Egypt, a geree'd only half the length of those above
described, or little more, is used in playing this game.

Other exercises, which are less frequently performed,
and only at festivals, for the amusement of the spectators,
will be described in subsequent pages.

THE Egyptians in general are excessively fond of music;
and yet they regard the study of this fascinating art
(like dancing) as unworthy to employ any portion of
the time of a man of sense; and as exercising too
powerful an effect upon the passions, and leading a
man into gaiety and dissipation and vice. Hence it
was condemned by the Prophet: but it is used, notwithstanding,
even in religious ceremonies; especially
by the durwee'shes. The Egyptians have very few
books on music; and these are not understood by their
modern musicians. The natural liking of the Egyptians
for music is shown by their habit of regulating their
motions, and relieving the dulness of their occupations,
in various labours, by songs or chants. Thus do the
boatmen, in rowing, &c.; the peasants in raising water;
the porters in carrying heavy weights with poles; men,
boys, and girls, in assisting builders, by bringing bricks,
stones, and mortar, and removing rubbish: so also, the
sawyers, reapers, and many other labourers. Though
the music of the Egyptians is of a style very difficult
for foreigners to acquire or imitate, the children very
easily and early attain it. The practice of chanting the
Ckoor-a'n, which is taught in all their schools, contributes
to increase their natural fondness for music.

How science was cherished by the Arabs when all

the nations of Europe were involved in the grossest
ignorance, and how much the former profited by the
works of ancient Greek writers, is well known. It appears
that they formed the system of music which has
prevailed among them for many centuries partly from
Greek, and partly from Persian and Indian treatises
From the Greek language are derived the most general
Arabic term for music, namely, moo'see'cka, and the
names of some of the Arab musical instruments; but
most of the technical terms used by the Arab musicians
are borrowed from the Persian and Indian languages.
There is a striking degree of similarity between many
of the airs which I have heard in Egypt and some of
the popular melodies of Spain; and it is not surprising
that this is the case; for music was much cultivated
among the Arabs of Spain; and the library of the
Escurial contains many Arabic treatises on this art.

The most remarkable peculiarity in the Arab system
of music is the division of tones into thirds. Hence I
have heard Egyptian musicians urge against the Europeans
systems of music that they are deficient in the
number of sounds. These small and delicate gradations
of sound give a peculiar softness to the performances
of the Arab musicians, which are generally of a
plaintive character: but they are difficult to discriminate
with exactness, and are therefore seldom observed
in the vocal and instrumental music of those persons
who have not made, a regular study of the art. Most of
the popular airs of the Egyptians, though of a similar
character, in most respects, to the music of their professional
performers, are very simple; consisting of
only a few notes which serve for every one or two lines
of a song, and which are therefore repeated many

times. I must confess that I generally take great
delight in the more refined kind of music which I occasionally
hear in Egypt; and the more I become
habituated to the style, the more I am pleased with it;
though, at the same time, I must state that I have not
met with many Europeans who enjoy it in the same
degree as myself. The natives of Egypt are generally
enraptured with the performances of their vocal and instrumental
musicians: they applaud with frequent exclamations
of “Al'la'h*!” and “God approve thee!”
“God preserve thy voice!” and similar expressions.

There are also female professional singers. These
are called 'Awa'lim; in the singular, 'A'l'meh, or
'A'limeh; an appellation literally signifying “a learned
female.” The 'Awa'lim are often hired on the occasion
of a fête in the hharee'm of a person of wealth. There

is generally a small, elevated apartment, called a
toockey'seh, adjoining the
principal saloon of the hharee'm, from which it is separated only by a screen
of wooden lattice-work; or there is some other convenient
place in which the female singers may be concealed
from the sight of the master of the house, should
he be present with his women. But when there is a
party of male guests, they generally sit in the court, or
in a lower apartment, to hear the songs of the 'Awa'lim,
who, in this case, usually sit at a window of the
hharee'm, concealed by the lattice-work. Some of them
are also instrumental performers. I have heard the
most celebrated 'Awa'lim in Cairo, and have been more
charmed with their songs than with the best performances
of the A'la'tee'yeh, and more so, I think I may
truly add, than with any other music that I have ever
enjoyed. They are often very highly paid. I have
known instances of sums equal to more than fifty
guineas being collected for a single 'A'l'meh from the
guests at an entertainment in the house of a merchant,
where none of the contributors were persons of much
wealth. So powerful is the effect of the singing of a very
accomplished 'A'l'meh, that her audience, in the height
of their excitement, often lavish, upon her, sums which
they can ill afford to lose. There are, among the
'Awa'lim in Cairo, a few who are not altogether unworthy
of the appellation of “learned females;” having
some literary accomplishments. There are also many
of an inferior class who sometimes dance in the
hharee'm: hence, travellers have often misapplied the
name of “alme,” meaning “a'l'meh,” to the common
dancing-girls, of whom an account will be given in another
chapter of this work.

The Egyptians have a great variety of musical instruments.
Those which are generally used at private
concerts are the kemen'geh, cka'noo'n, 'oo'd, and na'y.

The Kemen'geh is a kind of viol. Its name, which is
Persian, and more properly written kema'ngeh, signifies
“a bow-instrument.” This instrument, and all the
others of which I insert engravings, I have drawn with
the camera-lucida. The total length of the kemen'geh
which is here represented, is thirty-eight inches. The
sounding-body* is a cocoa-nut, of which about a fourth
part has been cut off. It is pierced with many small
holes. Over the front of it is strained a piece of the
skin of a fish called baya'd; and upon this rests the
bridge †. The neck ‡ is of ebony inlaid with ivory;
and of a cylindrical form. At the, bottom of it is a
piece of ivory; and the head §, in which the pegs are
inserted, is also of ivory. The pegs ‖ are of beech;
and their heads, of ivory. The foot ¶ is of iron: it
passes through the sounding-body, and is inserted into
the neck, to the depth of four or five inches. Each of
the two chords consists of about sixty horse-hairs: at
the lower end, they are attached to an iron ring, just
below the sounding-body: towards the other extremity,
each is lengthened with a piece of lamb's gut**, by
which it is attached to its peg. Over the chords, a little
below their junction with the gut-strings, a double band of
leather †† is tied, passing round the neck of the instrument.
The bow ‡‡ is thirty-four inches and a half
in length. Its form is shown by the engraving. The

Kemen'geh.

stick is generally of ash. The horse-hairs, passed
through a hole at the head of the bow-stick and secured
by a knot, and attached at the other end to an iron
ring, are tightened or slackened by a band of leather
which passes through the ring just mentioned and
through another ring at the foot of the bow.—I insert
a sketch of a performer on the kemen'geh, to show the
manner in which he holds the instrument and the bow.
In passing the bow from one chord to the other, he
turns the kemen'geh about sixty degrees round. The
sketch here introduced, and those of the performers on
the cka'noo'n, 'oo'd, and na'y, are from drawings which
I have made with the camera-lucida, and, excepting the
last, from very expert musicians. Together, they represent

A Performer on the Kemen'geh.

* No. 1 is the key: 2, the ring, or thimble: 3, the plectrum.

on ordinary Egyptian band, such as is generally
seen at a private entertainment. The performer
on the kemen'geh usually sits on the right hand of him
who performs on the cka'noo'n, or opposite (that is,
facing) the latter, on the left hand of whom sits the
performer on the 'oo'd; and next to this last is the performer
on the na'y. Sometimes there are other musicians,
whose instruments will be mentioned hereafter;
and often, two singers.

The cka'noo'n is a kind of dulcimer. Its name is
from the Greek or from the same origin; and
has the same signification”; that is, “rule,” “law,” “
Custom.” The instrument from which the engraving
here given was taken is, perhaps, an inch or two longer
than some others which I have seen. Its greatest
length is thirty-nine inches and three quarters; and its
breadth, sixteen inches: its depth is two inches and
one tenth. The cka'noo'n is sometimes made entirely
of walnut-wood*, with the exception of some ornamental
parts. In the instrument which I have drawn,
the face † and the back ‡ are of a fine kind of deal:
the sides § are of beech. The piece in which the pegs
are inserted ‖ is of beech; and so also is the ridge ¶
along its interior edge, through which the chords are
passed. The pegs** are of poplar wood. The bridge ††
is of fine deal. In the central part of the face of the
instrument is a circular piece of wood ‡‡ of a reddish
colour, pierced with holes; and towards the acute

angle of the face is another piece of similar wood, likewise
pierced with holes. In that part of the face upon
which the bridge rests are five oblong apertures, corresponding
with the five feet of the bridge. A piece of
fishes' skin”*, nine inches wide, is glued over this part;
and the five feet of the bridge rest upon those parts of
the skin which cover the five apertures above mentioned;
slightly depressing the skin. The chords are
of lamb's gut†. There are three chords to each note;
and, altogether, twenty-four treble chords. The
shortest side of the instrument ‡ is veneered with walnut-wood,
inlaid with mother-of-pearl. The instrument

A Performer on the Cka'noo'n.

is played with two plectra*; one plectrum upon
the fore-finger of each hand. Each plectrum is a
small, thin piece of buffaloe's horn; and is placed
between the finger and a ring, or thimble †, formed
of a flat piece of brass or silver, in the manner represented
in the sketch.—The instrument is placed on the knees
of the performer; as shown by the engraving here
inserted. Under the hands of a skilful player, the
cka'noo'n pleases me mote than any other Egyptian
instrument without an accompaniment; and to a band
it is an important accession.

The 'odd is a species of guitar, which is played
with a plectrum. Its name (the original signification of
which is “wood “), with the article el. prefixed to it, is the
source whence are derived the terms liuto in Italian,
luth in French, lute in English, &c. The length of
the 'oo'd represented by the engraving here inserted,
measuring from the button, or angle of the neck, is
twenty-five inches and a half. The body of it is composed
of fine dual, with edges, &c., of ebony: the neck,
of ebony, faced with box and an ebony edge. On the
face of the body of the instrument, in which are one
large and two small shem'sehs ‡ of ebony, is glued a
piece of fishes' skin §, under that part of the chords to
which the plectrum is applied, to prevent the wood from
being worn away by the plectrum. The instrument
has seven double strings ‖; two to each note. They
are of lamb's gut. The order of these double chords is
singular: the double chord of the lowest note is that
which corresponds to the chord of the highest note in

Oo'd.

our guitars, &c.: next in the scale above this is the fifth
(that is, counting the former as the first): then the
seventh, second, fourth, sixth, and third. The plectrum*
is a slip of a vulture's feather. The manner in
which it and the 'oo'd itself are held by the performer
is shown by the accompanying sketch.

A Performer on the 'Oo'd.

