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 Illustrations have been included from the print version. AN ACCOUNT OF THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE MODERN EGYPTIANS, WRITTEN IN EGYPT DURING THE YEARS 1833,-34,-AND-35, PARTLY FROM NOTES MADE DURING A FORMER VISIT TO THAT COUNTRY IN THE YEARS 1825,-26,-27. AND 28. Volume 2. UNDER THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF THE SOCIETY FOR THE DIFFUSION OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. Edward William Lane 2 v. (xxiv, 402, [2] ;vi, [2], 419, [1] p.) : ill., 29 plates ; 120. Charles Knight & Co. London 1836

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 Library of Congress Subject Headings 1836 English Arabic Egypt -- Social life and customs. December 2005 LMS ed. Spellchecked, corrected tagging errors, verified and enhanced metadata. October 2006 LMS ed. Automatically added place name markup.

UNDER THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF THE SOCIETY FOR THE DIFFUSION OF USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. AN ACCOUNT OF THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE MODERN EGYPTIANS, WRITTEN IN EGYPT DURING THE YEARS 1833,-34,-AND-35, PARTLY FROM NOTES MADE DURING A FORMER VISIT TO THAT COUNTRY IN THE YEARS 1825,-26,-27. AND 28 BY EDWARD WILLIAM LANE. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. LONDON: CHARLES KNIGHT & Co., 22, LUDGATE STREET. MDCCCXXXVI.

LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS 14, Charing Cross.

CONTENTS.

PAGE CHAPTER I. Industry 1 CHAPTER II. Use of Tobacco, Coffee, Hemp. Opium, &c. 28 CHAPTER III. The Bath 35 CHAPTER IV. Games 46 CHAPTER V. Music 59 CHAPTER VI. Public Dancers 94 CHAPTER VII. Serpent-Charmers, and Performers of Legerdemain tricks, &c. 103 CHAPTER VIII. Public Recitations of Romances. (Ab'oo Zeyd) 114 CHAPTER IX. Public Recitations of Romances-continued. (Ez-Za'hir) 126 CHAPTER X. Public Recitations of Romances-continued. ('An'tar, and Del'hem'eh) 146

PAGE CHAPTER XI. Periodical Public Festivals, &c. (Those of the first three month of the Mohhammadan Year) 163 CHAPTER XII. Periodical Public Festivals, &c.— Continued. (Those of the fourth and following months of the Mohhammadan Year) 206 CHAPTER XIII. Periodical Public Festivals, &c.—continued. (Those of the Solar Year) 252 CHAPTER XIV. Private Festivals, &c. 269 CHAPTER XV. Death, and Funeral Rites 285 SUPPLEMENT. 1.—The Copts 308 2.—The Jews of Egypt 343 3.—The late Innovations in Egypt 349 Appendix A. Female Ornaments 353 Appendix B. Egyptian Measures, Weights, and Moneys 370 Appendix C, Household Expenditure in Cairo 375 Appendix D. Prayer of Moos'lim School-boys 377

ILLUSTRATIONS.

No. Page 1. Shops in a Street of Cairs 9 2. Shop of a Turkish Merchant 10 3. Sack'ekas 15 4. Sack'cka Shur'beh 16 5. Hhem'alees 17 6. 'Er'ck-soo'see 19 7. Moosellika'tee 21 8. The Sha'doo'f 24 9. Plan of a Bath 37 10. Section of the Hhara'rah 39 11. Foot-rasps 41 12. Mun'ckal'ah 47 13. See'ga 54 14. Kemen'geh 64 15. A Performer on the Kemen'geh 65 16. Cka'noo'n 66 17. A Performer on the Cka'noo'n 68 18. 'Oo'd 70 19. A Performer on the 'Oo'd 71 20. Na'y 73 21. A Performer on the Na'y 74 22. Raba'b esh-Sha'ër 77 23. Sa'ga't, Ta'r, and Dar'abook'keh 79 24. Earthen Dar'abook'keh, Zoomma'rab, Mouth piece of the latter, and Arghoo'l 95 25.Dancing-Girls (Ghawa'zee, or Gha'zee'yehs) 116 26. a Sha'ër, with his accompanying Violist and part of hisAudience 173 27. Whirling Durwee'sh 182 28. The Mahh'mil 200 29. The Do'seh 200

No. Page 30. Funeral Procession 289 31. Bier used for the conveyance of the corpse of a female or Boy 295 32. Sketch of a Tomb 301 33. Turban of the Coptic Patriarch and Bishops 314 34. Turban of a Coptic Priest 315 35. Diamond Ckoor's 355 36. Gold Ckoor's 356 37. Ckoos'sah and 'En'ebeh ibid. 38. Ckum'arahs, Sa'ckiveh, &c. 358 39. Ear-rings 359 40. Necklaces 360 41. Bracelets 361 42. Burck, &c. 362 43. Anklets 364 44. Hhega'bs 365 45. Nose-rings 366 46. To'ck, or Neck-ring 367

ERRATA AND ADDENDA.

Page

12. Line 8. After “demand,” add, “In many of the Soo'cks in Cairo, auctions are held on stated days, once or twice a week. They are conducted by della'ls (or brokers), hired either by private persons who have anything that they wish to sell in this manner, or by shop-keepers. These della'ls carry the goods up and down the street, announcing the sums bidden, with cries of 'hhara'g, or 'hhara'j,' &c.”

80. I should have mentioned here, that the airs which I have introduced are not always sung to the same words. The words are generally similar in style to those here inserted, or at least as silly; though often abounding with indecent metaphors, or with plain ribaldry.

88. Second line of music, for “En'ta,” read “En'ta.”

90. Line 3. insert a hyphen at the end.

117. Line 10, for “carfully,” read “carefully.”

145. Last line but two, for “depend,' real ” depends.”

147. Line 16, dele comma after” recitation.”

162. Line 8, insert a comma after “mare,” and dele semicolon after “animal.”

170. Line 9, insert a comma after “below.” 187. Last line of text., for “ten,” read “nine.” 192. Last line of music, for “i. la' ha;' read “I-la'-ha.” 196. Second and last lines of music, make the same corrections as that just before mentioned.

206. Last line but two, and last but one, dele” eve of the.” 234. Line 12; for “him,” read “them.” 274. Line 16, for “confers,” read “'corners.” 289. Last line of music, for “Ila' hoo,” read “lla'-hoo.”

THE MODERN EGYPTIANS. CHAPTER I. INDUSTRY.

IT is melancholy to compare the present state of Egypt with its ancient prosperity, when the variety, elegance, and exquisite finish displayed in its manufactures attracted the admiration of surrounding nations, and its inhabitants were in no need of foreign commerce to increase their wealth, or to add to their comforts. Antiquarian researches show us that, not only the Pharaohs and the priests and military chiefs, but also, a great proportion of the agriculturists, and other private individuals, even in the age of Moses, and at a yet earlier period, passed a life of the most refined luxury, were clad in linen of the most delicate fabric, and reclined on couches and chairs which have served as models for the furniture of our modern saloons. Nature is as lavish of her favours as she was of old to the inhabitants of the valley of the Nile; but, for many centuries, they have ceased to enjoy the benefit of a steady government: each of their successive rulers, during this long lapse of time, considering the uncertain tenure of his power, has been almost wholly intent upon increasing his own wealth; and thus, a large

portion of the nation has gradually perished, and the remnant, ill general, been reduced to a state of the most afflicting poverty.

The male portion of the population of Egypt being scarcely greater than is sufficient for the cultivation of as much of the soil as is subject to the natural inundation, or easily irrigated by artificial means, the number of persons who devote themselves to manufactures in this country is comparatively small; and as there are so few competitors, and, at present, few persons of wealth to encourage them, their works in general display but little skill.

Painting and sculpture, as applied to the representation of living objects, are, I have already stated, absolutely prohibited by the Mohhammadan religion: there are, however, some Moos'lims in Egypt who attempt the delineation of men, lions, camels, and other animals, flowers, boats, &c., particularly in (what they call) the decoration of a few shop-fronts, the doors of pilgrims' houses, &c.; though their performances would be surpassed by children of five or six years, of age in our own country. The art in which the Egyptians most excel is architecture. The finest specimens of Arabian architecture are found in the Egyptian metropolis and its environs; and not only the mosques and other public buildings are remarkable for their grandeur and beauty, but many of the private dwellings, also, attract our admiration, especially by their interior structure and decorations. Yet this art has, of late years, much declined, like most others in this country: a new style of architecture, partly Oriental and partly European, and of a very plain description, being generally preferred. The woodwork of the doors, ceilings, and windows of the

buildings in the older style, which have already been described, display considerable taste, of a peculiar kind; and so, also, do most of the Egyptian manufactures; though many of them are rather clumsy, or ill finished. The turners of wood, whose chief occupation was that of making the lattice-work of windows, were very numerous, and their work was generally neater than it is at present: they have less employment now; as windows of modern houses are often made of glass The turner, like most other artisans in Egypt, sits to his work. In the art of glass-making, for which Egypt was so much celebrated in ancient times, the modern inhabitants of this country possess but little skill: they have lost the art of manufacturing coloured glass for windows; but, for the construction of windows of this material they are still admired, though not so much as they were a few years ago, before the adoption of a new style of architecture diminished the demand for their work. Their pottery is generally of a rude kind: it mostly consists of porous bottles and jars, for cooling, as keeping, water. For their skill in the preparation of morocco leather, they are justly celebrated The branches and leaves of the palm-tree they employ in a great variety of manufactures: of the former, they make seats, coops, chests, frames for beds, &c.: of the latter, baskets, panniers, mats, brooms, fly-whisks, and many other utensils. Of the fibres, also, that grow at the foot of the branches of the palm-tree are made most of the ropes used in Egypt. The best mats (which are much used instead of carpets, particularly in summer) are made of rushes. Egypt has lost the celebrity which it enjoyed in ancient times for its line linen: the linen, cotton, and woollen cloths, and the silks now
woven in this country are generally of coarse or poor qualities.

The Egyptians have long been famous for the art of hatching fowls' eggs by artificial heat. This practice, though obscurely described by ancient authors, appears to have been common in Egypt in very remote times. The building in which the process is performed is called, in Lower Egypt, ma'amal el-fira'kh, and in Upper Egypt, ma'amal el-furroo'g: in the former division of the country, there are more than a hundred such establishments; and in the latter, more than half that number. The proprietors pay a tax to the government. The ma'amal is constructed of burnt or sundried bricks; and cousin of two parallel rows of small chambers and ovens, divided by a narrow, vaulted passage. Each chamber is about nine or ten feet long, eight feet wide, and five or six feet high; and has above it a vaulted oven, of the same size, or rather less in height. The former communicates with the passage by an aperture large enough for a man to enter; and with its oven, by a similar aperture: the ovens, also, of the same row, communicate with each other; and each has an aperture in its vault (for the escape of the smoke), which is opened only occasionally: the passage, too, has several such apertures in its vaulted roof. The eggs are placed upon mats or straw, and one tier above another, usually to the number of three tiers, in the small chambers; and burning gel'leh (a fuel before mentioned, composed of the clung of animals, mixed chopped straw, and made into the form of round, flat cakes) is placed upon the floor of the ovens above. The entrance of the ma'amal is well closed. Before it are two or three small chambers, for the attendant, and

the fuel, and the chickens when newly hatched. The operation is performed only during two or three months in the year; in the spring; earliest in the most southern parts of the country. Each ma'amal in general contains from twelve to twenty-four chambers for eggs and receives about a hundred and fifty thousand eggs, during the annual period of its continuing open; one quarter or a third of which number generally fail. The peasants of the neighbourhood supply the eggs: the attendant of the ma'amal examines them; and afterwards usually gives one chicken for every two eggs that he has received. In general, only half the number of chambers are used for the first ten days; and fires are lighted only in the ovens above these. On the eleventh day, these fires are put out, and others are lighted in the other ovens, and fresh eggs placed in the chambers below these last. On the following day, some of the eggs in the former chambers are removed, and placed on the floor of the ovens above, where the fires have been extinguished. The general heat maintained during the process is from 100° to 103° of Fahrenheit's thermometer. The manager, having been accustomed to this art from his youth, knows, from his long experience, the exact temperature that is required for the success of the operation, without having any instrument, like our thermometer, to guide him. On the twentieth day, some of the eggs first put in are hatched; but most, on the twenty-first day; that is, after the same period as is required in the case of natural incubation. The weaker of the chickens are placed in the passage: the rest, in the innermost of the anterior apartments; where they remain a day or two before they are given to the persons to whom they are due. When the eggs first placed
have been hatched, and the second supply half-hatched, the chambers in which the former were placed, and which are now vacant, receive the third supply; and, in like manner, when the second supply is hatched, a fourth is introduced in their place. I have not found that the fowls produced in this manner are inferior in point of flavour or in other respects to those produced from the egg by incubation. The fowls and their eggs in Egypt are, in both cases, and with respect to size and flavour, very inferior to those in our country.—In one of the Egyptian newspapers published by order of the government (No. 248, for the 18th of Rum'ada'n, 1246, or the 3d of March, 1831 of our era) I find the following statement.

Lower Egypt. Upper Egypt. Number of establishments for the hatching of fowls' eggs in the present year 105 59 Number of eggs used 19,325,600 6,878,900 Number spoiled 6,255,867 2,529,660 Number hatched 13,069,733 4,349,240

Though the commerce of Egypt has much declined since the discovery of the passage from Europe to India by the Cape of Good Hope, and in consequence of the monopolies and exactions of its present ruler, it is still considerable.

The principal imports from Europe are woollen cloths (chiefly from France), calico, plain muslin, figured muslin (of Scotch manufacture, for turbans), silks, velvet, crape, shawls (Scotch, English, and French) in imitation of those of Kashmee'r, writing-paper (chiefly from Venice), fire-arms, straight sword-blades (from Germany) for the Nubians, &c., watches and clocks, coffee-cups and various articles of earthenware and glass

(mostly from Germany), many kinds of hard-wares, planks, metal, beads, wine and liqueurs; and white slaves, silks, embroidered handkerchiefs and napkins, mouthpieces of pipes, slippers, and a variety of made goods, copper and brass wares, &c., from Constantinople:— from Asia Minor, carpets (among which, the segga'dehs, or small prayer-carpets), figs, &c.:—from Syria, tobacco, striped silks, 'abba'yehs (or woollen cloaks), soap:— from Arabia, coffee, spices, several drugs, Indian goods (as shawls, silks, muslin, &c.):—from Abyssinia and Senna'r and the neighbouring countries, slaves, gold, ivory, ostrich-feathers, koorba'gs (or whips of hippopotamus' hide) tamarind in cakes, gums, senna:—from El-Ghurb, or the West (that is, northern Africa, from Egypt westwards), turboo'shes (or red cloth scull-caps), boornoo'ses (or white woollen hooded cloaks), hhera'ms (or white woollen sheets, used for night-coverings and for dress), yellow morocco shoes.

The principal exports to Europe are wheat, maize, rice, beans, cotton, flax, indigo, coffee, various spices, gums, senna, ivory, ostrich-feathers:—to Turkey, male and female Abyssinian and black slaves (including a few eunuchs), rice, coffee, spices, hhen'na, &c.:—to Syria, slaves, rice, &c.:—to Arabia, chiefly corn:—to Senna'r and the neighbouring countries, cotton and linen and woollen goods, a few Syrian and Egyptian striped silks, small carpets, beads and other ornaments, soap, the straight sword-blades mentioned before, fire-arms, copper wares, writing-paper.

To convey some notion of the value of money in Cairo, I insert the following list of the present prices of certain common articles of food, &c. In the country towns and villages, most kinds of provisions are cheaper

than in the metropolis: meat, fowls, and pigeons, about half the prices here mentioned: wheat and bread, from about one third to half.