The na'y, which is the fourth and last of the instruments
which I have mentioned as most commonly used
at private concerts, is a kind of flute. There are several
kinds of na'y, differing from each other in dimensions,
tut in little else. The most common is that here represented.
It has been called the durwee'she's flute;
because often used at the zikrs of durwee'shes, to

Na'y.

accompany the songs of the moon'shids. It is a simple
reed, about eighteen inches in length, seven-eighths of
an inch in diameter at the upper extremity, and three
quarters of an inch at the lower. It is pierced with six
holes in front, and generally with another hole at the
back. The sketch which I insert of a performer on the
na'y shows the most usual manner in which this instrument
is held: but sometimes the left hand is uppermost,
and the instrument slanted towards the right arm
of the performer, instead of the left. The sounds are
produced by blowing, through a very small aperture of
the lips, against the edge of the orifice of the tube, and
directing the wind chiefly within the tube. By blowing
with more or less force, sounds are produced an octave
higher or lower. In the hands of a good performer, the
na'y yields fine, mellow tones; but it requires much

practice to sound it well. A na'y is sometimes made of
a portion of a gun-barrel.

Another instrument often used at private concerts is
a small tambourine, called rick'ck, similar to one of
which an engraving will be found in this chapter, page
77, but rather smaller.

A kind of mandoline, called tamboo'r, is also used at
concerts in Egypt; but mostly by Greeks and other
foreigners. These musicians likewise use a dulcimer,
called suntee'r, which resembles the cka'noo'n, excepting
that it has two sides oblique, instead of one (the two
opposite sides equally inclining” together), has double chords
of wire, instead of treble chords of lamb's gut,
and is beaten with two sticks instead of the little plectra.

A curious kind of viol, called raba'b, is much used

A Performer on the Na'y.

Raba'b esh Shaӑr.

by poor singers, as an accompaniment to the voice.
There are two kinds of viol which bear this name; the
raba'b el-mooghun'nee (or singers' viol) and the raba'b esh-sha'ër
(or poet's viol); which differ from each other
only in this, that the former has two chords, and the
latter but one. The latter is that of which I give an
engraving. It is thirty-two inches in length. The body
of it is a frame of wood, of which the front is covered
with parchment, and the back uncovered. The foot is
of iron: the chord, of horse-hairs, like those of the
kemen'geh. The bow, which is twenty-eight inches
long, is similar to that of the kemen'geh. This instrument
is always used by the public reciters of the romance
of Ab'oo Zeyd, in chanting the poetry. The reciter of
this romance is called Shaӑr (or poet); and hence the
instrument is called “the poet's viol,” and “the Ab'oo-Zey'dee viol.”
The Sha'ër himself uses this instrument;
and another performer on the raba'b generally accompanies
him.

The instruments used in wedding-processions, and the
processions of durwee'shes, &c., are chiefly a hautboy,
called zemr, and several kinds of drums, of which the
most common kinds are the tub'l bel'edee (or country
drum, that is, Egyptian drum), and the tub't Sha'mee
(or Syrian drum). The former is of a similar kind to
our common military drum; but not so deep. It is
hung obliquely. The latter is a kind of kettle-drum, of
tinned copper, with a parchment face. It is generally
about sixteen inches in diameter, and not more than four
in depth in the centre; and is beaten with two slender
sticks. The performer suspends it to his neck, by a string
attached to two rings fixed to the edge of the instrument.
I have represented these drums in the sketch of a bridal procession,

and in the engraving opposite page 61 in
the former volume of this work.

A pair of large kettle-drums, called nuck' a'ckee' r (in
the singular, nack'cka'rah), are generally seen in most of
the great religious processions connected with the pilgrimage,
&c., in Cairo. They are both of copper, and
similar in form; each about two thirds of a sphere; but
are of unequal dimensions: the flat surface, or face, of
the larger is about two feet, or more, in diameter; and
that of the latter, nearly a foot and a half. They are
placed upon a camel, attached to the fore part of the
saddle, upon which the person who beats them rides.
The larger is placed on the right.

Durwee'shes, in religious processions, &c., and in
begging, often make use of a little tubl, or kettle-drum,
called ba'z; six or seven inches in diameter; which is
held in the left hand, by a little projection in the centre
of the back; and beaten by the right hand, with a short
leather strap, or a stick. They also use cymbals, which
are called ka's, on similar occasions. The ba'z is used
by the Moosahh'hhir, to attract attention to his cry in
the nights of Rum'ada'n. Castanets of brass, called
sa'ga't, are used by the public female and male dancers.
Each dancer has two pairs of these instruments. They
are attached, each by a loop of string, to the thumb and
second finger; and have a more pleasing sound than
castanets of wood or ivory.

There are two instruments which are generally found
in the hharee'm of a person of moderate wealth, and
which the women often use for their diversion. One of
these is a tambourine, called ta'r, of which I insert an
engraving. It is eleven inches in diameter. The hoop is
overlaid with mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, and white

Sa'ga't (1). Ta'r (2), and Dar'abook'keh (3).

bone, or ivory, both without and within; and has ten
double circular plates of brass attached to it; each two
pairs having a wire passing through their centres. The
ta'r is held by the left or right hand, and beaten with the
fingers of that hand, and by the other hand. The fingers
of the hand which holds the instrument, striking only near
the hoop, produce higher sounds than the other hand,
which strikes in the centre.—A tambourine of a larger
and more simple kind than that here described, without
the metal plates, is often used by the lower orders.—The
other instrument alluded to in the commencement of
this paragraph is a kind of drum, called dar'abook'keh.
The best kind is made of wood, covered with mother-of-
earl and tortoise-shell, &c. One of this description is
here represented with the ta'r. It is fifteen inches in
length; covered with a piece of fishes' skin at the larger
extremity, and open at the smaller. It is placed under

the left arm; generally suspended by a string that
passes over the left shoulder; and is beaten with both
hands. Like the ta'r, it yields different sounds when
beaten near the edge and in the middle. A more common
kind of dar' a book'keh is made of earth, and differs
a little in form from that just described. An engraving
of it is here given.

The boatmen of the Nile very often use an earthen
dar'abook'keh; but of a larger size than that used in
hharee'ms: generally from a foot and a half to two
feet in length. This is also used by some low storytellers,
and others. The boatmen employ, as an accompaniment
to their earthen drum, a double reed
pipe, called zoomma'rah*. There is also another kind
of double reed pipe, called arghoo'l; of which one of
the reeds is much longer than the other, and serves as
a drone, or continuous base †. This, likewise, is used by
boatmen; and sometimes it is employed, instead of the
na'y, at zikrs. Both of these reed pipes produce harsh
sounds; and those of the latter much resemble the
sounds of the bag-pipe. A rude kind of bag-pipe
(zoomma'rah bi-so'an) is sometimes, but rarely, seen in
Egypt: its bag is a small goat's-skin.

Earthen Dar'abook'keh (1 and 2). Zoumma'rah (3 and 4), Mouth-piece of the latter (5), and Arghoo'l (6),—The Zoomma'rah is 14 inches long: the Arghou 7,3 feet 2 1/2 inches.

SONGS. No. 1.

(The preceding lines are repeated after each of the
following stanzas; sometimes as a chorus).

NO. 2

No. 3.

No. 4.

EGYPT has long been celebrated for its public dancing girls;
the most famous of whom are of a distinct
tribe, called Ghawa'zee*. A female of this tribe is

Dancing-Girls (Ghawa'zee, or Gha'zee'yehs).

called Gha'zee'yeh; and a man, Gha'zee; but the
plural Ghawa'zee is generally understood as applying
to the females. The error into which most travellers
in Egypt have fallen, of confounding the common
dancing-girls of this country with the 'A'l'mehs, who
are female singers, has already been exposed. The
Ghawa'zee perform, unveiled, in the public streets,
even to amuse the rabble. Their dancing has little of
elegance. They commence with a degree of decorum;

but soon, by more animated looks, by a more rapid collision
of their castanets of brass, and by increased
energy in every motion, they exhibit a spectacle exactly
agreeing with the descriptions which Martial* and Juvenal †
have given of the performances of the female
dancers of Gades. The dress in which they generally
thus exhibit in public is similar to that which is
worn by women of the middle classes in Egypt in
private; that is, in the hharee'm; consisting of a
yel'ek, or an 'an'ter'ee, and the shintiya'n, &c.,
of handsome materials. They also wear various ornaments:
their eyes are bordered with the kohhl (or
black collyrium); and the tips of their fingers, the
palms of their hands, and their toes and other parts of
their feet, are usually stained with the red dye of the
hhen'na, according to the general custom of the middle
and higher classes of Egyptian women. In general,
they are accompanied by musicians (mostly of the
same tribe) whose instruments are the kemen'geh, or
the raba'b), and the ta'r; or the dar'abook'keh and
zoomma'rah or the zemr: the ta'r is usually in the
hands of an old woman.

The Ghawa'zee often perform in the court of a house,
or in the street, before the door, on certain occasions of
festivity in the hharee'm; as, for instance, on the occasion
of a marriage, or the birth of a child. They are
never admitted into a respectable hharee'm; but are
not unfrequently hired to entertain a party of men in
the house of some rake. In this case, as might he expected,
their performances are yet more lascivious than
those which I have already mentioned. Some of them,
when they exhibit before a private party of men, wear

nothing but the shintiya'n (or trowsers) and a to'b (or
very full shirt or gown) of semitransparent, coloured
gauze, open nearly half-way down the front. To extinguish
the least spark of modesty which they may yet
sometimes affect to retain, they are plentifully supplied
with brandy or some other intoxicating liquor. The
scenes which ensue cannot be described.

I need scarcely add, that these women are the most
abandoned of the courtesans of Egypt. Many of them
are extremely handsome; and most of them are richly
dressed. Upon the whole, I think they ore the finest
women in Egypt. Many of them have slightly aquiline
noses: but in most respects, they resemble the rest
of the females of this country. Women, as well as
men, take delight in witnessing their performances;
but many persons among the higher classes, and the
more religious, disapprove of them.

The Ghawa'zee being distinguished, in general, by a
cast of countenance differing, though slightly, from the
rest of the Egyptians, we can hardly doubt that they
arc, as themselves assert, a distinct race. Their origin,
however, is involved in much uncertainty. They call
themselves Bara'mikeh* , or Bur'mek'ees; and boast
that they are descended from the famous family of that
name who were the objects of the favour, and afterwards
of the capricious tyranny, of Ha'roo'n Er-Eashee'd,
and of whom we read in several of the tales of “The
Thousand and One Nights:” but, as a friend of mine
lately observed to me, they probably have no more
right to call themselves “Bara'mikeh” than because
they resemble that family in liberality, though it is
liberality of a different kind. In many of the tombs of

the ancient Egyptians, we find representations of females
dancing at private entertainments, to the sounds
of various instruments, in a manner similar to the modern
Ghawa'zee, but even more, licentious; one or
more of these performers being generally depicted in a
state of perfect nudity, though in the presence of men of
high stations. This mode of dancing we find, from the
monuments here alluded to, most of which bear the
names of kings, which prove their age, to have been
common in Egypt in very remote times; even before
the Exodus of the Israelites. It is probable, therefore,
that it has continued without interruption; and perhaps
the modern Ghawa'zee are descended from the class
of female dancers who amused the Egyptians in the
times of the early Pharaohs. From the similarity of
the Spanish fandango to the dances of the Ghawa'zee,
we might infer that it was introduced into Spain by
the Arab conquerors of that country, were we not informed
that the Gaditanae, or females of Gades (now
called Cadiz), were famous for such performances in the
times of the early Roman Emperors. However, though
it hence appears that the licentious mode of dancing
here described has so long been practised in Spain, it is
not improbable that it was originally introduced into
Gades from the East, perhaps by the Phoenicians*.