P. F. (£. s. d.) Wheat, the ardeb'b (or about five bushels), from 50 P. to 63 0 (0 13 21/5) Rice, the ardeb'b, about 240 0 (2 8 0) Mutton or lamb, the rutl 1 0 (0 0 2 2/5) Beef, do. 0 35 (0 0 2 1/10) Fowls, each, 1 P. 10 F. to 1 20 (0 0 3 3/5) Pigeons, the pair, 1 P. 1 0 F. to 1 20 (0 0 3) Eggs, three for 0 5 (0 0 0 3/10) Fresh butter, the rutl 2 0 (0 0 4 4/5) Clarified butter, do. 2 P. to 2 10 (0 0 5 2/5) Coffee, do. 6P. to 7 0 (0 1 4 4/5) Geb'elee tobacco, the oock'ckah, 15 P. to 18 0 (0 3 7 1/5) Soo'ree do. do. 5 P. to 10 0 (0 2 0 ) Egyptian loaf-sugar, the rutl 2 0 (0 0 4 4/5) European do. do. 2 10 (0 0 5 2/5) Summer grapes, do. 0 10 (0 0 0 2/5) Later (to. do. 20 F. to. 0 30 (0 0 1 4/5) Fine biscuit, the ckunta'r 160 0 (1 12 0) Water, the ckir'beh(or goat's-skin), 10F.to 0 20 (0 0 1 1/5) Fire-wood, the donkey-load 11 0 (0 2 2 2/5) Charcoal, the oock'ckah, 20 F. to 0 30 (0 0 1 4/5) Soap, the rutl 1 30 (0 0 4 1/5) Tallow candles, the oock'ckah 8 20 (0 1 8 2/5) Best wax do. do. 25 0 (0 5 0)

Note.—The rutl is about 15 3/4 oz., and the oock'ckah, nearly 2 3/4 1bs., avoirdupois. The ckunta'r is 100 rutls. P. denotes Piasters: F. Fud'dahs. For a full account of Egyptian measures, weights, and moneys, see the Appendix.

There are in Cairo numerous buildings called Weka'lehs, chiefly designed for the accommodation of merchants, and for the reception of their goods. The Weka'leh is a building surrounding a square or oblong court. Its ground-floor consists of vaulted magazines,

Shops in a Street of Cairo.—The principal object in this view is the shop of an 'atta'r, who sells drugs, perfumes, wax candles, &c. The inscription on the shutter is Ya' fetta'hh. See vol. i., p. 327.
for merchandize, which face the court; and these magazines are sometimes used as shops. Above them are generally lodgings, which are entered from a gallery extending along each of the four sides of the court; or, in the place of these lodgings, there are other magazines; and in many weka'lehs which have, apartments intended as lodgings, these apartments are used as magazines. In general, a weka'leh has only one common entrance; the door of which is closed at night, and kept by a porter. There are about two hundred of these buildings in Cairo; and three-fourths of that number are within that part which constituted the original city.

It has already been mentioned, in the introduction to this work, that the great thoroughfare streets of Cairo generally have a row of shops along each side, not communicating with the superstructures. So, also, have many of the by-streets. Commonly, a portion of a street, or a whole street, contains chiefly, or solely, shops appropriated to one particular trade*; and is called the Soo'ck (or Market) of that trade; or is named after a mosque there situated. Thus, a part of the principal street of the city is called “Soo'ck en-Nahh'hha'see'n”, or the market of the sellers of copper wares (or simply “the Nahh'hha'see'n”—the word “Soo'ck” being usually dropped); another part is called “the Go'hargee'yeh,” or [market of] the jewellers: another, “the Khoordagee'yeh,” or [market of] the sellers of hardwares; another, “the Ghoo'ree'yeh,” or [market of] the Ghoo'ree'yeh, which is the name of a mosque situated there. These are some of the chief soo'cks of the city. The principal Turkish soo'ck is called “Kha'n El-Khalee'lee.” * This has long been the case in other Eastern countries. See Jeremiah, xxxvii., '21.

Some of the soo'cks are covered over with matting, or with planks, supported by beams extending across the street, a little above the shops, or above the houses.

The shop (dookka'n) is a square recess, or cell, generally about six or seven feet high; and between three and four feet in width. Its floor is even with the top of a mus'tub'ah, or raised seat of stone or brick, built against the front. This is usually about two feet and a half, or three feet, in height; and about the same in breadth. The front of the shop is furnished with folding shutters; commonly consisting of three leaves; one above another: the uppermost of these is turned up in front: the two other leaves, sometimes folded together, are turned down upon the mus'tub'ah, and form an even seat, upon which is spread a mat or carpet, with, perhaps, a cushion or two. Some shops have folding doors, instead of the shutters above described. The shop-keeper generally sits upon the mus'tub'ah; unless he be obliged to retire a little way within his shop, to make room for two or more customers, who mount up on the seat; taking off their shoes before they draw up their feet upon the mat or carpet. To a regular customer, or one who makes any considerable purchase, the shop-keeper generally presents a pipe (unless the former have his own with him, and it be filled and lighted); and he calls or sends to the boy of the nearest coffee-shop, and desires him to bring some coffee, which is served in the same manner as in the house; in small china cups, placed within cups of brass. Not more than two persons can sit conveniently upon the mus'tub'ah of a shop, unless it be more spacious than is commonly the case: but some are three or four feet broad, and the

Shop of a Turkish Merchant in the Soo'ck called Kha'n El-Khalee'lee.
shops to which they belong, five or six feet in width; and consequently these afford room enough for four persons, or more, sitting in the Eastern fashion. The shopman generally says his prayers upon the mus'tub'ah, in the sight of the passengers in the street. When he leaves his shop for a few minutes, or for about half an hour, he either relies, for the protection of his property, upon the next shop-keepers, or those opposite, or hangs a net before his shop. He seldom thinks it necessary to close and lock the shutters, excepting at night, when he returns to his house; or when he goes to the mosque, on the Friday, to join in the noon prayers of that day.— The apartments above the shops have been described in the introduction.

Buying and selling are here very tiresome processes to persons unaccustomed to such modes of bargaining. When a shop-keeper is asked the price of any of his goods, he generally demands more than he expects to receive: the customer declares the price exorbitant, and offers about half, or two thirds, of the sum first named: the price thus bidden is, of course, rejected; but the shop-keeper lowers his demand; and then the customer, in his turn, bids somewhat higher than before: thus they usually go on until they meet about half-way between the sum first demanded and that first offered; and so the bargain is concluded. When a person would make any but a trifling purchase, having found the article that exactly suits him, he generally makes up his mind for a long altercation: he mounts upon the mus'tub'ah of the shop; seats himself at his ease; fills and lights his pipe; and then the contest of words commences, and lasts, often, half an hour, or even more. Sometimes, the shop-keeper, or the customer, interrupts

the bargaining by introducing some irrelevant topic of conversation; as if the one had determined to abate his demand no further; or the other, to bid no higher: then again the haggling is continued. The bargain being concluded, and the purchaser having taken his leave, his servant generally receives, from the tradesman, a small present of money, which, if not given spontaneously, he scruples not to demand.—Among the lower orders, a bargain of the most trifling nature is often made with a great deal of vehemence of voice and gesture: a person ignorant of their language would imagine that the parties engaged in it were quarrelling, and highly enraged. The peasants will often say, when a person asks the price of anything which they have for sale, “Receive it as a present*:” this answer having become a common form of speech, they know that advantage will not be taken of it; and when desired, again, to name the price, they will do so; but generally name a sum that is exorbitant. * As Ephron did to Abraham, when the latter expressed his wish to purchase the cave and field of Machpelah. See Genesis, xxiii., 11.

It would be tedious and uninteresting to enumerate all the trades pursued in Cairo. The principal of them are those of the draper, or seller of materials for dress (who is simply called ta'gir, or merchant), and of the seller of ready-made dresses, arms, &c. (who has the same appellation); the jeweller (go'hur'gee); the goldsmith and silversmith (sa'igh), who only works by order; he seller of hard-wares (khoor'dagee); the seller of copper wares (nahh'hha's); the tailor (khei'ya't); the dyer (sab'ba'gh); the darner (ref'fa); the ornamental sewer and maker of sheree't, or silk lace, &c. (hhab'ba'k);

the maker of silk cords, &c. ('ack'cka'd); the maker of pipes (shibook'shee); the druggist and perfumer ('at'ta'r), who also sells wax candles, &c.; the tobacconist (dakha'-khinee); the fruiterer (fa'kiha'nee); the seller of dried fruits (noock'alee); the seller of sherbet (shurbet'lee); the oil-man (zei'ya't), who sells butter, cheese, honey, &c., as well as oil; the green-grocer (khood! aree); the butcher (gezza'r); and the baker (far'ra'n), to whom bread, meat, &c., are sent, to be baked. There are many cooks' shops, where keba'b and various other dishes are cooked and sold: but it is seldom that persons eat at these shops; generally sending to them for provisions when they cannot conveniently prepare food in their own houses. Shopkeepers often procure their breakfast or dinner from one of these cooks, who are called tdb'ba'khs. There are also many shops in which fatee'rehs, and others in which boiled beans (foo'l moodem'mes), are sold. Both these articles of food have been described in a former chapter. Many persons of the lower orders eat at the shop of the fata'tiree (or seller of fatee'rehs), or at that of the fow'wa'l (or bean-seller).

Bread, vegetables, and a variety of eatables are carried about for sale. The cries of some of the hawkers are curious; and deserve to be mentioned. The seller of tir'mis (or lupins) often cries, “Aid! O Imba'bee! Aid*!” This is understood in two senses: as an invocation for aid to the sheykh El-Imba'bee, a celebrated Moos'lim saint, buried at the village of Imba'beh, oil the west bank of the Nile, opposite Cairo; in the neighbourhood of which village the best tir'mis is grown; and also as implying that it is through the aid of the saint * Med'ed ya' Imba'bee med'ed.

above mentioned that the tir'mis of Imba'beh is so excellent. The seller of this vegetable also cries, “The tir'mis of Imba'beh surpasses the almond*!” Another cry of the seller of tir'mis is, “O how sweet are the little children of the river †!” This last cry, which is seldom heard but in the country towns and villages of Egypt, alludes to the manner in which the tir'mis is prepared for food. To deprive it of its natural bitterness, it is soaked, for two or three days, in a vessel full of water; then boiled; and, after this, sewed up in a basket of palm-leaves (called furd), and thrown into the Nile, where it is left to soak, again, two or three days; after which, it is dried, and eaten cold, with a little salt.—The seller of sour limes cries, “God make them light [or easy of sale]! O limes ‡!”—The toasted pips of a kind of melon called 'abdalla'wee, and of the water-melon, are often announced by the cry of “O consoler of the embarrassed '. O pips §!” though more commonly, by the simple cry of “Roasted pips ‖!”—A curious cry of the seller of a kind of sweetmeat (hhala'weh), composed of treacle fried with some other ingredients, is, “For a nail! O sweetmeat !” He is said to be half a thief: children and servants often steal implements of iron, &c., from the house in which they live, and give them to him in exchange for his sweetmeat.—The hawker of oranges cries, “Honey! O oranges! Honey**!” and similar * Tir'mis Imba'beh yegh'lib el-lo'z. † Ya' ma-h h'la (for ma' ahh'la) boonei'ya-l-bahhr, ‡ Al'lah yehow'win'ha (for yoohow'win'ha) ya' leymoo'n, § Ya' moosel'li-l-ghalba'n ya' libb, ‖ El-libb el-mohham'mas, Bi-misma'r ya' hhala'weh' ** 'As'al ya' boortoocka'n 'as'al.
Sack'ckas.
cries are used by the sellers of other fruits and vegetables; so that it is sometimes impossible to guess what the person announces for sale; as, when we hear the cry of “Sycamore-figs! O grapes*!” excepting by the rule that what is for sale is the least excellent of the fruits, &c., mentioned; as sycamore-figs are not so good as grapes.—A very singular cry is used by the seller of roses; “The rose was a thorn: from the sweat of the Prophet it opened [its flowers] †.” This alludes to a miracle related of the Prophet.—The fragrant flowers of the hhen'na-tree (or Egyptian privet) are carried about for sale; and the seller cries, “Odours of paradise! O flowers of the hhen'na ‡!”—A kind of cotton cloth, made by machinery which is put in motion by a bull, is announced by the cry of “The work of the hull! O maidens §!” * Gemmey'z ya' en'eb. † Et-wur'd ka'n sho'k mill 'ar'uck en-neb'ee fet'tahh. ‡ Rawa'yehh (for rawa'ëhh) el-gen'neh ya' tem'ra hhen'na. § Shvoghl et-to'r ya' bena't

As the water of the wells in Cairo is slightly brackish, numerous sack'ckas (carriers or sellers of water) obtain their livelihood by supplying its inhabitants with water from the Nile. During the season of the inundation, or rather during the period of about four months after the opening of the canal which runs through the metropolis, the sack'ckas draw their water from this canal: at other times, they bring it from the river. It is conveyed in skins by camels and asses, and sometimes, when the distance is short, and the skin small, by the sack'cka himself. The water-skins of the camel (which are called rei') are a pair of wide bags, of ox-hide. The ass bears a goat's skin (called ckir'beh): so also does

the sack'cka if he have no ass. The rei contain three or four ckir'behs. The general cry of the sack'cka is “O! may God compensate [me]*.” Whenever this cry is heard, it is known that a sack'cka is passing. For a goat's skin of water, brought from a distance of a mile and a-half, or two miles, he obtains scarcely more than a penny.

There are also many sack'ckas who supply passengers in the streets of the metropolis with water. One of this occupation is called sack'cka shur'beh: his ckir'beh has a long brass spout; and he pours the water into a brass cup, or an earthen ckool'leh, for any one who would drink.—There is a more numerous class who follow the same occupation, called hhem'alees. These * Ya”ow'wud Al'lah.

Sack'cka Shur'beh.
Hhem'alees.
are mostly durwee'shes, of the order of the Rifa”ees, or that of the Beiyoo'mees, and are exempt from the income-tax called fir'deh. The hhem'alee carries, upon his back, a vessel (called ibree'ck'), of porous grey earth. This vessel cools the water. Sometimes the hhem'alee has an earthen ckool'leh of water scented with mo'yet zahr (or orange-flower-water), prepared from the flowers of the na'rin'g (a bitter orange), for his best customers; and often, a sprig of na'rin'g is stuck in the mouth of his ibree'ck. He also, generally, has a wallet hung by his side. From persons of the higher and middle orders, he receives from one to five fud'dahs for a draught of water: from the poor, either nothing or a piece of bread or some other article of food, which he puts in
his wallet. Many hhem'alees, and some sack'ckas who carry the goat's skin, are found at the scenes of religious festivals, such as the moo'lids of saints, &c., in Cairo and its neighbourhood. They are often paid, by visitors to the tomb of a saint on such occasions, to distribute the water which they carry to passengers; a cupful to whoever desires. This work of charity is called tesbe'l; and is performed for the sake of the saint, and on other occasions than moo'lids. The water-carriers who are thus employed are generally allowed to fill their ibree'cks or ckir'behs at a public fountain; as they exact nothing from the passengers whom they supply. When employed to distribute water to passengers in the streets, &c., they generally chant a short cry, inviting the thirsty to partake of the charity offered them in the name of God, most commonly in the words, and to the air, here following:—
and praying that paradise and pardon may be the lot of him who affords the charitable gift: thus:—
There are numerous other persons who follow occupations similar to that of the hhem'alee. Among these are sellers of 'er'ck-soo's, or infusion of licorice, mentioned in a former chapter. The 'er'ck-soo'see (or seller of this beverage) generally carries a red earthen jar of the liquid on his left side, partly supported by a strap and chain, and partly by his left arm: the mouth having some leef (or fibres of the palm-tree) stuffed into it. He also carries two or more brass or china cups, which he knocks together.—In the same manner, many shurbet'lees (or sellers of sherbet) carry about, for sale, zebee'b (or infusion of raisins). The shurbet'lee commonly bears, in his left hand, the glass vessel of a shee'skeh, filled with zebee'b, and a large tin or copper
'Er' ck-soo see.
jug full of the same, and several glass cups*, in his right hand. Some shurbet'lees carry, on the head, a round tinned copper tray, with a number of glass cups of teen mebloo'l, or bel'ahh mebloo'l, which are figs and dates steeped in water; and a copper vessel †, or a china bowl, of the same. Sahh'tab (a thin jelly, made of water, wheat-starch, and sugar, boiled, with a little cinnamon or ginger sprinkled upon it; or made as a drink, without starch) is likewise carried about in the same manner; and soo'biya (which is a drink made of the pips of the 'abdalla'wee melon, moistened and pounded, and steeped in water, which is then strained, and sweetened with sugar; or made with rice instead of the pips) is also vended in a similar way, and carried in vessels like those used for zebee'b; but the glass cups are generally placed in a kind of trough of tin, attached, by a belt, to the waist of the seller. * Ckool'lehs. † Sut'leh.

It has been mentioned before, that many poor persons in Cairo gain their livelihood by going about to clean pipes. The pipe-cleaner (moosellika'tee) carries a number of long wires for this purpose, in three or four hallow canes, or tubes of tin, which are bound together, and slung to his shoulder. A small leather bag, full of tow, to wind round the top of the wire with which the pipe is cleaned, is attached to the canes or tin tubes. The moosellika'tee generally obtains no more than a noos's‡ fud'dah (or about a quarter of a farthing) for each pipe that he cleans. ‡ A corruption of noosf.