The Ghawa'zee mostly keep themselves distinct from
other classes, abstaining from marriages with any but
persons of their own tribe; but sometimes a Gha'zee'yeh
makes a vow of repentance, and marries a respectable
Arab; who is not generally considered as disgraced

by such a connexion. All of them are brought up for
the venal profession; but not all, as dancers; and most
of them marry; though they never do this until they
have commenced their career of venality. The husband
is subject to the wife: he performs for her the
offices of a servant and procurer; and generally, if she
be a dancer, he is also her musician: hut a few of the
men earn their subsistence as blacksmiths or tinkers.
Most of the Gha'zee'yehs welcome the lowest peasant,
if he can pay even a very trifling sum. Though some
of them are possessed of considerable wealth, costly
ornaments, &c., many of their customs are similar to
those of the people whom we call “gipsies.,”' and who
are supposed, by some, to be of Egyptian origin. It is
remarkable that the gipsies in Egypt often pretend to
he descended from a branch of the same family to whom
the Ghawa'zee refer their origin; but their claim is still
less to be regarded than that of the latter, because they
do not unanimously agree on this point. I shall have
occasion to speak of them more particularly in the next
chapter. The ordinary language of the Ghawa'zee
is the same as that of the rest of the Egyptians; but
they sometimes make use of a number of words peculiar
to themselves, in order to render their speech unintelligible
to strangers. They are, professedly, Mohammadans;
and often some of them accompany the Egyptian
caravan of pilgrims to Mek'keh. There are many
of them in almost every large town in Egypt, inhabiting
a distinct portion of the quarter allotted to public
women in general. Their ordinary habitations are low
huts, or temporary sheds, or tents; for they often move
from one town to another; but some of them settle
themselves in large houses; and many possess black

female slaves (by whose prostitution they increase their
property), and camels, asses, cows, &c., in which they
trade. They attend the camps, and all the great religious
and other festivals; of which they are, to many
persons, the chief attractions. Numerous tents of
Gha'zee'yehs are seen on these occasions. Some of
these women add, to their other allurements, the art of
singing; and equal the ordinary 'Awa'lim. Those of
the lower class dress in the same manner as other low
prostitutes. Some of them wear a gauze to'b, over
another shirt, with the shintiya'n, and a crape or muslin
tar'hhah; and in general they deck themselves with a
profusion of ornaments, as necklaces, bracelets, anklets,
a row of gold coins over the forehead, and sometimes a
nose-ring. All of them adorn themselves with the
kohhl and hhen'na. There are some other dancing-girls
and courtesans who call themselves Ghawa'zee, but who
do not really belong to that tribe*.

Many of the people of Cairo, affecting, or persuading
themselves, to consider that there is nothing improper in
the dancing of the Ghawa'zee but the fact of its being
performed by females, who ought not thus to expose
themselves, employ men to dance in the same manner;
but the number of these male performers, who are
mostly young men, and who are called Khow'als* , is
very small. They are Moos'lims, and natives of Egypt.
As they personate women, their dances are exactly
of the same description as those of the Ghawa'zee; and
are, in like manner, accompanied by the sounds of castanets”:
but as if to prevent their being thought to be
really females, their dress is suited to their unnatural
profession; being partly male and partly female: it
chiefly consists of a tight vest, a girdle, and a kind of petticoat.
Their general appearance, however, is more feminine
than masculine: they suffer the hair of the head to
grow long, and generally braid it, in the manner of the
women: the hair on the face, when it begins to grow,
they pluck out; and they imitate the women also in applying
kohhl and hhen'na to their eyes and hands. In
the streets, when not engaged in dancing, they often
even veil their faces; not from shame, but merely to
affect the manners of women. They are often employed,
in preference to the Ghawa'zee, to dance before
a house, or in the court, on the occasion of a marriage-fête,
or the birth of a child, or a circumcision; and frequently
perform at public festivals.

There is, in Cairo, another class of male dancers,
young men and boys, whose performances, dress, and
general appearance are almost exactly similar to those of
the Khow'als; but who are distinguished by a different
appellation, which is Gink; a term that is Turkish,
and aptly expresses their character. They are generally
Jews, Armenians, Greeks, and Turks.

MANY modern writers upon Egypt have given surprising
accounts of a class of men in this country, supposed, like
the ancient Psylli of Cyrenaïca, to possess a secret art,
to which allusion is made in the Bible*, enabling them
to secure themselves from the poison of serpents. I
have met with many persons among the more intelligent
of the Egyptians who condemn these modern
Psylli as impostors, hut none who has been able to offer
a satisfactory explanation of the most common and most
interesting of their performances, which I am about to
describe.

Many Rifa”ee and Sa'adee durwee'shes obtain their
livelihood, as I have mentioned on a former occasion,
by going about to charm away serpents from houses.
A few other persons also profess the same art, but are
not so famous. The former travel over every part of
Egypt, and find abundant employment; but their gains
are barely sufficient to procure them a scanty subsistence.
The charmer professes to discover, without
ocular perception (but perhaps he does so by a peculiar
smell), whether there be any serpents in a house; and,
if there he, to attract them to him; as the fowler, by the

fascination of his voice, allures the bird into his net.
As the serpent seeks the darkest place in which to hide
himself, the charmer has, in most cases, to exercise his
skill in an obscure chamber, where he might easily take
a serpent from his bosom, bring it to the people without
the door, and affirm that he had found it in the apartment;
for no one would venture to enter with him after
having been assured of the presence of one of these
reptiles within: but he is often required to perform in
the full light of day, surrounded by spectators; and
incredulous persons have searched him before-hand,
and even stripped him naked; yet his success has been
complete. He assumes an air of mystery, strikes the
walls with a short palm-stick, whistles, makes a clucking
noise with his tongue, and spits upon the ground;
and generally says, “I adjure you by God, if ye be
above or if ye be below, that ye come forth: I adjure
you by the most great name, if ye be obedient, come
forth; and if ye be disobedient, die ! die! die!”-The
serpent is generally dislodged by his stick, from a
fissure in the wall, or drops from the ceiling of the
room. I have often heard it asserted that the serpent-charmer,
before he enters a house in which he is to try
his skill, always employs a servant of that house to introduce
one or more serpents: but I have known
instances in which this could not be the case; and
am inclined to believe that the durwee'shes above
mentioned are generally acquainted with some real
physical means of discovering the presence of serpents
without seeing them, and of attracting them from their
lurking-places. It is, however, a fact well ascertained,
that the most expert of them do not venture to carry
serpents of a venomous nature about their persons until

they have extracted the poisonous teeth. Many of
them carry scorpions, also, within the cap, and next the
shaven head; but doubtless first deprive them of the
power to injure; perhaps by merely blunting the sting.
Their famous feats of eating live and venomous serpents,
and scorpions, which are regarded as religious
acts, I have before had occasion to mention, and purpose
to describe particularly in another chapter*.

Performers of sleight-of-hand tricks, who are called
Hhöwa'h (in the singular, Hha'wee) are numerous in
Cairo. They generally perform in public places; collecting
a ring of spectators around them; from some of
whom they receive small voluntary contributions during
and after their performances. They are most frequently
seen on the occasions of public festivals; but often also
at other limes. By indecent jests and actions, they
attract as much applause as they do by other means.
The Hha'wee performs a great variety of tricks; the
most usual of which I shall here mention. He generally
has two boys to assist him. From a large leather
bag, he takes out four or five snakes, of a largish size.
One of these, he places on the ground, and makes it
erect its head and part of its body: another, he puts
round the head of one of the boys, like a turban; and
two more over the boy's neck. He takes these off;
opens the boy's mouth, apparently passes the bolt of a
kind of padlock through his cheek, and locks it. Then,
in appearance, he forces an iron spike into the boy's
throat: the spike being really pushed, up into a wooden
handle. He also performs another trick of the same
kind as this: placing the boy on the ground, he puts

the edge of a knife upon his nose, and knocks tin
blade until half its width seems to have entered. Several
indecent tricks which he performs with the boy 1
must abstain from describing: some of them are abominably
disgusting. The tricks which he alone performs
are more amusing. He draws a great quantity of
various-coloured silk from his mouth, and winds it on
his arm; puts cotton in his mouth, and blows out fire;
takes out of his mouth a great number of round pieces
of tin, like dollars; and, in appearance, blows an earthen
pipe-bowl from his nose. In most of his tricks, he occasionally
blows through a large shell (called the Hha'wee's
zoomma'rah), producing sounds like those of a
horn. Most of his sleight-of-hand performances are
nearly similar to those of exhibitors of the same class in
our own and other countries. Taking a silver finger-ring
from one of the by-standers, he puts it in a little
box, blows his shell, and says “'Efree't change it! “—he then opens the box, and shows, in it, a different
ring: shuts the box again; opens it, and shows the
first ring: shuts it a third time; opens it, and shows a
melted lump of silver, which he declares to be the ring
melted, and offers to the owner: the latter insists upon
having his ring in its original state: the Hha'wee then
asks for five or ten fud'dahs to recast it; and having
obtained this, opens the box again (after having closed
it, and blown his shell), and takes out of it the perfect
ring. He next takes a larger covered box; puts one of
his boy's scull-caps in it; blows his shell; opens the
box; and out comes a rabbit: the cap seems to be
gone. He puts the rabbit in again; covers the box;
uncovers it; and out run two little chickens: these he
puts in again; blows his shell; uncovers the box; and

shows it full of fatee'rehs. (or pancakes) and koona'feh
(which resembles vermicelli): he tells his boys to eat
its contents; but they refuse to do it without honey:
he then takes a small jug: turns it upside-down, to
show that it is empty; blows his shell; and hands
round the jug full of honey. The boys, having eaten,
ask for water, to wash their hands. The Hha'wee takes
the same jug; and hands it filled with water, in the
same manner. He takes the box again; and asks for
the cap; blows his shell; uncovers the box; and pours
out from it, into the boy's lap (the lower part of his
shirt held up), four or five small snakes. The boy, in
apparent fright, throws them down; and demands his
cap. The Hha'wee puts the snakes back into the box;
blows his shell; uncovers the box; and takes out the
cap.—Another of his common tricks is to put a number
of slips of white paper into a tinned copper vessel
(the tisht of a seller of sherbet); and to take them out dyed
of various colours. He pours water into the same
vessel; puts in a piece of linen; then gives to the
spectators, to drink, the contents of the vessel, changed
to sherbet of sugar. Sometimes he apparently cuts in
two a muslin shawl, or burns it in the middle; and
then restores it whole.—Often, he strips himself of all
his clothes, excepting his drawers; tells two persons to
bind him, hands and feet, and put him in a sack. This
done, he asks for a piaster; and some one tells him
that he shall have it if he will put out his hand and take
it. He puts out his hand free; draws it back; and is
then taken out of the sack bound as at first. He is
put in again; and comes out unbound; handing, to
the spectators, a small tray, upon which are four or
the little plates filled with various eatables, and, if the performance

be at night, several small lighted candles
placed round. The spectators eat the food.