A very great number of persons of both sexes among the lower orders in Cairo, and many in other towns of Egypt, obtain their subsistence by begging. As might

Moosellika'tee.
be expected, not a few of those are abominable impostors. There are some whose appearance is most 'distressing to every humane person who sees them; but who accumulate considerable property. A case of this kind was made public here a few months ago. A blind fella'hh, who was led through the streets of the metropolis by a young girl, his daughter (both of whom were always nearly naked), was in the daily habit of bringing to his house, a blind Turkish beggar, to sup with him. One evening, he was not at home; but his daughter was
there, and had prepared the supper for his Turkish friend, who sate and ate alone; and, in doing this, happened to put his hand on one side, and felt a jar full of money, which, without scruple, he carried away with him. It contained the sum of a hundred and ten purses (then equivalent to rather more than five hundred and fifty guineas), in kheyree'yehs, or small gold coins of nine piasters each. The plundered beggar sought redress at the Citadel, and recovered his property, with the exception of forty kheyree'yehs, which the thief had spent; but was interdicted from begging in future.—Children are often seen in Cairo perfectly naked; and I have several times seen females from twelve to twenty years of age, and upwards, with only a narrow strip of rag round the loins, begging in the streets of this city. They suffer little from exposure of the bare person to the cold of winter, or the scorching sun of summer; being accustomed to it from infancy; and the men may, if they choose, sleep in some of the mosques. In other respects, also, their condition is not quite so bad as their appearance might lead a stranger to suppose. They are almost sure of obtaining' either food or money sufficient for supplying the absolute wants of nature, in consequence of the charitable disposition of their countrymen, and the common habit which the tradespeople have of eating in their shops, and generally giving a morsel of their food to those who ask for it. There are many beggars who spend the greater part of the day's gains to indulge themselves at night with the intoxicating hhashee'sh, which, for a few hours, renders them, in imagination, the happiest of mankind.

The cries of the beggars of Cairo are generally appeals to God. Among the most common are—” O

Exciter of compassion! O Lord*!”—“For the sake of God! O ye charitable †!”—“I am seeking from my Lord a cake of bread ‡!”—“O how bountiful thou art! O Lord §!”—“I am the guest of God and the Prophet ‖!”—in the evening, “My supper must be thy gift! O Lord !”—on the eve of Friday, “The night of the excellent Friday**!”—and on Friday, “The excellent day of Friday ††!”—One who daily passed my door used to exclaim, “Place thy reliance upon God! There is none but God!” and another, a woman, I now hear crying, “My supper must be thy gift! O Lord! from the hand of a bountiful believer, a testifier of the unity of God! O masters!”—The answers which beggars generally receive (for they are so numerous that a person cannot give to all who ask of him) are, “God help thee ‡‡”—“God will sustain §§'.”—“God give thee ‖”—“God content, or enrich, thee ¶¶!”—They are not satisfied by any denial but one implied by these or similar answers. In the more frequented streets of Cairo, it is common to see a beggar asking for the price of a cake of bread, which he or she holds in the hand, followed by the seller of the bread. Some beggars, particularly durwee'shes, go about chanting verses in praise of the Prophet; or beating cymbals, or a little kettle-drum. In the country, many durwee'shes * Ya' Mohhan'nin ya' Rubb. † Li-lla'h ya' mohhsinee'n. ‡ An'a. ta'lib min 'an'd Rub'bee raghee'f'eysh, § Ya' ma-n'ta (for ma! en'ta”) keree'm ya' Rubb. ‖ An'a deyf Alla'h we-n-neb'ee. 'Asha'ya 'aley'k ya' Rubb. ** Ley'let el-goom”ah el-fadee'leh. †† Yo'm el-goom”ah el-fadee'leh. ‡‡ Al'lah yesa”ëdak (for yoosa”ëdak). §§ Al'lah yer'zoock. ‖‖ A;'lah yaatee'k (for ya'atee'k). ¶¶ Al'lah yeghnee'k (for yooghnee'k).
go from village to village begging alms. I have seen them on horseback; and one I lately saw thus mounted, and accompanied by two men bearing each a flag, and by a third beating a drum: this beggar on horseback was going from hut to hut asking for bread.

The most important of the occupations which employ the modern Egyptians, and that which (as before mentioned) engages all but a very small proportion of them, is agriculture.

The greater portion of the cultivable soil is fertilized by the natural annual inundation; but the fields in the vicinity of the river and of the large canals, and some other lands, in which pits are dug for water, are irrigated by means of machines of different kinds. The most common of these machines is the sha'doo'f, which consists of two posts or pillars of wood, or of mud and canes or rushes, about five feet in height, and less than three feet apart, with a horizontal piece of wood extending from top to top, to which is suspended a slender lever, formed of a branch of a tree, having at one end a weight chiefly composed of mud, and at the other, suspended to two long palm-sticks, a vessel in the form of a bowl, made of basket-work, or of a hoop and apiece of woollen stuff or leather: with this vessel, the water is thrown up to the height of about eight feet, into a trough hollowed out for its reception. In the southern parts of Upper Egypt, four or five sha'doo'fs are required, when the river is at the lowest, to raise the water to the level of the fields. There are many sha'doo'fs with two levers, &c., which are worked by two men. The operation is extremely laborious.—Another machine much used for the same purpose, and almost the only one employed for the irrigation of gardens in Egypt, is the sa'ckiyeh.

The Sha'doo'f.
This mainly consists of a vertical wheel, which raises the water in earthen pots attached to cords and forming a continuous series; a second vertical wheel fixed to the same axis, with cogs; and a large, horizontal, cogged wheel, which, being turned by a pair of cows or bulls, or by a single beast, puts in motion the two former wheels and the pots. The construction of this machine is of a very rude kind; and its motion produces a disagreeable creaking noise.—There is a third machine, called ta'boo't, used for the irrigation of lands in the northern part of Egypt, where it is only requisite to raise the water a few feet. It somewhat resembles the sa'ckiyeh: the chief difference is, that, instead of the wheel with pots, it has a large wheel with hollow jaunts, or fellies, in which the water is raised.—In the same parts of Egypt, and often to raise the water to the channel of the ta'boo't, a vessel like that of the sha'doo'f, with four cords attached to it, is also used. Two men, each holding two of the cords, throw up the water by means of this vessel, which is called ckut'weh,—In the process of artificial irrigation, the land is divided into small squares, by ridges of earth, or into furrows; and the water, flowing from the machine along a narrow gutter, is admitted into one square or furrow after another.

The rei lands, or those which are naturally inundated, are, with some exceptions, cultivated but once during the year. After the waters have retired, about the end of October or beginning of November, they are sown with wheat, barley, lentils, beans, lupins, chick-peas, &c. This is called the shit'awee (or winter) season. But the shara'ckee lands (or those which are too high to be subject to the natural inundation), and some parts of the

rei, by artificial irrigation are made to produce three crops every year; though not all the shara'ckee lands are thus cultivated. The lands artificially irrigated produce, first, their shit'awee crops; being sown at the same period as the rei lands, generally with wheat or barley. Secondly, in what is called the sey'fee, or, in the southern parts of Egypt, the ckey'dee, or gey'dee (that is, the summer) season, commencing about the vernal equinox, or a little later, they are sown with millet (door'ah sey'fee), or with indigo, or cotton, &c. Thirdly, in the demee'reh season, or period of the rise of the Nile, commencing about, or soon after, the summer solstice, they are sown with millet again, or with maize (door'ah sha'mee), &c., and thus crowned with a third harvest.—Sugar is cultivated throughout a large portion of Upper Egypt; and rice, in the low lands near the Mediterranean.

For the purpose of separating the grain of wheat, barley, &c., and cutting the straw, which serves as fodder, the Egyptians use a machine called no'rag, in the form of a chair, which moves upon small iron wheels, or thin circular plates, generally eleven, fixed to three thick axle-trees; four, to the foremost; the same number, to the hindmost; and three, to the intermediate axle-tree. This machine is drawn, in a circle, by a pair of cows or bulls, over the corn. The plough, and the other implements which they use in husbandry, are of a rude and simple kind.

The navigation of the Nile employs a great number of the natives of Egypt. The boatmen of the Nile are mostly strong, muscular men. They undergo severe labour in rowing, poling, and towing; but are very cheerful; and often, the most so when they are most

occupied; for then they frequently amuse themselves by singing. In consequence of the continual changes which take place in the bed of the Nile, the most experienced pilot is liable frequently to run his vessel aground: on such an occurrence, it is often necessary for the crew to descend into the water, to shove off the boat with their backs and shoulders. On account of their being so liable to run aground, the bouts of the Nile are generally made to draw rather more water at the head than at the stern; and hence the rudder is necessarily very wide. The better kind of boats used on the Nile, which are very numerous, are of a simple, but elegant form; mostly between thirty and forty feet in length; with two masts, two large triangular sails, and a cabin, next the stern, generally about four feet high, and occupying about a fourth, or a third, of the length of the boat. In most of these boats, the cabin is divided into two or more apartments. Sudden whirlwinds and squalls being very frequent on the Nile, a boatman is usually employed to hold the sheet in his hand, that he may be able to let it fly at a moment's notice.

CHAPTER II. USE OF TOBACCO, COFFEE, HEMP, OPIUM, &c.

THE interdiction of wine and other fermented and intoxicating liquors, which is one of the most important laws in the code of El-Isla'm, has caused the greater number of the disciples of this faith to become immoderately addicted to other means of inducing slight intoxication, or different kinds of pleasurable excitement.

The most prevalent means, in most Moos'lim countries, of exciting what the Arabs term “keyf” which I cannot more nearly translate than by the word “exhilaration,” is tobacco. It appears that tobacco was introduced into Turkey, Arabia, and other countries of the East, soon after the beginning of the seventeenth century of the Christian era: that is, not many years after it had begun to be regularly imported into Western Europe, as an article of commerce, from America. Its lawfulness to the Moos'lim has often been warmly disputed; but is now generally allowed. In the character of the Turks and Arabs who have become addicted to its use, it has induced considerable changes; particularly rendering them more inactive than they were in earlier times; leading them to waste, over the pipe, many hours which might be profitably employed: but it has had another and a better effect; that of superseding, in a great measure, the use of wine, which, to say the least, is very injurious to the health of the inhabitants of hot climates. In the “Tales of a Thousand

and One Nights,” which were written before the introduction of tobacco into the East, and which we may confidently receive as presenting faithful pictures of the state of Arabian manners and customs at the period when they appeared, we have abundant evidence that wine was much more commonly and more openly drunk by Moos'lims of that time than by those of the present day. It may further he remarked, in the way of apology for the pipe, as employed by the Turks and Arabs, that the mild kinds of tobacco generally used by them have a very gentle effect: they calm the nervous system; and, instead of stupifying, sharpen the intellect. The pleasures of Eastern society are certainly much heightened by the pipe; and it affords the peasant a cheap and sober refreshment, and probably often restrains him from less innocent indulgences.

The cup of coffee, which, when it can be afforded, generally accompanies the pipe, is commonly regarded as an almost equal luxury. It is said that the discovery of the refreshing beverage afforded by the berry of the coffee-plant was made in the latter part of the seventh century of the Flight (or, of the thirteenth of the Christian era), by a certain devotee, named the sheykh 'Om'ar, who, driven by persecution to a mountain of the Yem'en, with a few of his disciples, was induced, by the want of provisions, to make an experiment of the decoction of coffee-berries, as an article of food; the coffee-plant being there a spontaneous production. It was not, however, till about two centuries after this period that the use of coffee began to become common in the Yem'en. It was imported into Egypt between the years 900 and 910 of the Flight (towards the end of the fifteenth or the beginning of the sixteenth century

of our era, or a little more than a century before the introduction of tobacco into the East), and was then drunk in the great mosque El-Az'har, by the fackee'rs of the Yem'en and Mek'keh and El-Medee'neh, who found it very refreshing to them while engaged in their exercises of reciting prayers, and the praises of God; and freely indulged themselves with it. About half a century after, it was introduced into Constantinople*. In Arabia, in Egypt, and in Constantinople, it was often the subject of sharp disputes among the pious and learned; many doctors asserting that it possessed intoxicating qualities, and was therefore an unlawful beverage to Moos'lims; while others contended, that, among many other virtues, it had that of repelling sleep, which rendered it a powerful help to the, pious in their nocturnal devotions: according to the fancy of the ruling power, its sale was therefore often prohibited, and again legalized. It is now, and has been for many years, acknowledged as lawful by almost all the Moos'lims; and immoderately used even by the Wah'ha'bees, who are the most rigid in their condemnation of tobacco, and in their adherence to the precepts of the Ckoor-a'n, and the Traditions of the Prophet. Formerly, it was generally prepared from the berries and husks together; and it is still so prepared, or from the husks alone, by many persons in Arabia. In other countries of the East, it is prepared from the berries alone, freshly roasted and pounded. * See De Sacy's Chrestomathie Arabe, vol. i., pp. 412—433, 2nde ed.

Cairo contains above a thousand Ckah'wehs- †, or † “Ckah'weh” is the name of the beverage sold at the coffee-shop; and hence it is applied to the shop itself.

coffee-shops. The ckah'weh is, generally speaking, a small apartment, whose front, which is towards the street, is of open wooden work, in the form of arches*. Along the front, excepting before the door, is a mus'tub'ah, or raised seat, of stone or brick, two or three feet in height, and about the same in width; which is covered with matting; and there are similar seats in the interior, on two or three sides. The coffee-shops are most frequented in the afternoon and evening; but by few excepting persons of the lower orders, and tradesmen. The exterior mus'tub'ah is generally preferred. Each person brings with him his own tobacco and pipe. Coffee is served by the ckak'weg'ee (or attendant of the shop), at the price of five fud'dahs a cup, or ten for a little bek'reg (or pot) of three or four cups†. The ckah'weg'ee also keeps two or three na'rgee'lehs or shee'shehs, and go'zehs‡, which latter are used both for smoking the toomba'k (or Persian tobacco) and the hhashee'sh (or hemp): for hhashee'sh is sold at some coffee-shops. Musicians and story-tellers frequent some of the ckah'wehs; particularly on the evenings of religious festivals. * See an engraving accompanying chapter viii. in this volume. † A decoction of ginger, sweetened with sugar, is likewise often sold at the Ckah'wehs; particularly on the nights of festivals. ‡ These instruments have been described in a former chapter, in the first volume.

The leaves and capsules of hemp, called, in Egypt, hhashee'sh, were employed in some countries of the East in very ancient times to induce an exhilarating intoxication. Herodotus (lib. iv., cap. 75) informs us that the Scythians had a custom of burning the seeds of this plant, in religious ceremonies, and that they became

intoxicated with the fumes. Galen also mentions the intoxicating properties of hemp. The practice of chewing the leaves of this plant to induce intoxication prevailed, or existed, in India, in very early ages: thence it was introduced into Persia; and about six centuries ago (before the middle of the thirteenth century of our era) this pernicious and degrading custom was adopted in Egypt; but chiefly by persons of the lower orders; though several men eminent in literature and religion, and vast numbers of fackee'rs (or poor devotees), yielded to its fascinations, and contended that it was lawful to the Moos'lim. The habit is now very common among the lower orders in the metropolis and other towns of Egypt, There are various modes of preparing it; and various names, as sheera, bust, &c., are given to its different preparations. Most commonly, I am told, the young leaves are used alone, or mixed with tobacco, for smoking; and the capsules, without the seeds, pounded and mixed with several aromatic substances, for an intoxicating conserve. Acids counteract its operation. The preparation of hemp used for smoking generally produces boisterous mirth. Few inhalations of its smoke, but the last very copious, are usually taken from the go'zeh. After the emission of the last draught, from the mouth and nostrils, commonly a fit of coughing, and often a spitting of blood, ensues, in consequence of the lungs having been filled with the smoke. Hhashee'sh is to be obtained not only at some of the coffee-shops: there are shops of a smaller and more private description solely appropriated to the sale of this and other intoxicating preparations: they are called mahh'shesh'ehs. It is sometimes amusing to observe the ridiculous conduct, and to listen to the conversation
of the persons who frequent these shops. They are all of the lower orders. The term “hhash'sha'sh” which signifies “a smoker, or an eater, of hemp,” is an appellation of obloquy: noisy and riotous people are often called “hhash'sha'shee'n,” which is the plural of that appellation, and the origin of our word “assassin;” a name first applied to Arab warriors in Syria, in the time of the Crusades, who made use of intoxicating and soporific drugs in order to render their enemies insensible.

The use of opium and other drugs to induce intoxication is not so common in Egypt as in many other countries of the East: the number of the Egyptians addicted to this vice is certainly not nearly so great, in proportion to the whole population, as is the relative number of persons in our own country who indulge in habitual drunkenness. Opium is called, in Arabic, afiyoo'n; and the opium-eater afiyoo'nee. This latter appellation is a term of less obloquy than that of “hhash'sha'sh;” because there are many persons of the middle and higher classes to whom it is applicable. In its crude state, opium is generally taken, by those who have not long been addicted to its use, in the dose of three or four grains, for the purpose above mentioned; but the afiyoo'nee increases the dose by degrees. The Egyptians make several conserves composed of hellebore, hemp, and opium, and several aromatic drugs, which are more commonly taken than the simple opium. A conserve of this nature is called maagoo'n; and the person who makes or sells it, maagoon' gee. The most common kind is called bursh. There is one kind which, it is said, makes the person who takes it manifest his pleasure by singing; another which will make him chatter;

a third which excites to dance; a fourth which particularly affects the vision, in a pleasurable manner; a fifth which is simply of a sedative nature. These are sold at the mahh'shesh'eh.

The fermented and intoxicating liquor called boo'zeh, which is drunk by many of the boatmen of the Nile, and by other persons of the lower orders in Egypt, has been mentioned in a former chapter. I have seen, in tombs at Thebes, many large jars, containing' the dregs of beer of this kind, prepared from barley.

CHAPTER III. THE BATH.

BATHING is one of the greatest luxuries enjoyed by the people of Egypt. The inhabitants of the villages of this country, and those persons who cannot afford the trifling expense incurred in the public bath, often bathe in the Nile. Girls and young women are not unfrequently seen thus indulging themselves in the warm weather, and generally without any covering; but mostly in unfrequented places. The rich, I have before mentioned, have baths in their own houses; but men who have this convenience often go to the public bath; and so also do the ladies, who, on many occasions, are invited to accompany thither their female friends.

There are, in Cairo, between sixty and seventy Hhamma'ms, or baths, to which the public have access for a small expense. Some of these are for men only; others, only for women and young children; and some, for both sexes; for men during the forenoon, and in the afternoon for females. When the bath is appropriated to women, a napkin, or any piece of linen or drapery, is hung over the entrance, to warn the men from entering: all the male servants having gone out a short time before; and females having taken their places. The front of the. bath is generally ornamented in a manner similar to that in which most of the mosques are decorated, but usually more fanciful, in red and white, and

sometimes other colours, particularly over and about the entrance. The building consists of several apartments, all of which are paved with marble, chiefly white, with an inter-mixture, in some parts, of black marble, and small pieces of fine red tile, in the same manner as the doorcka”ah of a room in a private house, of which a sketch has been inserted in the introduction to this work. The inner apartments are covered with domes, which have a number of small, round, glazed apertures, for the admission of light. The materials chiefly employed in the construction of the walls and domes are bricks and plaster, which, after having been exposed to the steam that is produced in the bath when it is in use, are liable to crack and fall if the heat be intermitted even for a few days. A sa'ckiyeh (or water-wheel), turned by a cow or bull, is constructed upon a level with the higher parts of the building, to raise water from a well or tank, for the supply of the boiler, &c.

The bather, on entering, if he have a watch, and a purse containing more than a trifling sum of money, gives these in charge to the m'al'lim (or keeper of the bath), who locks them in a chest: his pipe, and sword (if he have one), he commits to a servant of the bath, who takes off his shoes, and supplies him with a pair of wooden clogs; the pavement being wet. The first apartment is called the mes'lukh*. It generally has two, * See the Plan, of which the following is an explanation.—A , General entrance and vestibule. B, B, Mes'lukh. C, C, C, C, C, Leewa'ns. D, Station of the M'al'lim. E, Fisckee'yeh. F, Coffee-stall. G, G, Latrinae. H, Beyt-ow'wal. I, I, Leewa'n. K, K, Mus'tub'ahs. L, L, Hhara'rah. M,M,M,M, Leewa'ns. N, Fisckee'yeh. O, O, Two chambers, each containing a mugh'tus (or tank). P, P, Hhanafee'yehs. Q, Place of the fire, over which is the boiler.

Plan of Bath.
three, or four leewa'ns, similar to mus'tub'ahs, or considerably wider, cased with marble, and a fountain (called fisckee'yeh) of cold water, which rises from an octagonal basement constructed of stone cased with marble, &c., similar to that in the inner apartment represented in a section accompanying this description, in the, centre. One of the leewa'ns, being designed for the accommodation of persons of the higher and middle orders, is furnished with mattresses and cushions: upon the other, or others, which are for the lower orders, there is usually no furniture excepting mats. In many baths there is also, in the mes'lukh, a small kind of stall, for coffee.

In warm weather, the bathers mostly prefer to undress in the mes'lukh: in winter, they undress in an inner, closed apartment, called beyt-ow'wal; between which and the first apartment is a short passage, with two or three latrinae; on one side. “Beyt-ow'wal” signifies “the first chamber;” and this name is given to the chamber here mentioned because it is the first of the warm apartments; but it is less warm than the principal apartment, of which it is the ante-chamber. In general, it has two mus'tub'ahs, one higher than the other, cased with marble, like the pavement. The higher accommodates but one person; and is for the higher classes; the other is sufficiently large for two. When the former is occupied, and another high seat is wanted, two or three mattresses are placed one upon another on the lower mus'tub'ah, or on the leewa'n (or raised part of the floor). A segga'deh (or small prayer-carpet) is spread on the mus'tub'ah for a person of the higher orders. The bather receives a napkin in which to put his clothes; and another to put round his waist: this reaches to the knees, or a little lower; and is termed mahh'zam: a

third, if he require it, is brought to him to wind round his head, in the manner of a turban, leaving the top of the head bare; a fourth to put over his chest, and a fifth to cover his back. It is generally a boy, or beardless young man, who attends the bather while he undresses, and while he puts on his mahh'zam, &c.: he is called a la'win'gee (as the word is vulgarly pronounced), which is a corruption of leewa'ngee, or “attendant of the leewa'n.”

When the bather has undressed, and attired himself in the manner above described, the la'win'gee opens to him the door of the inner and principal apartment, which is called hhara'rah. This, in general, has four

Section of the Hhara'rah.
low leewa'ns, like those of most rooms in private houses which give it the form of a cross; and, in the centre, a fisckee'yeh (or fountain) of hot water, rising from a small, shallow basin in the middle of a high, octagonal seat, cased with white and black marble, and pieces of red tile. The hhara'rah, together with several chambers connected with it, may generally be described as occupying almost an exact square. The beyt-ow'wal is at one of the angles. Two small chambers, which
adjoin each other, and occupy a second angle of the square, contain, the one, a mugh'tus, or tank, of warm water, to “which there is an ascent of a few steps; the other a hhan'afee'yeh, consisting of two taps, projecting from the wall; one of hot, and one of cold water; with a small trough beneath; before which is a seat: the name of hhan'afee'yeh is commonly given, not merely to the taps above mentioned, but to the chamber which contains them. A third angle of the square is occupied by two other small chambers similar to those just described: one containing a second mugh'tus, of water not quite so warm as the former: the other, a second hhan'afee'yeh. Each mugh'tus is filled by a stream of water pouring down from the dome of the chamber. The fourth angle of the square is generally occupied by a chamber which has no communication with the hhara'rah; and which contains the fire over which is the boiler. The central part of the hhara'rah, its leewa'ns, and the small chambers connected with it, are covered with domes, which have a number of small, glazed apertures.

The bather, having entered the hhara'rah, soon perspires profusely, from the humid heat which is produced by the hot water of the tanks and fountain, and by the boiler. The operator of the bath, who is called mookey'yisa'tee (for a reason I shall presently state), immediately comes to him. If the bather be covered with more than one napkin, the mookey'yisa'tee takes them off, and gives him a wet mahh'zam; or the former mahh'zam is retained, and wetted. The bather sits on the marble seat of the fisckee'yeh, or lies upon a napkin on one of the leewa'ns, or by the edge of one of the tanks, to submit to the first operation, which is that of

cracking his joints, and is called tuck'tuck'ah. The operator cracks almost every joint of his frame: he wrings the body, first one way, and then the other, to make several of the vertebra; crack: even the neck is made to crack twice, by wrenching the head round, each way, which produces a sensation rather alarming to an inexperienced person: and each ear is generally twisted round until it cracks: the limbs are wrested with apparent violence; but with such skill that an untoward accident in this operation is never heard of The main object of this process is to render the joints supple. The mookey'yisa'tee also kneads the bather's flesh. After this, or previously, he rubs the soles of his feet with a kind of rasp, called hhag'ar el-hhamma'm

Foot-rasps—One quarter of the real size.

of baked clay. There are two kinds of rasps used for this purpose: one is very porous and rough; and its rasping surface is scored with several lines: the other is of a fine, close clay; and the surface with which the rubbing is performed is rendered rough artificially. both are of a dark, blackish colour. Those which are

used by ladies are generally encased (the lower, or rasping, surface of course excepted) in thin, embossed silver. The rougher hhag'ar is of indispensable utility to persons who do not wear stockings; which is the case with most of the inhabitants of Egypt: the other is for the more delicate; and is often used for rubbing the limbs, to render the skin smooth. The next operation is the tekyee's, or that of rubbing the bather's flesh with a small, coarse, woollen bag, called kees el-hhamma'm. It is from this that the operator is called “mookey'yisa.'tee.” This done, the bather, if he please, dips himself in one of the tanks. He is next taken to a hhan'afee'yeh. A napkin having been hung before the entrance to this, the mookey'yisa'tee lathers the bather with leef (or fibres of the palm-tree) and soap and sweet water, which last is brought in a copper vessel, and warmed in one of the tanks; for the water of the hhan'afee'yeh is from a well, rather brackish, and consequently not fit for washing with soap. The leef is employed in the same manner as sponge is by us: it is not of the kind produced by the palm-trees of Egypt, which is of a brown colour: that used in the hhamma'm is white; and is brought from the Hheja'z. The mookey'yisa'tee washes off the soap with water from the hhan'afee'yeh; and, if required, shaves the bather's arm-pits: he then goes; leaving him to finish washing, &c. The latter then calls for a set of napkins ('ed'deh), four in number, and, having covered himself in the same manner as before described, returns to the beyt-ow'wal; but first, it is the custom of persons of the more independent classes to give half a piaster, or a piaster, to the mookey'yisa'tee. though it is not demanded.

In the beyt-ow'wal, a mattress is spread, for the

bather, on the mus'tub'ah, covered with napkins, and having one or two cushions at one end. On this he reclines, sipping a cup or two of coffee, and smoking, while a la'win'gee rubs the soles of his feet, and kneads his body and limbs; or two la'win'gees perform these operations, and he, gives to each of them five or ten Fud'dahs, or more. He generally remains half an hour, or an hour, or more, smoking his shib'ook or shee'sheh: then dresses, and goes out. The hha'ris, who is the foreman, and who has the charge of drying the napkins in the mes'lukh, and of guarding, brings him a looking-glass, and (unless the bather have neither beard nor mustaches) a comb. The bather asks him for his watch, &c.; puts from one to four piasters on the looking-glass; and goes. One piaster is a common sum to pay for all the operations above described.

Many persons go to the bath twice a week: others, once a week, or less frequently: but some are merely washed with soap and water, and then plunge into one. of the tanks; for which, of course, they pay less.

The women who can afford to do so visit the hhamma'm frequently; but not so often as the men. When the bath is not hired for the females of one family, or for one party of ladies, exclusively, women of all conditions are admitted. In general, all the females of a house, and the young boys, go together. They lake with them their own segga'dehs, and the napkins, basins, &c., which they require, and even the necessary quantity of sweet water for washing with soap, and for drinking; and some carry with them fruits, sweetmeats, and other refreshments. A lady of wealth is also often accompanied by her own bella'neh, or ma'sh'tah* , who * Thus commonly pronounced, for ma'shitah.

is the washer and tire-woman. Many women of the lower orders wear no covering whatever in the bath; not even a, napkin round the waist: others always wear the napkin, and the high clogs. There are few pleasures in which the women of Egypt delight so much as in the visit to the bath, where they frequently have entertainments; and often, on these occasions, they are not a little noisy in their mirth. They avail themselves of the opportunity to display their jewels and their finest clothes, and to enter into familiar conversation with those whom they meet there, whether friends or strangers. Sometimes, a mother chooses a bride for her son from among the girls or women whom she chances to see in the bath. On many occasions, as, for instance, in the case of the preparations for a marriage, the bath is hired for a select party, consisting of the women of two or more families; and none else are admitted: but it is more common for a lady and a few friends and attendants to hire a khil'weh: this is the name they give to the apartment of the hhan'afee'yeh. There is more confusion among a mixed company of various ranks; but where all are friends, the younger girls indulge in more mirth and frolic. They spend an hour or more under the hands of the bella'neh, who rubs and washes them, plaits their hair, applies the depilatory*, &c. They then retire to the beyt-ow'wal or mes'lukh, and there, having put on part of their dress, * The depilatory called dow'a noo'rah, which is often employed in the bath, being preferred to the resin more commonly used, is composed, as I am informed, of quick lime with a small proportion (about an eighth part) of orpiment. It is made into a paste, with water, before application; and loosens the hair in about two minutes, when it is washed off.—See Russel's Aleppo, vol. i, pp. 134, 378, 379: 2nd edition.
or a large, loose shirt, partake of various refreshments, which, if they have brought none with them, they may procure by sending an attendant of the bath to the market. Those who smoke take their own pipes with them. On particular occasions of festivity, they are entertained with the songs of two or more 'Awa'lim, hired to accompany them to the bath.

CHAPTER IV. GAMES.

MOST of the games of the Egyptians are of kinds which suit their sedate dispositions. They take great pleasure in chess (which they call sutren'g), draughts (da'meh), and trictrac or backgammon (ta'woolah). Their chess-men are of very simple forms; as the Moos'lim is forbidden, by his religion, to make an image of anything that has life. The Moos'lims of Egypt in general are, however, less scrupulous with regard to the prohibition of games of hazard: though some of them consider even chess and draughts as forbidden, games partly or wholly hazardous are very common among all ranks of this people; and scarcely less so is that of cards, which, being almost always played for money, or for some other stake, is particularly called, by way of distinction, le'ab el-ckooma'r *, “the game of hazard, or, of gain.” Persons of the lower orders in the towns of Egypt are often seen playing at these and other games at the coffee-shops; but frequently for no greater stake than that of a few cups of coffee. * For ckima'r.

One of the games most common among the Egyptians is that of the mun'ckal'ah. Two persons play at this, with a board (or two boards joined by hinges), in which are twelve hemispherical holes, called booyoo't or beyts, in two equal rows; and with seventy-two small

shells, or the kind called cowries; or as many pebbles: these, whether shells or pebbles, are termed the hhas'a (in the singular, hhas'weh). To explain the game of the mun'ckal'ah, I must distinguish the beyts of the board by letters, thus.

Mun'ckal'ah.

The beyts marked A, B, C, D, E, F, belong to one party; and the opposite six beyts to the other. One of the parties, when they are about to play the game in the most simple manner (for there are two modes of playing it), distributes all the hhas'a unequally into the beyts; generally putting at least four into each beyt. If they were distributed equally, there would be six in each beyt; but this is seldom done; for, in this case, he who plays first is sure to lose. The act of distributing the hhas'a, is called tebwee'z. When one party is dissatisfied with the other's distribution of the hhas'a, he may turn the board round; and then his adversary begins the game; which is not the case otherwise. Supposing the party to whom belong the beyts A, B, C, D, E, F commences the game, he takes the hhas'a from beyt F, and distributes them to the beyts a, b, c, &c., one to each beyt; and if there be enough to put in each of his adversary's six beyts, and more remain in his hand, he proceeds in the same manner to distribute them to his own beyts, in the order A, B, C, &c.; and then, if he have still one or more remaining, to his adversary's beyts, as before, and so on. If the ast beyt into which he has put a hhas'weh contain but

one (having been empty before he put that in; for it may have been left empty at the first), he ceases; and his adversary plays: but if it contain two or four, he takes its contents, with those of the beyt opposite; and if the last beyt contain two or four, and one or more preceding beyts also contain either of these numbers, no beyt with any other number intervening, he takes the contents of these preceding beyts also, with the contents of those opposite. If the last beyt into which he has put a hhas'weh contain (with this hhas'weh) three, or five, or more, he takes these out, and goes on distributing them in the same manner as before: for instance, if, in this case, the last beyt into which he has put a hhas'weh be D, he puts one from its contents into E, another into F, a third into a, and so on; and thus he continues, until making the last beyt to contain but one stops him, or making it to contain two or four brings him gain, and makes it his adversary's turn to play. He always plays from beyt F, or, if that be empty, from the nearest beyt to it in his own row containing one or more hhas'wehs. When one party has more than a single hhas'weh in one or more of his beyts, and the other has none, the former is obliged to put one of his into the first of his adversary's beyts. If only one hhas'weh remain on one side, and none on the other, that one is the property of the person on whose side it is. When the board is completely cleared, each party counts the number of the hhas'a he has taken; and the one who has most reckons the excess of his above his adversary's number as his gain. The gainer in one board begins to play the next board; his adversary having first distributed the hhas'a. When either party has made his successive gains amount
to sixty, he has won the game.—In this manner, the game of the mun'ckal'ah is played by young persons; and hence this mode of playing it is called “the game of the ignorant” (le'ab el-ghashee'm) ': others generally play in a different manner, which is termed “the game of the wise, or intelligent” (le'ab el-'a'ckil), and which must now be described.