There is another class of jugglers in Cairo called
Ckee'yem (in the singular Ckei'yim). In most of his
performances, the ekei'yim has an assistant. In one, for
instance, the latter places upon the ground twenty-nine
small pieces of stone. He sits upon the ground; and
these are arranged before him. The ckei'yim having
gone a few yards distant from him, this assistant desires
one of the spectators to place a piece of money under
any one of the bits of stone: this being done, he calls
back the ckei'yim, informs him that a piece of money
has been hidden, and asks him to point out where it is;
which the conjurer immediately does. The secret of
this trick is very simple: the twenty-nine pieces of stone
represent the letters of the Arabic alphabet; and the
person who desires the ckei'yim to show where the
money is concealed commences his address to the latter
with the letter represented by the stone which covers the
coin. In the same manner, or by means of signs made
by the assistant, the ckei'yim is enabled to tell the name
of any person present, or the words of a song that has
been repeated in his absence: the name or song having
been whispered to his assistant.

Fortune-telling is often practised in Egypt, mostly by
Gipsies, as in our own country. There are but few
Gipsies in this country. They are here called Ghug'ar
or Ghuj'ar (in the singular Ghug'aree or Ghuj'aree).
In general, they profess themselves descendants of the
Bara'mikeh, like the Ghawa'zee; but of a different
branch. Many (I believe most) of the women are fortune-tellers.
These women are often seen in the streets
of Cairo, dressed in a similar manner to the generality

of the females of the lower classes, with the to'b and
tar'hhah, but always with unveiled faces; usually carrying
a gazelle's skin, containing the materials for their
divinations; and crying “I perform divination! What
is present I manifest! What is absent I manifest!” &c.
They mostly divine by means of a number of shells,
with a few pieces of coloured glass, money, &c. intermixed
with them. These they throw down; and from
the manner in which they chance to lie, they derive
their prognostications: a larger shell than the rest represents
the person whose fortune they are to discover;
and the other sheik, &c. represent different events,
evils, and blessings, which, by their proximity to, or
distance from, the former, they judge to be fated to
befal the person in question early or late or never.
Some of these Gipsy-women also cry, “Nedoock'ck we-n'ta'hir!”
(“We puncture and circumcise*!”). Many
of the Gipsies in Egypt are blacksmiths, braziers, and
tinkers; or itinerant sellers of the wares which are
made by others of this class; particularly of trumpery
trinkets of brass, &c.

Some Gipsies also follow the occupation of a Bahloo-wa'n.
This appellation is properly given to a performer
of gymnastic exercises, a famous swordsman, or a
champion; and such descriptions of persons formerly
exhibited their feats of strength and dexterity, under
this name, in Cairo; but the performances of the modern
Bohloowa'n are almost confined to rope-dancing;
and all the persons who practise this art are Gipsies.

Sometimes the rope is tied to the ma'd'neh of a mosque,
at a considerable height from the ground; and extends
to the length of several hundred feet; being supported
at many points by poles fixed in the ground. The
dancer always uses a long balancing-pole. Sometimes,
he dances or walks on the rope with clogs on his feet,
or with a piece of soap tied under each foot, or with a
child suspended to each of his ankles by a rope, or
with a boy tied to each end of the balancing-pole; and
he sits upon a round tray placed on the rope I have
only seen three of these bahloowa'ns; and their performances
were not of the more difficult kinds above
described, and less clever than those of the commonest
rope-dancers in England. Women, girls, and boys often
follow this occupation. The men and boys also perform
other feats than those of rope-dancing; such as
tumbling, leaping through a hoop, &c.

The Ckoorada'tee (whose appellation is derived from
ckird, an ape, or a monkey) amuses the lower orders in
Cairo by sundry performances of an ape or a monkey,
an ass, a dog, and a kid. He and the ape (which is
generally of the cynocephalus kind) fight each other
with sticks. He dresses the ape fantastically, usually as
a bride, or a veiled woman; puts it on the ass; and
parades it round within the ring of spectators; himself
going before, and beating a tambourine. The ape is
also made to dance, and perform various antics. The
ass is told to choose the handsomest girl in the ring; and
does so; putting his nose towards her face; and greatly
amusing her and all the spectators. The dog is ordered
to imitate the motions of a thief; and accordingly
crawls along on its belly. The best performance is that
of the kid: it is made to stand upon a little piece of

wood, nearly in the shape of a dice-box, about a span
long, and an inch and a half wide at the top and bottom,
so that all its four feet are placed close together:
this piece of wood, with the kid thus standing upon it,
is then lifted up, and a similar piece placed under it;
and, in the same manner, a third piece, a fourth, and a
fifth are added.

The Egyptians are often amused by players of low
and ridiculous farces, who are called Mohhahhazee'n.
These frequently perform at the festivals prior to wedding's
and circumcisions, at the houses of the great;
and sometimes attract rings of auditors and spectators
in the public places in Cairo. Their performances are
scarcely worthy of description: it is chiefly by vulgar
jests and indecent actions, that they amuse, and obtain
applause. The actors are only men and boys: the part
of a woman being always performed by a man or buy
in female attire. As a specimen of their plays, I shall
give a short account of one which was acted before the
Ba'sha, a short time ago, at a festival celebrated in
honour of the circumcision of one of his sons; on which
occasion, as usual, several sons of grandees were also
circumcised. The dramatis personae were a Na'zir (or
Governor of a District), a Sheykh Bel'ed (or Chief of
a Village), a servant of the latter, a Copt clerk, a Fella'hh
indebted to the government, his wife, and live
other persons, of whom two made their appearance first
in the character of drummers, one as a hautboy-player,
and the two others as dancers. After a little drumming
and piping and dancing by these five, the Na'zir and
the rest of the performers enter the ring. The Na'zir
asks, “How much does 'Ow'ad the son of Reg'eb owe?”
The musicians and dancers, who now act as

simple fella'hhee'n, answer, “Desire the Christian to
look in the register.” The Christian clerk has a large
dawa'yeh (or receptacle for pens and ink) in his girdle;
and is dressed as a Copt, with a black turban. The
Sheykh el-Bel'ed asks him, “How much is written
against 'Ow'ad the son of Reg'eb?” The clerk answers
“A thousand piasters.” “How much,” says the Sheykh,
“has he paid?” He is answered, “Five piasters."
“Man,”' says he, addressing the fella'hh, “why don't
you bring the money?” The fella'hh answers, “I have
not any.” “You have not any?” exclaims the Sheykhs:
“Throw him down.” An inflated piece of an intestine,
resembling a large koorba'g, is brought; and with this
the fella'hh is beaten. He roars out to the Na'zir, “By
the honour of thy horse's tail, O Hey! By the honour
of thy wife's trowsers, O Bey! By the honour of thy
wife's head-band, O Bey '.” After twenty such absurd
appeals, his beating is finished, and he is taken away, and
imprisoned. Presently his wife comes to him, and asks
him, “How art thou?” He answers, “Do me a kindness,
my wife: take a little kishk* and some eggs and
some sha'eeree'yeh † and go with them to the house of
the Christian clerk, and appeal to his generosity to get
me set at liberty.” She takes these, in three baskets, to
the Christian's house, and asks the people there,” Where
is the M'al'lim Hhan'na, the clerk?” They answer,
“There he sits.” She says to him, “O M'al'lim Hhan'na,
do me the favour to receive these, and obtain the liberation
of my husband. “Who is thy husband?” he asks.
She answers, “The fella'hh who owes a thousand piasters.”

“Bring,” says he, “twenty or thirty piasters to
bribe the Sheykh el-Bel'ed.” She goes away, and soon
returns, with the money in her hand, and gives it to the
Sheykh el-Bel'ed. “What is this?” says the Sheykh.
She answers, “Take it as a bribe, and liberate my husband.”
He says, “Very well: go to the Na'zir.” She
retires for a while; blackens the edges of her eye-lids
with kohhl; applies fresh red dye of the hhen'na to her
hands and feet, and repairs to the Na'zir. “Good evening,
my master, she says to him. “What dost thou
want?” he asks. She answers, “I am the wife of
'Ow'ad, who owes a thousand piasters.” “But what
dost thou want?” he asks again. She says, “My husband
is imprisoned; and I appeal to thy generosity to
liberate him:” and as she urges this request, she smiles,
and shows him that she does not ask this favour without
being willing to grant him a recompense. He obtains
this; takes the husband's part; and liberates him.—This
farce was played before the Ba'sha with the view of
opening his eyes to the conduct of those persons to
whom was committed the office of collecting the taxes.

The puppet-show of Ckar'a Gyoo'z has been introduced
into Egypt by Turks, in whose language the
puppets are made to speak. Their performances, which
are, in general, extremely indecent, occasionally amuse
the Turks residing in Cairo; but, of course, are not very
attractive to those who do not understand the Turkish
language. They are conducted in the manner of the
“Chinese shadows;” and therefore only exhibited at
night.

THE Egyptians are not destitute of better diversions
than those described in the preceding chapter: reciters
of romances frequent the principal ckah'wehs, or coffee-shops,
of Cairo and other towns, particularly on the
evenings of religious festivals, and afford attractive and
rational entertainments. The reciter generally seats
himself upon a small stool on the mus'tub'ah, or raised
seat, which is built against the front of the coffee-shop*:
some of his auditors occupy the rest of that
seat; others arrange themselves upon the mus'tub'ahs
of the houses on the opposite side of the narrow street;
and the rest sit upon stools or benches made of palm sticks;
most of them with the pipe in hand; some
sipping their coffee; and all highly amused, not only
with the story, but also with the lively and dramatic
manner of the narrator. The reciter receives a trifling
sum of money from the keeper of the coffee-shop, for
attracting customers: his hearers are not obliged to
contribute anything for his remuneration: many of
them give nothing; and few give more than five or ten
fud'dahs†.

The most numerous class of reciters is that of the
persons called Sho”ara (in the singular Sha”ër, which
properly signifies a poet). They are also called Ab'oo-Zeydee'yeh, or Ab'oo-Zey'dees,
from the subject of their
ecitations, which is a romance entitled “the Life
of Ab'oo Zeyd” (See'ret Ab'oo Zeyd*). The number
of these Sho”ara in Cairo is about fifty; and they recite
nothing but the adventures related in the romance
of Ab'oo Zeyd.

This romance is said to have been founded upon
events which happened in the middle of the third century
of the Flight; and is believed to have been written
not long after that period; but it was certainly composed
at a much later time, unless it have been greatly
altered in transcription. It is usually found in ten or
more small quarto volumes. It is half prose, and half
poetry; half narrative, and half dramatic. As a literary
composition, it has little merit, at least in its present
state; but as illustrative of the manners and customs of
the Bed'awees, it is not without value and interest. The
heroes and heroines of the romance, who are mostly
natives of central Arabia and the Yem'en, but some of
them of El-Ghurb, or Northern Africa, which is called
“the West” with reference to Arabia, generally pour
forth their most animated sentiments, their addresses
and soliloquies, in verse. The verse is not measured;
though it is the opinion of some of the learned in Cairo
that it was originally conformed with the prescribed
measures of poetry; and that it has been altered by
copyists: still, when read, as it always is, almost entirely
in the popular (not the literary) manner, it is pleasing
in sound, as it also often is in matter. Almost every

piece of poetry begins and ends with an invocation
of blessings on the Prophet.