The hhas'a are distributed in one or more beyts on one side, and in the corresponding beyt or beyts on the other side; commonly in four beyts on each side, leaving the two extreme beyts of each side vacant; or they are distributed in any other conventional manner; as, for instance, about half into beyt A, and the remainder in beyt a. The person who distributes the hhas'a does not count how many he places in a beyt; and it is at his option whether he places them only in one beyt on each side, or in all the beyts. Should the other person object to his distribution, he may turn the board round; but in that case forfeits his right of playing first. The person who plays first may begin from any one of his beyts; judging by his eye which will bring him the best fortune. He proceeds in the same manner as before described; putting one hhas'weh in each beyt; and taking in the same cases as in the former mode; and then the other plays. After the first gain, he counts the hhas'a in each of his beyts; and plays from that which will bring him the greatest advantage. One of the parties may stop the other to count the hhas'a which he takes out of a beyt to distribute, in order to insure his distributing them correctly. The gain of one party after finishing one board is counted, as in the former mode, by the excess of the number he has taken above the number acquired by the other;

and the first who makes his successive gains to amount to sixty wins the game.—This game is of use in practising the players in calculation. It is very commonly played at the coffee-shops; and the players generally agree, though it is unlawful to do so, that the loser shall pay for the coffee drunk by himself and his adversary and the spectators, or for a certain number of cups.

Another game very general among the lower classes in Egypt is called ta'b. In other countries of the East this is called “ta'b we-dookk;” but I never hear this name given to it in Egypt. In this country it is played in the following manner:—Four small pieces of stick, of a flat form, about a span (or eight inches) in length, and two thirds of an inch in breadth, are first prepared: they are generally formed of a piece of palm-branch; one side of which, being cut flat and smooth, is white; the other, green, or, if not fresh, of a dull yellow colour: the former side is commonly called white, and the other, black. These are called the ta'b. Next, it is necessary to be provided with a see'ga. This is a board, divided into four rows of squares, called beyls or da'rs, each about two inches wide; or it consists of similar rows of holes made in the ground, or on a flat stone: the beyts are usually seven, nine, eleven, thirteen, or fifteen, in each row. To show the mode of playing the game, I shall here represent a see'ga of nine beyts in each row; and distinguish the beyts by letters.

In each beyt of one exterior row is usually placed a little piece of stone, of dingy brick, about the size of a walnut; and in each beyt of the other exterior row, a piece of red brick or tile. Or, sometimes, pieces are placed only in a certain number of beyts in those rows; as, for instance, in the first four. The pieces of one row must be distinguished from those in the other. They are called kila'b (or dogs); in the singular, kelb. The game is generally played by two persons. The four little slicks are thrown, all together, against a stick thrust into the ground or held in the hand with one end resting on the ground, or against a wall, or against a stick inclined against a wall. If they fall so that one only has its white side upwards, the player is said to have thrown, or brought, ta'b (plural teeb), or a wel'ed (or child, plural wila'd), and counts one: if there be two white, and the other two black, he counts two (itney'n): if there be three white, and one black, he counts three (tela'teh): if all four be white, four (ar'ba”ah): if all four black, six (sit'teh). When one throws ta'b, or four, or six, he throws again; but when he has thrown two, or three, it is then the turn of the other. To one of the players belongs the row of beyts A, B, C, &c.: to the other, that of a, b, c, &c. They first throw alternately until one has thrown ta'b; and he who has done this then throws again until he has brought two, or three. Supposing him, at the beginning' of the game, to have thrown ta'b and four and two; he removes the kelb from beyt I, and places it in the seventh beyt from I, which is Q. He must always commence with the kelb in beyt I. The other party, in like manner, commences from beyt i. Neither party can remove a kelb from its original place but by throwing
ta'b before each such removal. The kelbs before removal from their original places are called Nasa'ra (or Christians, in the singular, Nusra'nee); and after removal, when they are privileged to commence the contest, Moos'limee'n (or Moos'lims): when a person has made a kelb a Moos'lim, it is said of him sel'lem kelb; and of the kelb, as'lam. Each time that a player throws ta'b, he generally makes a kelb Moos'lim, until he has made them all so, and thus prepared them to circulate in the beyts. Each player may have two or more kelbs in circulation at the same time. Let us suppose (to make the description more simple) that the person to whom belongs the row of beyts A, B, C, &c., is circulating a single kelb: he moves it through the two middle rows of beyts in the order of the letters by which I have distinguished them, from K to S, and from k to s; and may then either repeat the same round or enter his adversary's row, as long as there be any kelb remaining in that row; but in the latter case, he does not continue to circulate the same kelb, excepting under circumstances which will be mentioned hereafter. Whenever a throw, or any of two or more throws, which the player has made enables him to move his kelb into a beyt occupied by one of his opponent's kelbs, he takes the latter. For instance, if one party have a kelb in the beyt m, and the other have one in o, and another in s, and the former has thrown ta'b (or one) and then four and then two, he may take the kelb in o by the throw of two; then, by the throw of four, take that in s; and, by the throw of ta'b, pass into a, and take a third kelb if it contain one. A player may, by means of a suitable throw, or two or more throws, move one of his kelbs into a beyt occupied by another of his
own; and these two together, in like manner, he may add to a third, or he may add a third to them: thus he may unite any number of his own kelbs, and circulate them together, as if they were but one; but he cannot divide them again, and play with them separately, unless he throw ta'b. If he avail himself of a throw which he has made to bring them back into a row through which they have already passed (either separately or together) they become reduced to a single kelb: but he need not avail himself of such a throw: he may wait until he throws ta'b. Two or more kelbs thus united are called an 'eg'geh. The object of so uniting them is to place them as soon as possible in a situation of safety; as will be seen by what immediately follows. If either party pass one of his kelbs into his adversary's row, he may leave it there in safety as long as he does not want to continue to play with it, because the latter cannot bring back a kelb into his own row. The former, however, cannot continue to circulate, the kelb which has entered that row until he has no kelb remaining in his own row; or unless he have only an 'eg'geh in his row, and does not throw ta'b, which alone enables him to divide the 'eg'geh. In circulating through his adversary's beyts, he proceeds in the order of the letters by which I have marked them. He cannot pass the same kelb again into his adversary's row: after it has passed through that row, he circulates it through the two middle rows only, in the same manner as at first.—This game is often played by four or more persons; and without the see'ga. When one person throws four, he is called the Soolta'n. He holds a muck'ra”ah, which is a piece of the thick end of a palm-stick, with two or three splits made in the thicker part of it. When a player throws
six, he is called the Wezee'r, and holds the stick against which the ta'b are thrown. Whenever a person throws two, the Soolta'n gives him a blow, or two or more blows (as many as the Wezee'r may order), on the sole of his foot, or the soles of both feet, with the muck'ra”ah. When a player throws twice six, he is both Soolta'n and Wezee'r.

Many of the fella'hhee'n of Egypt also frequently amuse themselves with a game called that of the see'ga, which may be described in a few words. The see'ga employed in this game is different from that of the ta'b: it consists of a number of holes, generally made in the ground; most commonly, of five rows of five holes in each, or seven rows of seven in each, or nine rows of nine in each: the first kind is called the khumsa'wee see'ga; the second, the seb'a'wee; and the third, the tis'a'wee. A khumsa'wee see'ga is here represented.

See'ga.

The holes are called 'oyoo'n (or eyes, in the singular 'ey'n). In this see'ga, they are twenty-five in number. The players have each twelve kelbs, similar to those used in the game of the ta'b*. One of them places two of his kelbs in the 'eyns marked a, a: the other puts * The larger see'gas, in like manner, require a sufficient number of kelbs to occupy all the 'eyns excepting one.

two of his in those marked b, b: they then alternately place two kelbs in any of the 'eyns that they may choose, excepting the central 'eyn of the see'ga. All the 'eyns but the central one being thus occupied (most of the kelbs placed at random) the game is commenced. The party who begins moves one of his kelbs from a contiguous 'eyn into the central. The other party, if the 'eyn now made vacant be not next to any one of those occupied by his kelbs, desires his adversary to give him, or open to him, a way; and the latter must do so, by removing, and thus losing, one of his own kelbs. This is also done on subsequent occasions, when required by similar circumstances. The aim of each party, after the first disposal of the kelbs, is to place any one of his kelbs in such a situation that there shall be, between it and another of his, one of his adversary's kelbs. This, by so doing, he takes; and as long as he can immediately make another capture by such means, he does so, without allowing his adversary to move.—These are the only rules of the game. It will be remarked, that, though most of the kelbs are placed at random, foresight is requisite in the disposal of the remainder.— Several see'gas have been cut upon the stones on the summit of the great pyramid, by Arabs who have served as guides to travellers.

Gymnastic games, or such diversions as require much bodily exertion, are very uncommon among the Egyptians. Sometimes, two peasants contend with each other, for mere amusement, or for a trifling wager or reward, with nebboo'ts, which are thick staves, five or six feet long: the object of each is to strike his adversary on the head. The nebboo't is a formidable weapon, and is often seen in the hand of an Egyptian peasant:

he often carries it when on a journey; particularly when he travels by night; which, however, is seldom the case. Wrestling-matches are also sometimes witnessed in Egypt: the combatants (who are called moosdre'eefn, in the singular moose/re*) strip themselves of all their clothing excepting their drawers, and generally oil their bodies; but their exercises are not remarkable, and are seldom performed but for remuneration, on the occasions of festivals, processions, &c.—On such occasions, too, mock combats between two men, usually clad only in heir drawers, and each armed with a sabre and a small shield, are not unfrequently witnessed: neither attempts to wound his adversary: every blow is received on the shield.

The game of the geree'd, as played by the Memloo'ks and Turkish soldiers, has often been described; but the manner in which it is practised by many of the peasants of Upper Egypt is much more worthy of description. It is often played by the latter on the occasion of the marriage of a person of influence, such as the sheykh of a tribe or village; or on that of a circumcision; or when a votive calf or ox or bull, which has been let loose to pasture where it will, by common consent, is about to be sacrificed at the tomb of a saint, and a public feast made with its meat. The combatants usually consist of two parties of different villages, or of different tribes, or branches of a tribe; each party about twelve or twenty or more in number; and each person mounted on a horse or mare. The two parties station themselves about five hundred feet or more apart. A person from one party gallops towards the other party, and challenges them: one of the latter, taking, in his left hand, four, five, six, or more, geree'ds, each six feet,

or an inch or two more or less, in length, but generally equal in length to the height of a tall man, and very heavy (being the lower part of the palm-stick, freshly cut, and full of sap), pursues the challenger at full gallop: he approaches him as near as possible; often within arm's length; and throws, at his head or back, one geree'd after another, until he has none left. The geree'd is blunt at both ends. It is thrown with the small end foremost; and with uplifted arm; and sometimes inflicts terrible, and even fatal, wounds*. The person against whom the geree'ds are thrown endeavours to catch them, or to ward them off with his arm or with a sheathed sword; or he escapes them by the superior speed of his horse. Having sustained the attack, and arrived at the station of his party, he tries his skill against the person by whom he has been pursued, in the same manner as the latter did against him.— his sport, which reminds us of the tournaments of old, and which was a game of the early Bed'awees, continues for several hours. It is common only among those tribes who have not been many years, or not more than a few centuries, settled on the banks of the Nile; and who have consequently retained many Bed'awee customs and habits. About the close of the period of my former visit to this country, three men and a mare were killed at this game within an hour, in the western * During my last residence at Thebes, a fine athletic man, the best geree'd-player of the place, whom I had taken into my service as a nightly guard, received a very severe wound at this game; and I had some difficulty to effect a cure: he was delirious for many hours, in consequence of it, and had nearly lost his life. The geree'd struck him a little before his ear, and penetrated downwards into his neck.
plain of Thebes. It is seldom, however, that a man loses his life in this exercise: at least, of late, I have heard of no such occurrence taking place.—In Lower Egypt, a geree'd only half the length of those above described, or little more, is used in playing this game.

Other exercises, which are less frequently performed, and only at festivals, for the amusement of the spectators, will be described in subsequent pages.

CHAPTER V. Music.

THE Egyptians in general are excessively fond of music; and yet they regard the study of this fascinating art (like dancing) as unworthy to employ any portion of the time of a man of sense; and as exercising too powerful an effect upon the passions, and leading a man into gaiety and dissipation and vice. Hence it was condemned by the Prophet: but it is used, notwithstanding, even in religious ceremonies; especially by the durwee'shes. The Egyptians have very few books on music; and these are not understood by their modern musicians. The natural liking of the Egyptians for music is shown by their habit of regulating their motions, and relieving the dulness of their occupations, in various labours, by songs or chants. Thus do the boatmen, in rowing, &c.; the peasants in raising water; the porters in carrying heavy weights with poles; men, boys, and girls, in assisting builders, by bringing bricks, stones, and mortar, and removing rubbish: so also, the sawyers, reapers, and many other labourers. Though the music of the Egyptians is of a style very difficult for foreigners to acquire or imitate, the children very easily and early attain it. The practice of chanting the Ckoor-a'n, which is taught in all their schools, contributes to increase their natural fondness for music.

How science was cherished by the Arabs when all

the nations of Europe were involved in the grossest ignorance, and how much the former profited by the works of ancient Greek writers, is well known. It appears that they formed the system of music which has prevailed among them for many centuries partly from Greek, and partly from Persian and Indian treatises From the Greek language are derived the most general Arabic term for music, namely, moo'see'cka, and the names of some of the Arab musical instruments; but most of the technical terms used by the Arab musicians are borrowed from the Persian and Indian languages. There is a striking degree of similarity between many of the airs which I have heard in Egypt and some of the popular melodies of Spain; and it is not surprising that this is the case; for music was much cultivated among the Arabs of Spain; and the library of the Escurial contains many Arabic treatises on this art.

The most remarkable peculiarity in the Arab system of music is the division of tones into thirds. Hence I have heard Egyptian musicians urge against the Europeans systems of music that they are deficient in the number of sounds. These small and delicate gradations of sound give a peculiar softness to the performances of the Arab musicians, which are generally of a plaintive character: but they are difficult to discriminate with exactness, and are therefore seldom observed in the vocal and instrumental music of those persons who have not made, a regular study of the art. Most of the popular airs of the Egyptians, though of a similar character, in most respects, to the music of their professional performers, are very simple; consisting of only a few notes which serve for every one or two lines of a song, and which are therefore repeated many

times. I must confess that I generally take great delight in the more refined kind of music which I occasionally hear in Egypt; and the more I become habituated to the style, the more I am pleased with it; though, at the same time, I must state that I have not met with many Europeans who enjoy it in the same degree as myself. The natives of Egypt are generally enraptured with the performances of their vocal and instrumental musicians: they applaud with frequent exclamations of “Al'la'h*!” and “God approve thee!” “God preserve thy voice!” and similar expressions. * Often, in such cases, pronounced in an unusually broad manner, and the last syllable drawled out, thus ” Ul'lau'h! “

The male professional musicians are called A'la'tee'yeh; in the singular, A'la'tee, which properly signifies “a player upon an instrument;” but they are generally both instrumental and vocal performers. They are people of very dissolute habits; and are regarded as scarcely less disreputable characters than the public dancers. They are, however, hired at most grand entertainments, to amuse the company; and on these occasions they are usually supplied with brandy, or other spirituous liquors, which they sometimes drink until they can neither sing nor strike a chord. The sum commonly paid to each of them for one night's performance is equal to about two or three shillings; but they often receive considerably more. The guests generally contribute the sum.