The Shaӑr always commits his subject to memory;
and recites without book. The poetry he chants;
and after every verse, he plays a few notes on a viol
which has but a single chord, and which is called “the
poet's viol,” or “the Ab'oo-Zey'dee viol;” from its only
being used in these recitations. It has been described
in a former chapter. The reciter generally has a companion
with another instrument of this kind, to accompany
him. Sometimes, a single note serves as a prelude
and interlude. To convey some idea of the style of a
Shaӑr's music, I insert a few notes of the commencement
of a chant:—

A Sha”cr, with his accompanying Violiet, and part of his Audience.

Some of the reciters of Ab'oo Zeyd are distinguished
by the appellations of Hil'a'lee'yeh (or Hila'lees), Zagha'beh,
or Zooghbee'yeh (or Zoogh'bees), and Zen'a'tee'yeh
or Zena'tees), from their chiefly confining
themselves to the narration of the exploits of heroes of
the Hila'lee, Zoogh'bee, or Zena'tee tribes, celebrated in this romance.

As a specimen of the tale of Ab'oo Zeyd, I shall here
offer an abstract of the principal contents of the first
volume, which I have carfully read for this purpose.

Ab'oo Zeyd, or, as he was first more generally called,
Baraka't, was an Arab of the tribe called Ben'ee Hila'l,
or El-Hil'a'lee'yeh. Before his birth, his father, the
Emee'r Rizck (who was the son of Na'il, a paternal
uncle of Sarhha'n, the king of the Ben'ee Hila'l), had
married ten wives, from whom, to his great grief, he
had obtained but two children, both of them daughters,
named Shee'hhah and 'Atee'meh, until one of his wives,
the Emee'reh Gella's, increased his distress by bearing
him a son without arms or legs. Shortly before the
birth of this son, the Emee'r Rizck (having divorced,
at different times, such of his wives as pleased him
least, as he could not have more than four at one time,
and having at last retained only three) married an eleventh
wife, the Emee'reh Khud'ra, daughter of Ckur'da,
the Sheree'f of Mek'keh. He was soon rejoiced to find
that Khud'ra showed signs of becoming a mother; and,
in the hope that the expected child would be a son,
invited the Emee'r Gha'nim, chief of the tribe of Ez-Zagha'beh,
or Ez-Zooghbee'yeh, with a large company
of his family and tribe, to come from their district and
honour with their presence the festival which he hoped
to have occasion to celebrate. These friends complied

with his invitation, became his guests, and waited for
the birth of the child.

Meanwhile, it happened that the Emee'reh Khud'ra,
walking with the Emee'reh Shem'meh, a wife of King
Sarhha'n, and a number of other females, saw a black
bird attack and kill a numerous flock of birds of various
kinds and hues, and, astonished at the sight, earnestly
prayed God to give her a son like this bird, even though
he should be black. Her prayer was answered: she
gave birth to a black boy. The Emee'r Rizck, though
he could not believe this to be his own son, was reluctant
to put away the mother, from the excessive love he bore
her. He had only heard the women's description of
the child: he would not see it himself, nor allow any
other man to see it, until the seventh day after its birth.
For six days, his guests were feasted; and on the
seventh, or yo'm cs-sooboo'as, a more sumptuous banquet
was prepared; after which, according to custom, the
child was brought before the guests. A female slave
carried it upon a silver tray, and covered over with a
handkerchief. When the guests, as usual in such cases,
had given their noockoo't (or contributions) of gold and
silver coins, one of them lifted up the handkerchief, and
saw that the child was as the women had represented it.
The Emee'r Rizck, who had stood outside the tent
while this ceremony was performed, in great distress of
mind, was now sharply upbraided by most of his friends
for wishing to hide his supposed disgrace, and to retain
an unchaste woman as his wife: he was very reluctantly
compelled to put her away, that his tribe might
not be held in dishonour on her account; and accordingly
despatched her, with her child, under the conduct
of a sheykh named Moonee'a, to return to her father's

house at Mek'keh. She departed thither, accompanied
also by a number of slaves, her husband's properly, who
determined to remain with her; being allowed to do so
by the Emee'r Rizck.

On the journey, the party pitched their tents in a
valley; and here the Emee'reh Khud'ra begged her
conductor to allow her to remain; for she feared to go
back, under such circumstances, to her father's house.
But the Emee'r Fudl Ib'n Bey'sem, chief of the tribe
of Ez-Zahhla'n, with a company of horsemen, chanced
to fall in with her party during her conversation with
the sheykh Moonee'a, and, having heard her story, determined
to take her under his protection: returning
to his encampment, he sent his wife, the Emee'reh
La'ag El-Bahee'yeh, to conduct her and the child
thither, together with the slaves. The Emee'r Fudl
adopted her child as his own; brought him up with
his own two sons; and treated him with the fondness of
a father. The young Baraka't soon gave promise of
his becoming a hero: he killed his schoolmaster, by
severe beating, for attempting to chastise one of his
adoptive brothers; and became the terror of all his
schoolfellows. His adoptive father procured another
fick'ee for a schoolmaster; but Baraka't's presence
frightened his schoolfellows from attending; and the
fick'ee therefore instructed him at home. At the age
of eleven years, he had acquired proficiency in all the
sciences, human and divine, then studied in Arabia;
including astrology, magic, alchymy, and a variety of
other branches of knowledge.

Baraka't now went, by the advice of the fick'ee, to
ask a present of a horse from his adoptive father;

who answered his “Good morning” by saying, “Good
morning, my son, and dearer than my son.” Surprised
at this expression, the youth went to his mother,
and asked her if the Emee'r Fudl were not really his
father. She told him that this chief was his uncle; and
that his father was dead: that he had been killed by a
Hila'lee Arab, called Rizck the son of Na'il. Becoming
warmed and inspired by the remembrance of her wrongs,
she then more fully related her case to her son in a
series of verses. Of this piece of poetry I shall venture
to insert a translation, made verse for verse, and with
the same neglect of measure that is found in the original,
which I also imitate in carrying on the same
rhyme throughout the whole piece, in accordance with
the common practice of Arab poets:—

Baraka't, excited by this tale, became engrossed with
the desire of slaying his own father, whom he was made
to believe to be his father's murderer.

His adoptive father gave him his best horse, and
instructed him in all the arts of war, in the chase, and
in every manly exercise. He early distinguished himself
as a horseman, and excited the envy of many of the
Arabs of the tribe into which he had been admitted, by
his dexterity in the exercise of the birga's (a game
exactly or nearly similar to what is now called that of
the geree'd'), in which the persons engaged, mounted on
horses, combated or pursued each other, throwing a
palm-stick † He twice defeated plundering parties of
the tribe of Tey'demeh; and, on the first occasion,
killed 'Atwa'n the son of Da'ghir, their chief. These
Tey'demeh Arabs applied, for succour, to Es-Salee'dee,
king of the city of Tey'demeh. He recommended
them to Gessa'r the son of Ga'sir, a chief of the Ben'ee
Hhem'yar, who sent to demand, of the tribe of Ez-Zahhla'n,
fifteen years' arrears of tribute which the
latter had been accustomed to pay to his tribe; and
desired them to despatch to him, with this tribute, the
slave Baraka't (for he believed him to be a slave), a
prisoner in bonds, to be put to death. Baraka't wrote
a reply, in the name of the Emee'r Fudl, promising

compliance. Having a slave who much resembled
him, and who was nearly of the 'same age, he bound
him on the back of a camel, and, with him and the
Emee'r Fudl and his tribe, went to meet Gessa'r
and his party, and the Tey'demeh Arabs. Fudl presented
the slave, as Baraka't, to Gessa'r; who, pleased at having
his orders apparently obeyed, feasted the tribe of Ez-Zahlila'n:
but Baraka't remained on horseback, and
refused to eat of the food of his enemies, as, if he did,
the laws of hospitality would prevent his executing a
plot which he had framed. Gessa'r observed him;
and, asking the Emee'r Fudl who he was, received the
answer that he was a mad slave, named Mes'oo'd.
Having drawn Gessa'r from his party, Baraka't discovered
himself to him, challenged, fought, and killed him,
and took his tent: he pardoned the rest of the hostile
party; but imposed upon them the tribute which the
Zahhla'n Arabs had formerly paid them. Henceforth
he had the name of Mes'oo'd added to that which he had
before borne. Again and again he defeated the hostile
attempts of the Ben'ee Hhem'yar to recover their independence,
and acquired the highest renown, not only
in the eyes of the Emee'r Fudl and the whole tribe of
Ez-Zahhla'n, of whom he was made the chief, but also
among all the neighbouring tribes.

We must now return to the Emee'r Rizck, and his
tribe.—Soon after the departure of his wife Khud'ra,
he retired from his tribe, in disgust at the treatment
which he received on account of his supposed disgrace,
and in grief for his loss. With a single slave, he took
up his abode in a tent of black goats' hair, one of those
in which the tenders of his camels used to live, by the
spring where his wife had seen the combat of the birds.

Not long after this event, the Ben'ee Hila'l were
afflicted by a dreadful drought, which lasted so long
that they were reduced to the utmost distress. Under
these circumstances, the greater number of them were
induced, with their king Sarhha'n, to go to the country
of the tribe of Ez-Zabhla'n, for sustenance; but the
Ga'a'fireh and some minor tribes of the Ben'ee Hila'l,
joined, and remained with, the Emee'r Rizck, who had
formerly been their commander. Sarhha'n and his
party were attacked and defeated by Baraka't on their
arrival in the territory of the Zahhla'n Arabs; but on
their abject submission were suffered by him to remain
there. They however cherished an inveterate hatred to
the tribe of Ez-Zahhla'n, who had before paid them
tribute; and Sarhha'n was persuaded to send a messenger
to the Emee'r Rizck, begging him to come and
endeavour to deliver them from their humiliating state.
Rizck obeyed the summons. On his way to the territory
of the Zahhla'n Arabs, he was almost convinced,
by the messenger who had come to conduct him, that
Baraka't was his son; but was at a loss to know why
he was called by this name, as he himself had named
him Ab'oo Zeyd. Arriving at the place of his destination,
he challenged Baraka't. The father went forth
to combat the son: the former not certain that his
opponent was his son; and the latter having no idea
that he was about to lift his hand against his father;
but thinking that his adversary was his father's murderer.
The Emee'r Rizck found occasion to put off
the engagement from day to day: at last, being no
longer able to do this, he suffered it to commence: his
son prevailed: he unhorsed him, and would have put
him to death bad he not been charged to refrain from

doing this by bis mother. The secret of Baraka't's
parentage was now divulged to him by the Emee'reh
Khud'ra; and the chiefs of the Ben'ee Hila'l were
compelled to acknowledge him as the legitimate and
worthy son of the Emee'r Rizck, and to implore his
pardon for the injuries which he and his mother had
sustained from them. This boon, the Emee'r Ab'oo
Zeyd Baraka't generously granted; and thus added to
the joy which the Emee'r Rizck derived from the recovery
of his favourite wife, and his son.