There are also female professional singers. These are called 'Awa'lim; in the singular, 'A'l'meh, or 'A'limeh; an appellation literally signifying “a learned female.” The 'Awa'lim are often hired on the occasion of a fête in the hharee'm of a person of wealth. There

is generally a small, elevated apartment, called a toockey'seh, adjoining the principal saloon of the hharee'm, from which it is separated only by a screen of wooden lattice-work; or there is some other convenient place in which the female singers may be concealed from the sight of the master of the house, should he be present with his women. But when there is a party of male guests, they generally sit in the court, or in a lower apartment, to hear the songs of the 'Awa'lim, who, in this case, usually sit at a window of the hharee'm, concealed by the lattice-work. Some of them are also instrumental performers. I have heard the most celebrated 'Awa'lim in Cairo, and have been more charmed with their songs than with the best performances of the A'la'tee'yeh, and more so, I think I may truly add, than with any other music that I have ever enjoyed. They are often very highly paid. I have known instances of sums equal to more than fifty guineas being collected for a single 'A'l'meh from the guests at an entertainment in the house of a merchant, where none of the contributors were persons of much wealth. So powerful is the effect of the singing of a very accomplished 'A'l'meh, that her audience, in the height of their excitement, often lavish, upon her, sums which they can ill afford to lose. There are, among the 'Awa'lim in Cairo, a few who are not altogether unworthy of the appellation of “learned females;” having some literary accomplishments. There are also many of an inferior class who sometimes dance in the hharee'm: hence, travellers have often misapplied the name of “alme,” meaning “a'l'meh,” to the common dancing-girls, of whom an account will be given in another chapter of this work.

The Egyptians have a great variety of musical instruments. Those which are generally used at private concerts are the kemen'geh, cka'noo'n, 'oo'd, and na'y.

The Kemen'geh is a kind of viol. Its name, which is Persian, and more properly written kema'ngeh, signifies “a bow-instrument.” This instrument, and all the others of which I insert engravings, I have drawn with the camera-lucida. The total length of the kemen'geh which is here represented, is thirty-eight inches. The sounding-body* is a cocoa-nut, of which about a fourth part has been cut off. It is pierced with many small holes. Over the front of it is strained a piece of the skin of a fish called baya'd; and upon this rests the bridge †. The neck ‡ is of ebony inlaid with ivory; and of a cylindrical form. At the, bottom of it is a piece of ivory; and the head §, in which the pegs are inserted, is also of ivory. The pegs ‖ are of beech; and their heads, of ivory. The foot is of iron: it passes through the sounding-body, and is inserted into the neck, to the depth of four or five inches. Each of the two chords consists of about sixty horse-hairs: at the lower end, they are attached to an iron ring, just below the sounding-body: towards the other extremity, each is lengthened with a piece of lamb's gut**, by which it is attached to its peg. Over the chords, a little below their junction with the gut-strings, a double band of leather †† is tied, passing round the neck of the instrument. The bow ‡‡ is thirty-four inches and a half in length. Its form is shown by the engraving. The * Called Mock'ckah. † Ghazu'l. ‡ Called sa”ëd, or “arm.” § Khuz'neh. ‖ Mela'wee; singular, mel'wa. Seekh. ** Wet'er. †† Riba't. ‡‡ Cko's.

Kemen'geh.
stick is generally of ash. The horse-hairs, passed through a hole at the head of the bow-stick and secured by a knot, and attached at the other end to an iron ring, are tightened or slackened by a band of leather which passes through the ring just mentioned and through another ring at the foot of the bow.—I insert a sketch of a performer on the kemen'geh, to show the manner in which he holds the instrument and the bow. In passing the bow from one chord to the other, he turns the kemen'geh about sixty degrees round. The sketch here introduced, and those of the performers on the cka'noo'n, 'oo'd, and na'y, are from drawings which I have made with the camera-lucida, and, excepting the last, from very expert musicians. Together, they represent
A Performer on the Kemen'geh.
* No. 1 is the key: 2, the ring, or thimble: 3, the plectrum.
on ordinary Egyptian band, such as is generally seen at a private entertainment. The performer on the kemen'geh usually sits on the right hand of him who performs on the cka'noo'n, or opposite (that is, facing) the latter, on the left hand of whom sits the performer on the 'oo'd; and next to this last is the performer on the na'y. Sometimes there are other musicians, whose instruments will be mentioned hereafter; and often, two singers.

The cka'noo'n is a kind of dulcimer. Its name is from the Greek or from the same origin; and has the same signification”; that is, “rule,” “law,” “ Custom.” The instrument from which the engraving here given was taken is, perhaps, an inch or two longer than some others which I have seen. Its greatest length is thirty-nine inches and three quarters; and its breadth, sixteen inches: its depth is two inches and one tenth. The cka'noo'n is sometimes made entirely of walnut-wood*, with the exception of some ornamental parts. In the instrument which I have drawn, the face † and the back ‡ are of a fine kind of deal: the sides § are of beech. The piece in which the pegs are inserted ‖ is of beech; and so also is the ridge along its interior edge, through which the chords are passed. The pegs** are of poplar wood. The bridge †† is of fine deal. In the central part of the face of the instrument is a circular piece of wood ‡‡ of a reddish colour, pierced with holes; and towards the acute * Go'z. † Wish'sh, for wegh. ‡ Dahr. § Called soo'r, or “wall.” ‖ Mis'tar'ah. Called inf, or “nose.” ** Mela'wee. †† Termed far'as, or “mare.'” ‡‡ Called shem'seh, or “a sun.”

angle of the face is another piece of similar wood, likewise pierced with holes. In that part of the face upon which the bridge rests are five oblong apertures, corresponding with the five feet of the bridge. A piece of fishes' skin”*, nine inches wide, is glued over this part; and the five feet of the bridge rest upon those parts of the skin which cover the five apertures above mentioned; slightly depressing the skin. The chords are of lamb's gut†. There are three chords to each note; and, altogether, twenty-four treble chords. The shortest side of the instrument ‡ is veneered with walnut-wood, inlaid with mother-of-pearl. The instrument * Called ruek'meh. † They are called owta'r; in the singular, wet'er. ‡ Termed the ckib'leh.
A Performer on the Cka'noo'n.
is played with two plectra*; one plectrum upon the fore-finger of each hand. Each plectrum is a small, thin piece of buffaloe's horn; and is placed between the finger and a ring, or thimble †, formed of a flat piece of brass or silver, in the manner represented in the sketch.—The instrument is placed on the knees of the performer; as shown by the engraving here inserted. Under the hands of a skilful player, the cka'noo'n pleases me mote than any other Egyptian instrument without an accompaniment; and to a band it is an important accession. * Each plectrum is called ree'sheh. † Kishtiwa'n.

The 'odd is a species of guitar, which is played with a plectrum. Its name (the original signification of which is “wood “), with the article el. prefixed to it, is the source whence are derived the terms liuto in Italian, luth in French, lute in English, &c. The length of the 'oo'd represented by the engraving here inserted, measuring from the button, or angle of the neck, is twenty-five inches and a half. The body of it is composed of fine dual, with edges, &c., of ebony: the neck, of ebony, faced with box and an ebony edge. On the face of the body of the instrument, in which are one large and two small shem'sehs ‡ of ebony, is glued a piece of fishes' skin §, under that part of the chords to which the plectrum is applied, to prevent the wood from being worn away by the plectrum. The instrument has seven double strings ‖; two to each note. They are of lamb's gut. The order of these double chords is singular: the double chord of the lowest note is that which corresponds to the chord of the highest note in ‡ See a note to the description of the cka'noo'n. § Ruck'meh. ‖ Owta'r.

Oo'd.
our guitars, &c.: next in the scale above this is the fifth (that is, counting the former as the first): then the seventh, second, fourth, sixth, and third. The plectrum* is a slip of a vulture's feather. The manner in which it and the 'oo'd itself are held by the performer is shown by the accompanying sketch. * Ree'sheh.

A Performer on the 'Oo'd.

The na'y, which is the fourth and last of the instruments which I have mentioned as most commonly used at private concerts, is a kind of flute. There are several kinds of na'y, differing from each other in dimensions, tut in little else. The most common is that here represented. It has been called the durwee'she's flute; because often used at the zikrs of durwee'shes, to

Na'y.
accompany the songs of the moon'shids. It is a simple reed, about eighteen inches in length, seven-eighths of an inch in diameter at the upper extremity, and three quarters of an inch at the lower. It is pierced with six holes in front, and generally with another hole at the back. The sketch which I insert of a performer on the na'y shows the most usual manner in which this instrument is held: but sometimes the left hand is uppermost, and the instrument slanted towards the right arm of the performer, instead of the left. The sounds are produced by blowing, through a very small aperture of the lips, against the edge of the orifice of the tube, and directing the wind chiefly within the tube. By blowing with more or less force, sounds are produced an octave higher or lower. In the hands of a good performer, the na'y yields fine, mellow tones; but it requires much
practice to sound it well. A na'y is sometimes made of a portion of a gun-barrel.

Another instrument often used at private concerts is a small tambourine, called rick'ck, similar to one of which an engraving will be found in this chapter, page 77, but rather smaller.

A kind of mandoline, called tamboo'r, is also used at concerts in Egypt; but mostly by Greeks and other foreigners. These musicians likewise use a dulcimer, called suntee'r, which resembles the cka'noo'n, excepting that it has two sides oblique, instead of one (the two opposite sides equally inclining” together), has double chords of wire, instead of treble chords of lamb's gut, and is beaten with two sticks instead of the little plectra.

A curious kind of viol, called raba'b, is much used

A Performer on the Na'y.
Raba'b esh Shaӑr.
by poor singers, as an accompaniment to the voice. There are two kinds of viol which bear this name; the raba'b el-mooghun'nee (or singers' viol) and the raba'b esh-sha'ër (or poet's viol); which differ from each other only in this, that the former has two chords, and the latter but one. The latter is that of which I give an engraving. It is thirty-two inches in length. The body of it is a frame of wood, of which the front is covered with parchment, and the back uncovered. The foot is of iron: the chord, of horse-hairs, like those of the kemen'geh. The bow, which is twenty-eight inches long, is similar to that of the kemen'geh. This instrument is always used by the public reciters of the romance of Ab'oo Zeyd, in chanting the poetry. The reciter of this romance is called Sha”ër (or poet); and hence the instrument is called “the poet's viol,” and “the Ab'oo-Zey'dee viol.” The Sha'ër himself uses this instrument; and another performer on the raba'b generally accompanies him.

The instruments used in wedding-processions, and the processions of durwee'shes, &c., are chiefly a hautboy, called zemr, and several kinds of drums, of which the most common kinds are the tub'l bel'edee (or country drum, that is, Egyptian drum), and the tub't Sha'mee (or Syrian drum). The former is of a similar kind to our common military drum; but not so deep. It is hung obliquely. The latter is a kind of kettle-drum, of tinned copper, with a parchment face. It is generally about sixteen inches in diameter, and not more than four in depth in the centre; and is beaten with two slender sticks. The performer suspends it to his neck, by a string attached to two rings fixed to the edge of the instrument. I have represented these drums in the sketch of a bridal procession,

and in the engraving opposite page 61 in the former volume of this work.

A pair of large kettle-drums, called nuck' a'ckee' r (in the singular, nack'cka'rah), are generally seen in most of the great religious processions connected with the pilgrimage, &c., in Cairo. They are both of copper, and similar in form; each about two thirds of a sphere; but are of unequal dimensions: the flat surface, or face, of the larger is about two feet, or more, in diameter; and that of the latter, nearly a foot and a half. They are placed upon a camel, attached to the fore part of the saddle, upon which the person who beats them rides. The larger is placed on the right.

Durwee'shes, in religious processions, &c., and in begging, often make use of a little tubl, or kettle-drum, called ba'z; six or seven inches in diameter; which is held in the left hand, by a little projection in the centre of the back; and beaten by the right hand, with a short leather strap, or a stick. They also use cymbals, which are called ka's, on similar occasions. The ba'z is used by the Moosahh'hhir, to attract attention to his cry in the nights of Rum'ada'n. Castanets of brass, called sa'ga't, are used by the public female and male dancers. Each dancer has two pairs of these instruments. They are attached, each by a loop of string, to the thumb and second finger; and have a more pleasing sound than castanets of wood or ivory.

There are two instruments which are generally found in the hharee'm of a person of moderate wealth, and which the women often use for their diversion. One of these is a tambourine, called ta'r, of which I insert an engraving. It is eleven inches in diameter. The hoop is overlaid with mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell, and white

Sa'ga't (1). Ta'r (2), and Dar'abook'keh (3).
bone, or ivory, both without and within; and has ten double circular plates of brass attached to it; each two pairs having a wire passing through their centres. The ta'r is held by the left or right hand, and beaten with the fingers of that hand, and by the other hand. The fingers of the hand which holds the instrument, striking only near the hoop, produce higher sounds than the other hand, which strikes in the centre.—A tambourine of a larger and more simple kind than that here described, without the metal plates, is often used by the lower orders.—The other instrument alluded to in the commencement of this paragraph is a kind of drum, called dar'abook'keh. The best kind is made of wood, covered with mother-of- earl and tortoise-shell, &c. One of this description is here represented with the ta'r. It is fifteen inches in length; covered with a piece of fishes' skin at the larger extremity, and open at the smaller. It is placed under
the left arm; generally suspended by a string that passes over the left shoulder; and is beaten with both hands. Like the ta'r, it yields different sounds when beaten near the edge and in the middle. A more common kind of dar' a book'keh is made of earth, and differs a little in form from that just described. An engraving of it is here given.

The boatmen of the Nile very often use an earthen dar'abook'keh; but of a larger size than that used in hharee'ms: generally from a foot and a half to two feet in length. This is also used by some low storytellers, and others. The boatmen employ, as an accompaniment to their earthen drum, a double reed pipe, called zoomma'rah*. There is also another kind of double reed pipe, called arghoo'l; of which one of the reeds is much longer than the other, and serves as a drone, or continuous base †. This, likewise, is used by boatmen; and sometimes it is employed, instead of the na'y, at zikrs. Both of these reed pipes produce harsh sounds; and those of the latter much resemble the sounds of the bag-pipe. A rude kind of bag-pipe (zoomma'rah bi-so'an) is sometimes, but rarely, seen in Egypt: its bag is a small goat's-skin. * The mouth-piece, A B, of the zoomma'rah is moveable. † The arghoo'l has three moveable pieces to lengthen the longer tube, A B, B C, and C D; and is sometimes used with only one or two of these; and sometimes with none of them.

I shall now close this chapter with a few specimens of Egyptian music; chiefly, popular songs. These I note in accordance with the manner in which they are commonly sung; without any of the embellishments which are added to them by the A'la'tee'yeh.—Distinct enunciation, and a quavering voice, are characteristics of the Egyptian mode of singing.

Earthen Dar'abook'keh (1 and 2). Zoumma'rah (3 and 4), Mouth-piece of the latter (5), and Arghoo'l (6),—The Zoomma'rah is 14 inches long: the Arghou 7,3 feet 2 1/2 inches.

SONGS. No. 1.

Doos * ya' lel'lee. Doo's ya' lel'lee (three times). * Here, in accordance with a rule observed in most modem Arab songs, the masculine gender is applied to the beloved object, who is, nevertheless, a female, as will be seen in several subsequent verses. In translation, I therefore substitute the feminine gender in every case where our language distinguishes gender.—I write the Arabic words as they are generally pronounced in Cairo, excepting in the case of one letter, which I represent by ck, to express the sound which persons of education give to it instead of the more usual hiatus. 'Esh'ckë † mahhboo'bee feten'nee. † The Arabs find it impossible to utter three consonants together without a pause between the second and third: hence the introduction of the short vowel which terminates this word: it is a single letter that is represented by sh: so also, by ck. Tread ‡! O my joy §! Tread! O my joy! (three times). ‡ Or pace, or strut. § Yar lel' lee, which is thus translated, is a common ejaculation indicative of joy, synonymous with ya' far'hhatee. It is difficult to render this and other cant terms. Ardent desire of my beloved hath involved me in trouble.

(The preceding lines are repeated after each of the following stanzas; sometimes as a chorus).