The subsequent adventures related in the romance of
Ab'oo Zeyd are numerous and complicated. The most
popular portion of the work is the account of a riya'deh,
or expedition in search of pasture; in which Ab'oo
Zeyd, with three of his nephews, in the disguise of
Shaӑrs, himself acting as their servant, are described
as journeying through northern Africa, and signalizing
themselves by many surprising exploits with the Arab
tribe of Ez-Zen'a'tee'yeh.

NEXT in point of number to the Sho”ara, among the
public reciters of romances, are those who are particularly
and solely distinguished by the appellation of
Mohhadditee'n, or Story-tellers (in the singular, Mohhad'dit).
There are said to be about thirty of them in
Cairo. The exclusive subject of their narrations is a
work called “the Life of Ez-Za'hir” (”See'ret Ez-Za'hir,”
or “Es-See'reh ez-Za'hiree'yeh*”. They
recite without book.

The See'ret Ez-Za'hir is a romance founded on the
history of the famous Soolta'n Ez-Za'hir Beybur's, and
many of his contemporaries. This prince acceeded to
the throne of Egypt in the last month of the year of
the Flight, 658, and died in the first month of the year
676; and consequently reigned a little more than seventeen
years, according to the lunar reckoning, commencing
A. D. 1260, and ending in 1277. Complete
copies of the See'ret Ez-Za'hir have become so scarce
that I have only heard of one existing in Egypt, which
I have purchased: it consists of six quarto volumes;
but is nominally divided into ten; and is made up of
volumes of several different copies. The author and
his age are unknown. The work is written in the most

vulgar style of modern Egyptian Arabic; but as it was
intended for the vulgar, it is likely that copyists may
have altered and modernized the language. The oldest
volumes of my copy of it were written a few years
more or less than a century ago. To introduce my
reader to some slight acquaintance with this work, I
shall insert a translation of a few pages at the commencement
of the second volume; but, by way of
introduction, I must say something of the contents of
the first volume.

A person named 'Al'ee Ibn El-Warra'ckah, being
commissioned to procure memloo'ks from foreign countries,
by El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh (a famous Soolta'n of
Egypt, and a celebrated wel'ee), is related to have purchased
seventy-five memloo'ks in Syria; and to have
added to them, immediately after, the principal hero of
this romance, a youth named Mahhmoo'd (afterwards
called Beybur's), a captive son of Sha'h Juck'muck (or
Guck'muck) King of Khoowa'rez'm. 'Al'ee was soon
after obliged to give Mahhmoo'd to one of his creditors
at Damascus, in lieu of a debt; and this person presented
him to his wife, to wait upon her son, a deformed
idiot; but he remained not long in this situation: the
sister of his new master, paying a visit to his wife, her
sister-in-law, found her about to beat the young mem-loo'k,
for having neglected the idiot, and suffered him to
fall from a bench: struck with the youth's countenance,
as strongly resembling a son whom she had lost, and
pitying his condition, she purchased him of her brother,
adopted him, gave him the name of Beybur's, which
was that of her deceased son, and made him master of
her whole property, which was very great. This lady
was called the sit't Fa't'meh Bint El-Ackwa'see (daughter

of the bow-maker). Beybur's showed himself
worthy of her generosity; exhibiting many proofs of a
noble disposition, and signalizing himself by numerous
extraordinary achievements, which attracted general
admiration, but rendered him obnoxious to the jealousy
and enmity of the Ba'sha of Syria, 'Ee'sa En-Na'siree,
who contrived many plots to insnare him, and to put
him to death. After a time, Negm ed-Deen, a Wezee'r
of Es-Sa'lehh, and husband of a sister of the sit't
Fa't'meh, came on an embassy to Damascus, and to
visit his sister-in-law. On his return to Egypt, Beybur's
accompanied him thither; and there he was promoted
to offices of high dignity by Es-Sa'lehh, and
became a particular favourite of the chief Wezee'r, Sha'hee'n
El-Af'ram. The events which immediately followed
the death of Es-Sa'lehh are thus related.

“After the death of El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b,
the Wezee'r Ey'bek called together an assembly in his
house, and brought thither the Emee'r Ckala-oo'n and
his partisans: and the Wezee'r Ey'bek said to the
Emee'r Ckala-oo'n, ' To-morrow we will go up to the
deewa'n, with our troops, and either I will be Soolta'n,
or thou shalt be.' The Emee'r Ckala-oo'n answered,
' So let it be:' and they agreed to do this. In like
manner, the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n El-Af'ram also assembled
the Emee'r Eydem'r El-Bah'loowa'n and his troops,
and all the friends and adherents of the Emee'r Beybur's,
and said to them, ' To-morrow, arm yourselves,
and go up to the deewa'n; for it is our desire to make
the Emee'r Beybur's Soolta'n; since El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh
Eiyoo'b wrote for him a patent appointing him
to the sovereignty;' and they answered, ' On the head and
the eye.' So they passed the night, and rose in the

morning, and went up to the deewa'n; and there went
thither also the Wezee'r Ey'bek Et-Toorkama'nee, with
his troops, and the Emee'r Ckala-oo'n El-El'fee, with
his troops, and the Emee'r 'Ala'y ed-Deen (or 'Ala' ed-Deen)
El-Bey'seree, with his troops, all of them armed.
The Emee'r Beybur's likewise went up to the deewa'n,
with his troops; and the deewa'n was crowded with
soldiers. Then said the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n, ' Rise O
Beybur's; sit upon the throne, and become Soolta'n;
for thou hast a patent appointing thee to the sovereignty.'
The Emee'r Beybur's answered, ' I have no desire for
the sovereignty: here is present the Wezee'r Ey'bek,
and here is Ckala-oo'n: make one of them Soolta'n.'
But the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n said, ' It cannot be: no one
shall reign but thee.' Beybur's replied, ' By thy head,
I will not reign.' ‘As he pleases,' said the Wezee'r
Ey'bek.—' Is the sovereignty to be conferred by force?
—As he pleases.' The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n said, 'And is
the throne to remain unoccupied, with no one to act as
Soolta'n?' The Wezee'r Ey'bek answered, ' Here are
we present; and here is the Emee'r Ckala-oo'n: whosoever
will reign, let him reign.' The Emee'r 'Ezz ed-Deen
El-Hhil'lee said, ' O Wezee'r Sha'hee'n, the son
of El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh is living.' The Emee'r Beybur's
asked, ' Es-Sa'lehh has left a son?' The Koords*
answered, ' Yes; and his name is 'Ee'sa: he is at El-Kar'ak.'
‘And why,' said the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n, ' were
ye silent respecting him?' They replied, ' We were
silent for no other reason than this, that he drinks
wine.' ‘Does he drink wine?' said the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n.
The Koords answered, ' Yes.' The Emee'r
Beybur's said, ' May our Lord bring him to repentance:'

‘Then,' said the soldiers, ' we must go to the
city of El-Kar'ak, and bring him thence, and make
him Soolta'n.' The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n said to them,
' Take the Emee'r Beybur's with you:' but Ey'bek and
Ckala-oon answered, 'We will go before him, and wait
for him there until he come.' The Emee'r Beybur's
said, ' So let it be.'

” Upon this, the Wezee'r Ey'bek and Ckala-oo'n and
“Ala'y ed-Deen El-Bey'seree, and their troops, went
down from the deewa'n, and arranged their affairs, and
on the following day caused their tents to be brought
out, with their provisions, and pitched outside the 'A'dilee'yeh.
Now the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n knew that the
troops wished to create a dissension between the king
(El-Mel'ik) 'Ee'sa and Beybur's. So the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n
went down from the deewa'n, and took the Emee'r
Beybur's with him, and went to his house, and said to
him,' What hast thou perceived in the departing of the
troops before thee?' He answered, ' Those persons
detest me; for they are bearers of hatred; but, I extol
the absolute glory of Him who is all-knowing with
respect to secret things.' The Wezee'r said to him,
' My son, it is their desire to go before thee that they
may create a dissension between thee and El-Mel'ik
'Ee'sa.' The Emee'r Beybur's said, 'There is no power
nor strength but in God, the High, the Great!' The
Wezee'r said to him, ' O Beybur's, it is my wish to send
'Osma'n Ibn El-Hheb'la* and Mohham'mad Ib'n Ka'mil,

the Dromedarist, before the troops; and whatever
may happen, they will inform us of it.' Beybur's
answered, ' So let it he.' Accordingly, he sent them;
and said to them, ' Go before the troops to the castle of
El-Kar'ak, and whatever may happen between them and
El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa inform us of it.' They answered, ' It
is our duty,' and they departed. Then said the Wezee'r
Sha'hee'n, ' O Beybur's, as to thee, do thou journey to
Esh-Sha'm*, and stay in the house of thy (adoptive)
mother, the sit't Fa't'meh Bint El-Ackwa'see; and do
not go out of the house until I shall have sent to thee
”Osma'n.' He answered, ' It is right.' So the Emee'r
Beybur's rose, and went to his house, and passed the
night, and got up in the morning, and set out on his
journey to Esh-Sha'm, and took up his abode in the
house of his mother, the sit't Fa't'meh Bint EI-Aekwa'see.
We shall have to speak of him again presently.

“As to 'Osma'n Ibn El.Hheb'la and Mohham'mad
Ib'n Ka'mil, the Dromedarist, they journeyed until they
entered the castle of El-Kar'ak, and inquired for the
residence of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, the son of El-Mel'ik
Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b. Some persons conducted them to the
house; and they entered; and the attendants there
asked them what was their business. They informed
them that they were from Musr, and that they wished
to have an interview with El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, the son of
El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b. The attendants went
and told the kikh'ya; who came and spoke to them;
and they acquainted him with their errand: so he
went and told El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa; saying, ' Two men are
come to thee from Musr, and wish to have an interview
with thee: the one is named 'Osma'n; and the other,

Mohham'mad Ib'n Ka'mil, the Dromedarist.' The king
said, 'Go, call 'Osma'n.' The kikh'ya returned, and
took him, and brought him to El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa; and
'Osma'n looked towards the king, and saw him sitting
tippling; and before him was a candelabrum, and a
handsome memloo'k was serving him with wine; and
he was sitting by a fountain surrounded by trees.
'Osma'n said, ' Mayest thou be in the keeping of God,
O King 'Ee'sa!' The king answered, ' Ho! welcome,
O 'Osma'n! Come, sit down and drink.' 'Osma'n exclaimed,
' I beg forgiveness of God! I am a repentant.'
The king said, ' Obey me, and oppose me not.' Then
'Osman sat down; and the king said to him, ' Why the
door of repentance is open.' And 'Osma'n drank until
he became intoxicated.

” Now Ey'bek and Ckala-oo'n and 'Ala'y ed-Deen and
their troops journeyed until they beheld the city of EI-Kar'ak,
and pitched their tents, and entered the city,
and inquired for the house of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa. The
people conducted them to the house; and they entered;
and the attendants asked them what was their object:
they answered, that they were the troops of Musr, and
wished to have an interview with El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa.
The attendants went and told the kikh'ya, who came,
and received them, and conducted them to the hall of
audience, where they sat down, while he went and informed
El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, saying to him, ' Come and
speak to the troops of Musr who have come to thee.
The king rose, and went to the troops, and accosted
them; and they rose, and kissed his hand, and sat down
again. El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa then said to them, ' For what
purpose have ye come?' They answered, ' We have
come to make thee Soolta'n in Musr.' He said, ' My

father, El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh, is he not Soolta'n?' They
replied, 'The mercy of God, whose name be exalted, be
on him '. Thy father has died, a victim of injustice:
may our Lord avenge him on him who killed him.'
He asked, ' Who killed him?' They answered, ' One
whose name is Beybur's killed him.' ‘And where is
Beybur's?' said he. They replied,' He is not yet come:
we came before him.' ‘Even so,' said he. They then
sat with him, aspersing Beybur's in his absence: and
they passed the night there; and, rising on the following
morning, said to El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, ' It is our
wish to go out, and remain in the camp; for Sha'hee'n,
the Wezee'r of thy father, is coming, with the Emee'r
Beybur's; and if they see us with thee, they will accuse
us of bringing to thee the information respecting Beybur's.
He answered, ' Good:' so they went forth to
the camp, and remained there.

” The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n approached with his troops,
and encamped, and saw the other troops in their camp;
but he would not ask them any questions, and so
entered the city, and went to El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, who said
to him, ' Art thou Beybur's, who poisoned my father?
' He answered, ' I am the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n; the
Wezee'r of thy father.' The king said, ' And where is
Beybur's, who poisoned my father?' The Wezee'r
replied, ' Thy father departed by a natural death to
await the mercy of his Lord: and who told thee that
Beybur's poisoned thy father?' The king answered,
' The troops told me.' ‘Beybur's,' said the Wezee'r, ' is
in Esh-Sha'm: go thither, and charge him, in the
deewa'n, with having poisoned thy father, and bring
proof against him.' So the Wezee'r perceived that the
troops had been plotting.

“The Wezeer' Sha'hee'n then went, with his troops,
outside the camp; and Mohham'mad Ib'n Ka'mil the
Dromedarist came to him, and kissed his hand. The
Wezee'r asked him respecting 'Osma'n. He answered,
' I have no tidings of him.' Meanwhile, El-Mel'ik
'Ee'sa went to 'Osma'n, and said to him, ' The Wezee'r
is come with his troops; and they are outside the camp.'
So 'Osma'n rose, and, reeling as he went, approached
the tents; and the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n saw him; and
perceived that he was drunk ; and called to him.
'Osma'n came. The Wezee'r smelt him, seized him,
and inflicted upon him the hhadd*; and said to him,
' Did'st thou not vow to relinquish the drinking of
wine?' Osma'n answered,' El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, whom ye
are going to make Soolta'n, invited me.' The Wezee'r
said, ' I purpose writing a letter for you to take and
give to the Emee'r Beybur's.' 'Osma'n replied, ' Good.'
So the Wezee'r wrote the letter, and 'Osma'n took it
and departed, and entered Esh-Sha'm, and went to the
house of the sit't Fa't'meh, and gave it to his master,
who read it, and found it to contain as follows.—'After
salutations-from his excellency the Grand Wezee'r, the
Wezee'r Sha'hee'n El-Af'ram, to his honour the Emee'r
Beybur's. Know that the troops have aspersed thee
and created dissensions between thee and El-Mel'ik
'Ee'sa; and accused thee of having poisoned his father,
El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b. Now, on the arrival of
this paper, take care of thyself, and go not out of the
house, unless I shall have sent to thee. And the conclusion
of the letter is, that 'Osma'n got drunk in the
castle of El-Kar'ak.' Beybur's was vexed with 'Osma'n;
and said to him, ' Come hither, and receive a present:'

and he stretched forth his hand, and laid hold of him.
'Osma'n said, ' What ails thee?' Beybur's exclaimed,
' Did I not make thee vow to relinquish the drinking of
wine?' 'Has he told thee?' asked 'Osma'n. 'I will
give thee a treat,' said Beybur's: and he took him, and
threw him down, and inflicted upon him the hhadd.
' How is it,' said 'Osma'n, 'that the king whom you are
going to make Soolta'n I found drinking wine?' Beybur's
answered, ' IF one has transgressed must thou
transgress?' 'And is this,' asked 'Osma'n, ' the hhadd
ordained by God?' Beybur's answered, 'Yes.' 'Then,'
said 'Osma'n, ' the hhaddss which Ab'oo Fur'meh* inflicted
upon me is a loan, and a debt which must be
repaid him.' Beybur's then said, 'The troops have
created a dissension between me and El-Mel'ik Ee'sa;
and have accused me of poisoning his father, El-Mel'ik
Es-Sa'lehh.' ‘I beg the forgiveness of God,' said
'Osma'n. 'Those fellows detest thee; but no harm
will come to us from them.' Beybur's said, ' O 'Osma'n,
call together the sa'ises †, and arm them, and let them
remain in the lane of (he cotton-weavers ‡, and not
suffer any troops to enter.' 'Osma'n answered, ' On the
head and the eye;' and he assembled the sa'ises, and
armed them, and made them stand in two rows: then
he took a seat, and sat in the court of the house. The
Emee'r Beybur's also armed all his troops; and placed
them in the court of the house.

“As to El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, he mounted his horse, and

departed with the troops, and journeyed until he entered
Esh-Sha'm; when he went in procession to the deewa'n,
and sat upon the throne, and inquired of the King* of
Syria respecting Beybur's. The King of Syria answered,
' He is in the lane of the cotton-weavers, in the house
of his mother.' El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa said, 'O Sha'hee'n,
who will go and bring him?' The Wezee'r answered,
'Send to him the Emee'r 'Ala'y ed-Deen El-Bey'seree.
So he sent him. The Emee'r descended, and went to
the lane of the cotton-weavers. 'Osma'n saw him, and
cried out to him,' Dost thou remember, thou son of a
vile woman, the chicken which thou atest †? ' He
then struck him with a mace: the Emee'r fell from his
horse; and 'Osma'n gave him a bastinading. He returned,
and informed the king; and the King 'Ee'sa
said again, ' O Sha'hee'n, who will go, and bring
Beybur's? ' The Wezee'r answered, ' Send to him the
Wezee'r Ey'bek.' The King said, 'Rise, O Wezee'r
Ey'bek, and go, call Beybur's:' but Ey'bek said, ' No
one can bring him, excepting the Wezee'r.' Then said
El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, ' Rise, O Wezee'r Sha'hee'n, and bring
Beybur's.' The Wezee'r answered, ' On the head and
the eye: but, before I bring him, tell me, wilt thou deal
with him according to law, or by arbitrary power?'
The King said, ' By law.' Then said the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n,
' So let it be: and I spake not thus from any
other motive than because I fear for thyself and the
troops, lest blood be shed: for Beybur's is very stubborn,
and has many troops; and I fear for the army;

for he is himself equal to the whole host: therefore
bring accusation against him, and prove by law that he
poisoned thy lather.' The king; said, ' So let it be.'

” Then the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n descended from the
deewa'n, and went to the lane of the cotton-weavers.
'Osina'n saw him; and said, 'Thou hast fallen into the
snare, O Ab'oos Fur'meh! the time of payment is come;
and the debt must be returned to the creditor. Dost
thou know how to give me a bastinading?' The
Wezee'r said, ' My dream which I saw has proved true.'
‘What was thy dream? ' asked 'Osina'n. ' I dreamed,'
said the Wezee'r, ' last night, that I was travelling, and
some Arabs attacked me, and surrounded me, and I was
straitened by them; and I saw thy master, the Emee'r
Beybur's, upon a mount; and I called out to him,
Come to me, O Emee'r Beybur's! and he knew me.
The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n calling out thus, the Emee'r
Beybur's heard him, and came down running, with his
sword in hand; and found 'Osma'n and the sa'ises
surrounding the Wezee'r. He exclaimed, ' 'Osma'n!'
and 'Osma'n said, ' He gave me a bastinading in the
city of El-Kar'ak; and I want to return it.' The
Emee'r Beybur's sharply reprimanded him. 'And so,'
said 'Osma'n to the Wezee'r, ' thou hast found a way of
escape.' The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n then said, ' O Emee'r
Beybur's, El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa hath sent me to thee: he
intends to prefer an accusation against thee in the
deewa'n of Esh-Sha'm, charging thee with having poisoned
his father. Now, do thou arm all thy soldiers,
and come to the deewa'n, and fear not; but say that
which shall clear thee.' Beybur's answered, ' So let it
be.' He then armed all his soldiers, and went up to
the deewa'n, and kissed the hand of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa;

who said to him, 'Art thou the Emee'r Beybur's, who
poisoned my father?' Beybur's answered, ' Prove
against me that I poisoned thy father, and bring the
charge before the judge, and adduce evidence: the
Cka'dee is here.' The king said, ' I have evidence
against thee.' Beybur's said, 'Let us see.' 'Here,
said the king, 'are the Wezee'r Ey'bek and Ckala-oo'n
and “Ak'y ed-Deen.' The Emee'r Beybur's asked
them, ' Do ye bear witness against me that I poisoned
El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh? ' They answered, 'Never: we
neither saw it, nor do we know anything of the matter.'
The Cka'dee said, ' Hast thou any witnesses beside
those?' The king replied, 'None: no one informed
me but them.' The Cka'dee said,' O king, those men
are hypocrites, and detest the Emee'r Beybur's.' El-Mel'ik
'Ee'sa thereupon became reconciled with the
Emee'r Beybur's, and said to his attendants,' Bring a
ckufta'n.” They brought one, He said to them, ' Invest
with it the Emee'r Beybur's;' and added, 'I appoint
thee, O Beybur's, commander-in-chief of the
army.' But Beybur's said, 'I have no desire for the
dignity, and will put on no ckufta'ns.' The king asked,
'Why, Sir?' Beybur's answered, 'Because I have
been told that thou drinkest wine.' The king said, 'I
repent.' ‘So let it be,' said Beybur's: and the king
vowed repentance to Beybur's: and the Emee'r Beybur's
said, ' I make a condition with thee, O king, that
if thou drink wine, I inflict upon thee the hhadd:' and
the king replied, 'It is right.' Upon this, the king
invested the Emee'r Beybur's with a ckufta'n; and a
feast was made; and guns were fired; and festivities
were celebrated: and they remained in Esh-Sha'm three
days.