Ma” * kool'loo men na'met ' oyoo'nooh * This line and the first of the next stanza require an additional note, which is the same as the last note of these lines, to be added at the commencement. Yahh'sib el-a'shick yena' m †. † This and some other lines require that the note which should Le the last if they were of more correct measure be transferred to the commencement of the next line. Walla'h an a moogh'ram saba'beh Lem 'ala-l-' a' shick mela'm. Let not every one whose eyes sleep Imagine that the lover sleepeth. By Al'lah: I am inflamed with intense love. The lover is not obnoxious to blame. Ya' Sheykh el-'Ar'ab: Ya' Sey'yid: Tegma'anee 'a-l-khit'li‡ ley'leh. ‡ For 'al'a-l-khil'h. We-n § ga'nee hhabee'bë ckul'bee § For wa-in. La'-amel loo-l-‖ Kashmee'r doolley'leh. ‖ Fur la-a'amel looh el. O Sheykh of the Arabs! O Sey' yid ! The famous saint Essey'yid Ahh'mad El-Bed'awee, who is buried at Tun'ta, in the Delta. Unite me to the true love one night! And if the beloved of my heart come to me I will make the Kashmee'r shawl her canopy. Ka'inil el-ousa'f feten'nee Wa-l-oyoo'n es-soo'd ramoo'nee. Min hawa'hoon sirt aghun'nee ** ** Fur ooghun'nee. Wa-l hawa zow'wad goonoo'nce. The perfect in form hath involved me in trouble, And the black eyes have o'erthrown me. From love of them I began to sing, And the air †† increased my madness. †† That is, the air of the song.

Gem'a'oom * gem” al-'awa'zil * For gem'a'oo. 'An hhabee'bee yemna'oo'nee. Walla'h ana ma' afoo't hawa'hoom Bi-s-sooyoo'f low ckutta'oo'nee, The crew of reproachers leagued together To debar me from my beloved. By Al'lah! I will not relinquish the love of them †, † Namely, the black eyes. Though they should cut me in pieces with swords, Ckoom' bi-nc yar khil'tt nes'kar Tahh'ta dill el-yu'simee'neh: Neck'loof el-kho'kh min 'al'a oom'mooh Wa-l-Jawa? zit gha'filee'në. Up with us! O true love! Let 119 intoxicate ourselves ‡ ‡ The intoxication here meant is that of love; as is generally the case when this expression is used in Arab songs. Under the shade of the jasmine: We will pluck the peach from its mother [tree] While the reproachers are unconscious. Ya' bena't goo'wa-l-medee'neh An'dakoom ash'ya temee'neh; Tel'bisoo-sh-sha'tehh bi-loo'lee Wa'l-chila'deh 'a-n-neh'di § zee'neh. § For 'al1 a-n-neh'di. O ye damsels in the city ‖! ‖ Cairo. Ye have things of value: Ye wear the sha'tehh with pearls, An ornament described in the Appendix, resembling a necklace of pearls, &c., attached on each side of the head-dress. And the ckila'deh**, an ornament over the bosom. ** A kind of long necklace, reaching to the girdle.

Ya' bena't Iskenderee”yeh Mesh'yookoom 'a-l-fur'shi* ghee'yeh; * For 'al'a-l-fur'shi, Tel'bisoo-l-Kashmee'r bi-tel'lee We-sh shefa'ïf sookkaree'yeh. O ye damsels of Alexandria! Your walk over the furniture† is alluring: † The furniture consists of carpets, &c., spread upon the floor. Ye wear the Kashmee'r shawl, with lama, And your lips are sweet as sugar. Ya' mila'hh kha'foo min Al'lah War'hhamoo-l-'a' shick li-l'lahs. Hhob'bookoom mektoo'b min Al'lah: Ckud'daroo ‡ l-Mow'la alei'ya. † For ckud'darooh. O ye beauties! fear God, And have mercy on the lover for the sake of God. The love of you is ordained by God: The Lord hath decreed it against me.

NO. 2

Ya-boo-l-gel'fee. Ya-boo-l-gel'fee. Ra'hh el-mahhboo'b: ma' 'a'd wil'fee*. * Vulgo, for il'fee. O thou in the long-sleeved yel'ek! O thou in the long-sleeved yel'ek! The beloved is gone: my companion has not returned. Ra'hh el-mirsa'l we-lem ga'shee †: † Lem ga'shee is for lem yeg'ee. Wa-'eyn el-hhob'b bi-tera'shee †. ‡ For toora'shee. Ya-boo-l-ga'lif. ya-boo-l-gel'fee. Ya' reyt'në mansiiebekna' shee. Ya-boo-l-gel' fee, &c. The messenger went; and has not returned: And the eye of love is glancing. O thou with the side-lock §! O thou in the long-sleeved yel'ek! § The lock of hair which hangs over the temple, commonly called mucksoo's. Would that we had not been insnared! O thou in the long-sleeved yel'ek! &c. We-ley ya' eyn shebehtee'në We-bi-l-alhha'z garahhtee'në. Ya-boo-l-g'hf. Ya-boo-l-gel'fee. Bi-lla'hi rick'ck we-shfee'në. Ya-boo-l-gel'fee, &c. And why, O eye! hast thou insnared us? And with glances wounded us? O thou with the side-lock I O thou in the long-sleeved yel ek! By Al'lah! have compassion, and heal us. O thou in the long-sleeved yel'ek! &c.

Asckum'tenee ya' hhabee'lee: We-mn' ckus'dee il'la iib'bak. 'Asa!k ya.' bed'rë terhham'nee: Fa-in'na ckal'bee yehhel'bak. Ya-boo-l-wiir'dee. Ya-boo-l-wur'dee. Hhabee'bë chal'bee khalee'k 'an'dee. Thou hast made me ill, O ray beloved! And my desire is for nothing but thy medicine. Perhaps, O full moon! thou wilt have mercy upon me: For verily my heart loveth thee. O thou in the rose-coloured dress! O thou in the rose-coloured dress! Beloved of my heart! remain with me. De-l-hhob'bë ga'nee yet'ma'yel* : * For yetama'yul. We-sook're kha'lee goofoo'nooh. Meddey't ee'dee † a'khood el-ka's; † For yed'ie. Sekir't ana min 'oyoo'nooh. Ya-boo-l-wur'dee, &c. The beloved came to me with a vacillating gait; And her eye-lids were the, cause of my intoxication. I extended my hand to take the cup; And was intoxicated by her eyes. O thou in the rose-coloured dress! &c.

No. 3.

Ma' murr we-sacka'nee hhabee'bee sook'kar. Noosf el-läya'lee 'a-l-mooda”meh * nes'kar. * For 'al'a-l-mooda'meh. Ned'ren 'alei'ya we-n† ala mahhbou'bee † For wa-in. La'-amel ‡ 'ama'yil § ma'amelha'sh An'tar. ‡ For la a'amel. § For 'ama'ïl. My love passed not, but gave me sherbet of sugar to drink. For half the nights we will intoxicate ourselves with wine. I row that, if my beloved come, I will do deeds that 'An'tar did not. Ya' bin'të mel'esik da'b we-bent ‖ eedey'kee ‖ Bent is a vulgar contraction of ba'net. Dual of ee'd, vulg. for yed; meaning arm as well as hand. Wa-kha'f** 'aley'kee min sawa'd 'eyney'kee. ** For wa-akha'f. Ckus'dee ana as'kar wa-boo's†† khuddey'kee †† For wa-aboo's. Wa'-amel ‡‡ 'ama'yit ma' 'amelha'sh 'An'tar. ‡‡ For wa-a'amel. O damsel! thy silk shirt is worn out, and thine arms have become visible, And I fear for thee, on account of the blackness of thine eyes. I desire to intoxicate myself, and kiss thy cheeks, And do deeds that 'An'tar did not. Fa'iteh 'alei'ya ma'liya-l-argec'lt'h: Wt-mei'yet §§ el-ma'-wur'dë fi-l-argee'leh. §§ A vulgar diminutive of ma', “water.” Ata-bi-i-boonei'yeh ”a'mila'ha hhee'leh. Meta teckool'-lee ta'a'l ya' ged'a nes'kar. She is passing by me, and filling the argee'leh ‖‖; ‖‖ More commonly called na'rgee'leh: the Persian pipe. And there is rose-water in the argee'leh. It seems to me the little lass is framing to herself some artifice. When will she say to me, “O youth! come, and let us intoxicate ourselves”?

Too'l el-läya 'lee lem yen'ckut a'* noo'hhee† * For yen'ckut'ë'. † For no'hhee. 'Ala ghaza'l moof'rid wa-kh'ad ‡ rao'hhee. ‡ For wa-akh'ad. Ned'ren 'alei'ya we-n ata mahhboo'bee La'-amel 'ama'yil ma' 'amelha'sh 'An'tar. Every night long my moaning ceaseth not For a solitary gazelle that hath taken away my soul. I vow that, if my beloved come, I will do deeds that 'An'tar did not. Ya” dem'a 'ey'nee 'a-l-khoodey'd § men hhal'lak; § For 'al'a-l-khoodey'd. Ckal-lee bi-zee'dak ‖ sho'ck 'ala bo' a'di khil'lak. ‖ For bi-yezce'dak. For be'a'di. Ir'hham mootei'yam ya' gemee'l mushghool' bak. Ta'ama 'ayoo'n el'lee** ma' yehheb'bak ya-s'mar††. ** For el'lez'ee. †† For ya' as'mar. O tear of my eye! who drew thee forth over the check? It saith, “Thy desire increaseth on account of thy true-love's absence.” Have mercy upon one enslaved, O beautiful! and intent upon thee: Blinded be the eyes of him who loves thee not, O dark- complexioned! As'mar wa-hka'wi-l-wurdetey'm-l-bee'di. Hhob'bee takhal'luck fee lüya'li-l-'ee'di. Ned'ren’ alei'ya we-n at a' nee see'dee La'-amel 'ama'yil ma' 'ametha'sh 'An'tar. Dark-complexioned, and with two white roses ‡‡! ‡‡ The dark-complexioned girl has two white roses on her cheeks, instead of red. My love hath perfumed herself on the nights of the festival. I vow that, if my mistress come to me, I will do deeds that 'An'tar did not.

No. 4.

'A'shick ra-a moob'tel'ee; ckal'-looh en'ta ra'yehh* feyn. * For ra'-shh. Wuck'uf ckar'a ckis'satooh: bek'yoom † sawa-l-itney'n. † For bek'ow. Ra'hhum le-cka'di-l-hawa-l-itney'n saw a yesh'koom. Bek'yoo-t-tela'teh wa-cka'loo hhob'bena ra'hh feyn. El-leyl. El-leyl. Ya' hhel'w el-aya'dee. Hha'wi-l-kho'kh en-na'dee. En'toom min eyn wa-hh'na min eyn lem'ma shebektoo'në, A lover saw another afflicted [in like manner]: he said to him, “Whither art thou going?” He stopped, and told his story: they both wept together. They went to the cka'dfe of love, both together to complain. The three wept, and said, “Whither is our love gone?” The night! The night! O thou with sweet hands! Gatherer ‡ of the dewy peach! ‡ Or, thou who hast. Whence were ye, and whence were we, when ye insnared us?

'A'shick yeckool' li-l-hhama'm ha't lee gena'hhak yo'm. Cka'l el-hhama'm am'rak ba'til: coot'too gheyr el-yo'm: Hhat'ta afee'r fi-l-go' wa-n'zoor wegh el-ntahhboo'b: A'khood u'ida'd 'a'm wa-r'ga ya' hhama'm fee yo'm. El-leyl. El-leyl, &c. A lover says to the dove,” Lend me your wings for a day.” The dove replied, “Thy affair is vain:” I said, “Some other day: That I may soar through the sky, and see the face of the beloved: I shall obtain love enough for a year, and will return, O dove, in a day.” The night! The night! &c. THE CALL TO PRAYER.

The call to prayer, repeated from the ma'd'nehs (or men'a'ret's) of the mosques, I have already mentioned*. I have often heard this call, in Cairo, chanted in the following manner; and in a style more or less similar, it is chanted “by most of the moo-ed'dins of this city. * In the chapter on religion and laws, in the former volume.

THE CHANTING OF THE CKOOR-A'N

The following is inserted with the view of conveying some notion of the mode in which the Ckoor-a'n is commonly chanted in Egypt. The portion here selected is that which is most frequently repeated; namely the Fa't'hhah, or first chapter.

CHAPTER VI. PUBLIC DANCERS.

EGYPT has long been celebrated for its public dancing girls; the most famous of whom are of a distinct tribe, called Ghawa'zee*. A female of this tribe is * Since this was written, public female dancing and prostitution have at length been prohibited by the government, in the beginning of June, in the present year (1834). Women detected infringing this new law are to be punished with fifty stripes for the first offence; and, for repeated offences, are to he also condemned to hard labour for one or more years: men are obnoxious to the discipline of the bastinado when parties in such offences. But there is a simple plan for evading punishment in cases of this kind, which, it is said, will be adopted by many persons. A man may marry a venal female, legally, and divorce her the next day. He has only to say two or three words, and pay a small sum of money, which he calls her dowry. He says, “Will you marry me?” She answers, “Yes.” “For how much?” he asks. She names the sum; and he gives it: she is then his lawful wife. The next day, he tells her that she is divorced from him. He need he under little apprehension of her demanding the expenses of her maintenance during the period of her 'ed'deh, before the expiration of which she cannot legally many another man; for the marriage which has just been contracted and dissolved is only designed as a means of avoiding punishment in case of her being detected with the man; and otherwise is kept secret; and the sum which she can demand for her maintenance during the above-mentioned period, is very paltry in comparison with that which, she may obtain by taking a new husband every two or three days.

Dancing-Girls (Ghawa'zee, or Gha'zee'yehs).
called Gha'zee'yeh; and a man, Gha'zee; but the plural Ghawa'zee is generally understood as applying to the females. The error into which most travellers in Egypt have fallen, of confounding the common dancing-girls of this country with the 'A'l'mehs, who are female singers, has already been exposed. The Ghawa'zee perform, unveiled, in the public streets, even to amuse the rabble. Their dancing has little of elegance. They commence with a degree of decorum;
but soon, by more animated looks, by a more rapid collision of their castanets of brass, and by increased energy in every motion, they exhibit a spectacle exactly agreeing with the descriptions which Martial* and Juvenal † have given of the performances of the female dancers of Gades. The dress in which they generally thus exhibit in public is similar to that which is worn by women of the middle classes in Egypt in private; that is, in the hharee'm; consisting of a yel'ek, or an 'an'ter'ee, and the shintiya'n, &c., of handsome materials. They also wear various ornaments: their eyes are bordered with the kohhl (or black collyrium); and the tips of their fingers, the palms of their hands, and their toes and other parts of their feet, are usually stained with the red dye of the hhen'na, according to the general custom of the middle and higher classes of Egyptian women. In general, they are accompanied by musicians (mostly of the same tribe) whose instruments are the kemen'geh, or the raba'b), and the ta'r; or the dar'abook'keh and zoomma'rah or the zemr: the ta'r is usually in the hands of an old woman. * Lib.v., Epigr. 79. † Sat. xi.,v. 162.

The Ghawa'zee often perform in the court of a house, or in the street, before the door, on certain occasions of festivity in the hharee'm; as, for instance, on the occasion of a marriage, or the birth of a child. They are never admitted into a respectable hharee'm; but are not unfrequently hired to entertain a party of men in the house of some rake. In this case, as might he expected, their performances are yet more lascivious than those which I have already mentioned. Some of them, when they exhibit before a private party of men, wear

nothing but the shintiya'n (or trowsers) and a to'b (or very full shirt or gown) of semitransparent, coloured gauze, open nearly half-way down the front. To extinguish the least spark of modesty which they may yet sometimes affect to retain, they are plentifully supplied with brandy or some other intoxicating liquor. The scenes which ensue cannot be described.

I need scarcely add, that these women are the most abandoned of the courtesans of Egypt. Many of them are extremely handsome; and most of them are richly dressed. Upon the whole, I think they ore the finest women in Egypt. Many of them have slightly aquiline noses: but in most respects, they resemble the rest of the females of this country. Women, as well as men, take delight in witnessing their performances; but many persons among the higher classes, and the more religious, disapprove of them.