“El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa then gave orders for departure;
and performed the first day's journey. On the second
day, they came to a valley, celebrated as a halting-place
of the Prophet, the Director in the way to heaven: in
it were trees, and brooks, and birds which sang the
praises of the King, the Mighty, the Pardoner. El-Mel'ik
Ee'sa said, 'Pitch the tents here: we will
here pass the night.' So they pitched the tents. And the
day departed with its brightness, and the night came
with its darkness: but the Everlasting remaineth unchanged:
the stars shone; and God, the Living, the
Self-subsisting, looked upon the creation. It was the
period of the full-moon; and the King felt a longing to
drink wine by the side of the brook and greensward:
so he called to Ab'oo-l-Kheyr, who came to him, and
kissed his hand. The King said to him, 'O Ab'oo-l-Kheyr,
I have a longing to drink wine.' The servant
answered, ' Hast thou not vowed repentance to the
Emee'r Beybur's?' The King said, 'The door of
repentance is open: so do thou obey me:' and he gave
him ten pieces of gold. The servant then went to a
convent; and brought him thence a large bottle: and
the King said to him, ' If thou see the Emee'r Beybur's
coming, call out hay! and as long as thou dost not see
him, call clover!' The servant answered, 'Right:' and
he filled a cup, and handed it to the King. Now 'Osma'n
was by the tents; and he came before the pavilion
of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa; and saw him sitting drinking
wine: so he went, and told his master, the Emee'r Beybur's.
Beybur's came. Ab'oo-l-Kheyr saw him coming
from a tent, and called out to the King, ' hay! hay!'
The King immediately threw the cup into the brook;
Ab'oo-l-Kheyr removed the bottle; and the King set

himself to praying: and when he had pronounced the
salutation [which terminates the prayers], he turned his
eyes, and saw the Emee'r Beybur's, and said to him,
' Wherefore art thou come at this hour? Go, sleep: it
is late.' Beybur's answered, ' I have come to ask thee
whether we shall continue our journey now, or to-morrow
morning.' The King said, ' Tomorrow morning.'
And the Emee'r Beybur's returned, vexed with 'Osma'n;
and said to him, ' O 'Osma'n, didst thou not tell me
that the King was sitting drinking wine? Now I have
been, and found him praying. Dost thou utter a falsehood
against the Soolta'n?' 'Osma'n answered, 'Like
as he has smoothed it over, do thou also: no matter.
Beybur's was silent.

“They passed the night there; and on the following
morning, El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa gave orders for departure.
They journeyed towards Musr; and when they had
arrived at the 'A'dilee'yeh, and pitched their tents, the
Emee'r Beybur's said, ' O our lord the Soolta'n, we
have now arrived at Musr.' The King answered, ' I
desire, O Beybur's, to visit the tomb of the Ima'm
[Esh-Sha'fe'ee].' Beybur's said, 'The thing is right,
O our lord the Soolta'n: to-morrow I will conduct thee
to visit the Ima'm.' They remained that night at the
'A'dilee'yeh; and on the following morning, the Soolta'n
rode in procession to visit the Ima'm, and returned in
procession, and visited the tomb of his father, El-Mel'ik
Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b; and then went in state to the
Citadel: and the 'Ool'ama went up thither, and inaugurated
him as sovereign, and conducted him into the
armoury; and he drew out from thence a sword, upon
which was inscribed ' El-Mel'ik El-Mo'az'zum*:' wherefore

they named him ' 'Ee'sa El-Mo'az'zum.' They
coined the money with his name; and prayed for him
on the pulpits of the mosques; and he invested with
ckufta'ns the soldiers and the Emee'r Beybur's, the
commander-in-chief. The Soolta'n then wrote a patent,
conferring the sovereignty, after himself, upon the
Emee'r Beybur's, to be king and Soolta'n. So the
Emee'r Keytar's had two patents conferring; upon him
the sovereignty; the patent of El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh
Eiyoo'b, and the patent of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa El-Mo'az'ziun.
Ey'bek and Ckala-oo'n and 'Ala'y ed-Deen and
their partisans, who hated Beybur's, were grieved at
this; but his friends rejoiced. The troops descended
from the deewa'n, and went to their houses; and in
like manner, the Emee'r Beybur's descended in procession,
and went to his house by the Ckana'tir es-Siba'a.

” Now the queen Sheg'eret ed-Door'r sent to El-Mel'ik
'Ee'sa El-Mo'az'zum. He went to her palace.
She kissed his hand; and he said to her, ' Who art
thou?' She answered, ' The wife of thy lather, El-Mel'ik
Es-Sa'lehh.' ‘And what is thy name?' said he.
She replied, ' the queen Fa'timeh Sheg'eret ed-Door'r.'
He exclaimed ' Oh! Welcome! pray for me then.' She
said, ' God bring thee to repentance.' She then gave
him a charge respecting the Emee'r Beybur's; saying,
' Thy father loved him above all the chiefs, and entered
into a covenant with him before God; and I, also, made
a covenant with him before God.' He answered, ' O
queen, by thy life, I have written for him a patent conferring
upon him the sovereignty after me.' She said,
'And thy father, also, wrote for him a patent, conferring
upon him the sovereignty.' The King then said to her,
' Those chiefs created a dissension between me and

him; and asserted that he poisoned ray father.' She
said, ' I beg God's forgiveness! They hate him.
After this, the queen remained chatting with him a
short time; and he went to his saloon, and passed the
night, and rose.

” On the following day, he held a court; and the
hall was filled with troops. And he winked to Ab'oo-1-Kheyr,
and said, ' Give me to drink.' Now he had
said to him, the day before, ' To-morrow, when I hold
my court, and say to thee, Give me to drink, bring me
a water-bottle full of wine.' So when El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa
sat upon the throne, and the court, filled with troops,
resembled a garden, the troops resembling the branches
of plants, he felt a longing to drink wine, and said to
Ab'oo-l-Kheyr, ' Give me to drink;' and winked to
him; and he brought to him the water-bottle; and he
drank, and returned it. Then he sat a little longer;
and said again, ' Give me to drink, O Ab'oo-l-Kheyr;'
and the servant brought the bottle; and he drank, and
gave it back. He sat a little longer; and again he
said, ' Give me to drink.' Ckala-oo'n said, ' O 'Ala'y ed-Deen,
it seems that the Soolta'n has breakfasted
upon kawa'rë*.' Upon this, the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n
asked him, 'What hast thou eaten?” The King answered,
' My stomach is heated and flatulent.' The
Wezee'r, however, perceived the smell of wine; and
was vexed. The court then broke up; and the troops
descended. The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n also descended,
and took with him the Emee'r Beybur's to his house,
and said to him, ' May God take retribution from thee,
O Beybur's.' Beybur's said, 'Why?' The Wezee'r
answered, ' Because thou didst not accept the sovereignty.'

‘But for what reason sayest thou this?' asked
Beybur's. The Wezee'r said, ' The Soolta'n, to-day,
drank wine, while sitting upon the throne, three times.
When the Vicar of God, in administering the law,
intoxicates himself, his decisions are null, and he has
not any right to give them.' Beybur's replied, ' I made
a condition with him, that if he drank wine, I should
inflict upon him the hhadd; and wrote a document to
that effect in Esh-Sha'm.” ' To-morrow,' said the
Wezee'r, ' when he holds his court, observe him; and
take the water-bottle, and see what is in it. I perceived
his smell.' Beybur's answered, 'It is right:' and he
arose, and went to his house sorrowful: and he passed
the night, and rose, and went to the court, and found it
filled with troops; and he kissed the hand of the
Soolta'n, and sat in his place. Presently, the Soolta'n
said, ' Give me to drink, O Ab'oo-l-Kheyr:' and the
servant brought the water bottle; and the Soolta'n
drank. Beybur's took hold of the water-bottle; and
said, 'Give me to drink.' The servant answered,' This
is medicinal water.' ‘No harm,' said Beybur's: ' I have
a desire for it.' ‘It is rose-water,' said the servant.
Beybur's said, 'Good:' and he took the bottle; and
said, 'Bring a basin.” A basin was brought; and he
poured into it the contents of the bottle before the
troops; and they saw that it was wine. Then said the
Emee'r Beybur's to the Soolta'n, ' Is it allowed thee by
God to be his Vicar, and to intoxicate thyself? Did I
not make thee vow to relinquish the drinking of wine,
and say to thee, If thou drink it I will inflict upon thee
the hhadd; and did I not write a document to that
effect in Esh-Sha'm?' The Soolta'n answered, ' It is a
habit decreed against me, O Beybur's.' Beybur's exclaimed,

' God is witness, O ye troops!' and he took the
Soolta'n, and flogged him; and he was unconscious, by
reason of the wine that he had drunk: and he loosed
him, and departed from him, and went to his house.”

The second volume proceeds to relate the troubles
which befel Beybur's in consequence of his incurring
the displeasure of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa by the conduct just
described; his restoration to the favour of that prince;
and his adventures during the reigns of the subsequent
Soolta'ns, Khalee'l El-Ash'raf, Es-Sa'lehh the youth,
Ey'bek (his great and inveterate enemy), and El-Moduf'far;
and then, his own accession to the sovereignty.
The succeeding volumes contain narratives
of his wars in Syria and other countries; detailing
various romantic achievements, and the exploits of the
Fed'a'wee'yeh, or Feda'wees, of his time. The term
Feda'wee, which is now vulgarly understood to signify
any warriour of extraordinary courage and ability,
literally and properly means a person who gives, or is
ready to give, his life as a ransom for his companions,
or for their cause; and is here applied to a class of
warriours who owned no allegiance to any sovereign
unless to a chief of their own choice; the same class
who are called, in our histories of the Crusades,
“Assassins;” which appellation the very learned orientalist
De Sacy has, I think, rightly pronounced to be a
corruption of “Hhash'sha'shee'n,” a name derived from
their making frequent use of the intoxicating hemp,
called hhashee'sh, or a vegetable of similar properties,
which might, with equal justness, be called by tha
name. The romance of Ez-Za'hir affords confirmation
of the etymology given by De Sacy; but suggests a
different explanation of it: the Fed'a'wee'yeh being

almost always described in this work, as making use of
beng (or henbane, which, in the present day, is often
mixed with hhushee'sh) to make a formidable enemy or
rival their prisoner, by disguising themselves, inviting
him to eat, putting the drug into his food or drink, and
thus causing him speedily to fall into a deep sleep, so
that they were able to bind him at their leisure, and
convey him whither they would. The chief of these
warriours is Shee'hhah, called “Soolta'n el-Ckila'a wa-l-Hhosoo'n”
or “Soolta'n of the Castles and Fortresses”),
who is described as almost constantly engaged,
and generally with success, in endeavouring to reduce
all the Feda'wees to allegiance to himself and to Beybur's.
From his adroitness in disguises and plots, his
Proteus-like character, his name has become a common
appellation of persons of a similar description. Another
of the more remarkable characters in this romance is
Goowa'n (or John), a European Christian, who, having
deeply studied Moos'lim law, succeeds in obtaining, and
retains for a few years, the office of Cka'dee of the
Egyptian metropolis; and is perpetually plotting against
Beybur's, Shee'hhah, and other Moos'lim chiefs

Much of the entertainment derived from recitations of
this work depend upon the talents of the mohhad'dit
who often greatly improves the stories by his action,
and by witty introductions of his own invention.

THERE is, in Cairo, a third class of reciters of romances,
who are called 'Ana'tireh, or 'Anteree'yeh (in the singular,
'An'ter'ee); but they are much less numerous
than either of the other two classes before mentioned;
their number at present, if I be rightly informed, not
amounting to more than six. They bear the above
appellation from the chief subject of their recitations;
which is the romance of 'An'tar (See'ret 'An'tar). As
a considerable portion of this interesting work has become
known to English readers by Mr. Terrick Hamilton's
translation, I need give no account of it. The
reciters of it read it from the book: they chant the
poetry; but the prose they read, in the popular manner;
and they have not the accompaniment of the raba'b.
As the poetry in this work is very imperfectly understood
by the vulgar, those who listen to it are mostly
persons of some education.