The Ghawa'zee being distinguished, in general, by a cast of countenance differing, though slightly, from the rest of the Egyptians, we can hardly doubt that they arc, as themselves assert, a distinct race. Their origin, however, is involved in much uncertainty. They call themselves Bara'mikeh* , or Bur'mek'ees; and boast that they are descended from the famous family of that name who were the objects of the favour, and afterwards of the capricious tyranny, of Ha'roo'n Er-Eashee'd, and of whom we read in several of the tales of “The Thousand and One Nights:” but, as a friend of mine lately observed to me, they probably have no more right to call themselves “Bara'mikeh” than because they resemble that family in liberality, though it is liberality of a different kind. In many of the tombs of * Commonly pronounced Bara'm'keh

the ancient Egyptians, we find representations of females dancing at private entertainments, to the sounds of various instruments, in a manner similar to the modern Ghawa'zee, but even more, licentious; one or more of these performers being generally depicted in a state of perfect nudity, though in the presence of men of high stations. This mode of dancing we find, from the monuments here alluded to, most of which bear the names of kings, which prove their age, to have been common in Egypt in very remote times; even before the Exodus of the Israelites. It is probable, therefore, that it has continued without interruption; and perhaps the modern Ghawa'zee are descended from the class of female dancers who amused the Egyptians in the times of the early Pharaohs. From the similarity of the Spanish fandango to the dances of the Ghawa'zee, we might infer that it was introduced into Spain by the Arab conquerors of that country, were we not informed that the Gaditanae, or females of Gades (now called Cadiz), were famous for such performances in the times of the early Roman Emperors. However, though it hence appears that the licentious mode of dancing here described has so long been practised in Spain, it is not improbable that it was originally introduced into Gades from the East, perhaps by the Phoenicians*. * From the effect which it produced, it is probable that the dance performed by the daughter of Herodias was of the kind here described. See Matthew, xiv., 6, 7, or Mark, vi., 22, 23.

The Ghawa'zee mostly keep themselves distinct from other classes, abstaining from marriages with any but persons of their own tribe; but sometimes a Gha'zee'yeh makes a vow of repentance, and marries a respectable Arab; who is not generally considered as disgraced

by such a connexion. All of them are brought up for the venal profession; but not all, as dancers; and most of them marry; though they never do this until they have commenced their career of venality. The husband is subject to the wife: he performs for her the offices of a servant and procurer; and generally, if she be a dancer, he is also her musician: hut a few of the men earn their subsistence as blacksmiths or tinkers. Most of the Gha'zee'yehs welcome the lowest peasant, if he can pay even a very trifling sum. Though some of them are possessed of considerable wealth, costly ornaments, &c., many of their customs are similar to those of the people whom we call “gipsies.,”' and who are supposed, by some, to be of Egyptian origin. It is remarkable that the gipsies in Egypt often pretend to he descended from a branch of the same family to whom the Ghawa'zee refer their origin; but their claim is still less to be regarded than that of the latter, because they do not unanimously agree on this point. I shall have occasion to speak of them more particularly in the next chapter. The ordinary language of the Ghawa'zee is the same as that of the rest of the Egyptians; but they sometimes make use of a number of words peculiar to themselves, in order to render their speech unintelligible to strangers. They are, professedly, Mohammadans; and often some of them accompany the Egyptian caravan of pilgrims to Mek'keh. There are many of them in almost every large town in Egypt, inhabiting a distinct portion of the quarter allotted to public women in general. Their ordinary habitations are low huts, or temporary sheds, or tents; for they often move from one town to another; but some of them settle themselves in large houses; and many possess black
female slaves (by whose prostitution they increase their property), and camels, asses, cows, &c., in which they trade. They attend the camps, and all the great religious and other festivals; of which they are, to many persons, the chief attractions. Numerous tents of Gha'zee'yehs are seen on these occasions. Some of these women add, to their other allurements, the art of singing; and equal the ordinary 'Awa'lim. Those of the lower class dress in the same manner as other low prostitutes. Some of them wear a gauze to'b, over another shirt, with the shintiya'n, and a crape or muslin tar'hhah; and in general they deck themselves with a profusion of ornaments, as necklaces, bracelets, anklets, a row of gold coins over the forehead, and sometimes a nose-ring. All of them adorn themselves with the kohhl and hhen'na. There are some other dancing-girls and courtesans who call themselves Ghawa'zee, but who do not really belong to that tribe*. * The courtesans of other classes abound in every town of Egypt; but in and about the metropolis, these and the others before mentioned arc particularly numerous; some quarters being inhabited almost exclusively by them. These women frequently conduct themselves with the most audacious effrontery. Their dress is such as I have described as being worn by the Ghawa'zee, or differs from that of respectable women in being a little more gay, and less disguising. Some women of the venal class in Cairo not only wear the boor'cko' (or face-veil), but dress, in every respect, like modest women; from whom they cannot be distinguished, excepting by those to whom they choose to discover themselves. Such women are found in almost every quarter of the metropolis. Many of them are divorced women, or widows; and many are the wives of men whom business obliges to be often abroad. All the known prostitutes in Egypt pay a kind of income tax (fir'deh). The tax paid by those of the metropolis amounts to eight hundred purses (equivalent to four thousand pounds stirling), which is not less than one-tenth of the fir'deh of all the inhabitants. This will convey some idea of their number in comparison with that of the persons who practise honest means of obtaining their livelihood.

Many of the people of Cairo, affecting, or persuading themselves, to consider that there is nothing improper in the dancing of the Ghawa'zee but the fact of its being performed by females, who ought not thus to expose themselves, employ men to dance in the same manner; but the number of these male performers, who are mostly young men, and who are called Khow'als* , is very small. They are Moos'lims, and natives of Egypt. As they personate women, their dances are exactly of the same description as those of the Ghawa'zee; and are, in like manner, accompanied by the sounds of castanets”: but as if to prevent their being thought to be really females, their dress is suited to their unnatural profession; being partly male and partly female: it chiefly consists of a tight vest, a girdle, and a kind of petticoat. Their general appearance, however, is more feminine than masculine: they suffer the hair of the head to grow long, and generally braid it, in the manner of the women: the hair on the face, when it begins to grow, they pluck out; and they imitate the women also in applying kohhl and hhen'na to their eyes and hands. In the streets, when not engaged in dancing, they often even veil their faces; not from shame, but merely to affect the manners of women. They are often employed, in preference to the Ghawa'zee, to dance before a house, or in the court, on the occasion of a marriage-fête, or the birth of a child, or a circumcision; and frequently perform at public festivals. * The term Gha'ish (plural, Gheeya'sh) is also applied to a person of this class.

There is, in Cairo, another class of male dancers, young men and boys, whose performances, dress, and general appearance are almost exactly similar to those of the Khow'als; but who are distinguished by a different appellation, which is Gink; a term that is Turkish, and aptly expresses their character. They are generally Jews, Armenians, Greeks, and Turks.

CHAPTER VII. SERPENT-CHARMERS, AND PERFORMERS OF LEGERDEMAIN TRICKS, &c.

MANY modern writers upon Egypt have given surprising accounts of a class of men in this country, supposed, like the ancient Psylli of Cyrenaïca, to possess a secret art, to which allusion is made in the Bible*, enabling them to secure themselves from the poison of serpents. I have met with many persons among the more intelligent of the Egyptians who condemn these modern Psylli as impostors, hut none who has been able to offer a satisfactory explanation of the most common and most interesting of their performances, which I am about to describe. * See Psalm lviii., 4, 5. Eccles. x., 11. and Jerem, viii. 17.

Many Rifa”ee and Sa'adee durwee'shes obtain their livelihood, as I have mentioned on a former occasion, by going about to charm away serpents from houses. A few other persons also profess the same art, but are not so famous. The former travel over every part of Egypt, and find abundant employment; but their gains are barely sufficient to procure them a scanty subsistence. The charmer professes to discover, without ocular perception (but perhaps he does so by a peculiar smell), whether there be any serpents in a house; and, if there he, to attract them to him; as the fowler, by the

fascination of his voice, allures the bird into his net. As the serpent seeks the darkest place in which to hide himself, the charmer has, in most cases, to exercise his skill in an obscure chamber, where he might easily take a serpent from his bosom, bring it to the people without the door, and affirm that he had found it in the apartment; for no one would venture to enter with him after having been assured of the presence of one of these reptiles within: but he is often required to perform in the full light of day, surrounded by spectators; and incredulous persons have searched him before-hand, and even stripped him naked; yet his success has been complete. He assumes an air of mystery, strikes the walls with a short palm-stick, whistles, makes a clucking noise with his tongue, and spits upon the ground; and generally says, “I adjure you by God, if ye be above or if ye be below, that ye come forth: I adjure you by the most great name, if ye be obedient, come forth; and if ye be disobedient, die ! die! die!”-The serpent is generally dislodged by his stick, from a fissure in the wall, or drops from the ceiling of the room. I have often heard it asserted that the serpent-charmer, before he enters a house in which he is to try his skill, always employs a servant of that house to introduce one or more serpents: but I have known instances in which this could not be the case; and am inclined to believe that the durwee'shes above mentioned are generally acquainted with some real physical means of discovering the presence of serpents without seeing them, and of attracting them from their lurking-places. It is, however, a fact well ascertained, that the most expert of them do not venture to carry serpents of a venomous nature about their persons until
they have extracted the poisonous teeth. Many of them carry scorpions, also, within the cap, and next the shaven head; but doubtless first deprive them of the power to injure; perhaps by merely blunting the sting. Their famous feats of eating live and venomous serpents, and scorpions, which are regarded as religious acts, I have before had occasion to mention, and purpose to describe particularly in another chapter*. * In the account of the Moo'lid en-Neb'ee, in the first of the chapters on periodical public festivals. &c.

Performers of sleight-of-hand tricks, who are called Hhöwa'h (in the singular, Hha'wee) are numerous in Cairo. They generally perform in public places; collecting a ring of spectators around them; from some of whom they receive small voluntary contributions during and after their performances. They are most frequently seen on the occasions of public festivals; but often also at other limes. By indecent jests and actions, they attract as much applause as they do by other means. The Hha'wee performs a great variety of tricks; the most usual of which I shall here mention. He generally has two boys to assist him. From a large leather bag, he takes out four or five snakes, of a largish size. One of these, he places on the ground, and makes it erect its head and part of its body: another, he puts round the head of one of the boys, like a turban; and two more over the boy's neck. He takes these off; opens the boy's mouth, apparently passes the bolt of a kind of padlock through his cheek, and locks it. Then, in appearance, he forces an iron spike into the boy's throat: the spike being really pushed, up into a wooden handle. He also performs another trick of the same kind as this: placing the boy on the ground, he puts

the edge of a knife upon his nose, and knocks tin blade until half its width seems to have entered. Several indecent tricks which he performs with the boy 1 must abstain from describing: some of them are abominably disgusting. The tricks which he alone performs are more amusing. He draws a great quantity of various-coloured silk from his mouth, and winds it on his arm; puts cotton in his mouth, and blows out fire; takes out of his mouth a great number of round pieces of tin, like dollars; and, in appearance, blows an earthen pipe-bowl from his nose. In most of his tricks, he occasionally blows through a large shell (called the Hha'wee's zoomma'rah), producing sounds like those of a horn. Most of his sleight-of-hand performances are nearly similar to those of exhibitors of the same class in our own and other countries. Taking a silver finger-ring from one of the by-standers, he puts it in a little box, blows his shell, and says “'Efree't change it! “—he then opens the box, and shows, in it, a different ring: shuts the box again; opens it, and shows the first ring: shuts it a third time; opens it, and shows a melted lump of silver, which he declares to be the ring melted, and offers to the owner: the latter insists upon having his ring in its original state: the Hha'wee then asks for five or ten fud'dahs to recast it; and having obtained this, opens the box again (after having closed it, and blown his shell), and takes out of it the perfect ring. He next takes a larger covered box; puts one of his boy's scull-caps in it; blows his shell; opens the box; and out comes a rabbit: the cap seems to be gone. He puts the rabbit in again; covers the box; uncovers it; and out run two little chickens: these he puts in again; blows his shell; uncovers the box; and
shows it full of fatee'rehs. (or pancakes) and koona'feh (which resembles vermicelli): he tells his boys to eat its contents; but they refuse to do it without honey: he then takes a small jug: turns it upside-down, to show that it is empty; blows his shell; and hands round the jug full of honey. The boys, having eaten, ask for water, to wash their hands. The Hha'wee takes the same jug; and hands it filled with water, in the same manner. He takes the box again; and asks for the cap; blows his shell; uncovers the box; and pours out from it, into the boy's lap (the lower part of his shirt held up), four or five small snakes. The boy, in apparent fright, throws them down; and demands his cap. The Hha'wee puts the snakes back into the box; blows his shell; uncovers the box; and takes out the cap.—Another of his common tricks is to put a number of slips of white paper into a tinned copper vessel (the tisht of a seller of sherbet); and to take them out dyed of various colours. He pours water into the same vessel; puts in a piece of linen; then gives to the spectators, to drink, the contents of the vessel, changed to sherbet of sugar. Sometimes he apparently cuts in two a muslin shawl, or burns it in the middle; and then restores it whole.—Often, he strips himself of all his clothes, excepting his drawers; tells two persons to bind him, hands and feet, and put him in a sack. This done, he asks for a piaster; and some one tells him that he shall have it if he will put out his hand and take it. He puts out his hand free; draws it back; and is then taken out of the sack bound as at first. He is put in again; and comes out unbound; handing, to the spectators, a small tray, upon which are four or the little plates filled with various eatables, and, if the performance
be at night, several small lighted candles placed round. The spectators eat the food.

There is another class of jugglers in Cairo called Ckee'yem (in the singular Ckei'yim). In most of his performances, the ekei'yim has an assistant. In one, for instance, the latter places upon the ground twenty-nine small pieces of stone. He sits upon the ground; and these are arranged before him. The ckei'yim having gone a few yards distant from him, this assistant desires one of the spectators to place a piece of money under any one of the bits of stone: this being done, he calls back the ckei'yim, informs him that a piece of money has been hidden, and asks him to point out where it is; which the conjurer immediately does. The secret of this trick is very simple: the twenty-nine pieces of stone represent the letters of the Arabic alphabet; and the person who desires the ckei'yim to show where the money is concealed commences his address to the latter with the letter represented by the stone which covers the coin. In the same manner, or by means of signs made by the assistant, the ckei'yim is enabled to tell the name of any person present, or the words of a song that has been repeated in his absence: the name or song having been whispered to his assistant.

Fortune-telling is often practised in Egypt, mostly by Gipsies, as in our own country. There are but few Gipsies in this country. They are here called Ghug'ar or Ghuj'ar (in the singular Ghug'aree or Ghuj'aree). In general, they profess themselves descendants of the Bara'mikeh, like the Ghawa'zee; but of a different branch. Many (I believe most) of the women are fortune-tellers. These women are often seen in the streets of Cairo, dressed in a similar manner to the generality

of the females of the lower classes, with the to'b and tar'hhah, but always with unveiled faces; usually carrying a gazelle's skin, containing the materials for their divinations; and crying “I perform divination! What is present I manifest! What is absent I manifest!” &c. They mostly divine by means of a number of shells, with a few pieces of coloured glass, money, &c. intermixed with them. These they throw down; and from the manner in which they chance to lie, they derive their prognostications: a larger shell than the rest represents the person whose fortune they are to discover; and the other sheik, &c. represent different events, evils, and blessings, which, by their proximity to, or distance from, the former, they judge to be fated to befal the person in question early or late or never. Some of these Gipsy-women also cry, “Nedoock'ck we-n'ta'hir!” (“We puncture and circumcise*!”). Many of the Gipsies in Egypt are blacksmiths, braziers, and tinkers; or itinerant sellers of the wares which are made by others of this class; particularly of trumpery trinkets of brass, &c. * They tattoo, or make those blue marks upon the skin which I have described in the first chapter of this work; and perform the operation alluded to in a note inserted in page 63 of the former volume.

Some Gipsies also follow the occupation of a Bahloo-wa'n. This appellation is properly given to a performer of gymnastic exercises, a famous swordsman, or a champion; and such descriptions of persons formerly exhibited their feats of strength and dexterity, under this name, in Cairo; but the performances of the modern Bohloowa'n are almost confined to rope-dancing; and all the persons who practise this art are Gipsies.

Sometimes the rope is tied to the ma'd'neh of a mosque, at a considerable height from the ground; and extends to the length of several hundred feet; being supported at many points by poles fixed in the ground. The dancer always uses a long balancing-pole. Sometimes, he dances or walks on the rope with clogs on his feet, or with a piece of soap tied under each foot, or with a child suspended to each of his ankles by a rope, or with a boy tied to each end of the balancing-pole; and he sits upon a round tray placed on the rope I have only seen three of these bahloowa'ns; and their performances were not of the more difficult kinds above described, and less clever than those of the commonest rope-dancers in England. Women, girls, and boys often follow this occupation. The men and boys also perform other feats than those of rope-dancing; such as tumbling, leaping through a hoop, &c.

The Ckoorada'tee (whose appellation is derived from ckird, an ape, or a monkey) amuses the lower orders in Cairo by sundry performances of an ape or a monkey, an ass, a dog, and a kid. He and the ape (which is generally of the cynocephalus kind) fight each other with sticks. He dresses the ape fantastically, usually as a bride, or a veiled woman; puts it on the ass; and parades it round within the ring of spectators; himself going before, and beating a tambourine. The ape is also made to dance, and perform various antics. The ass is told to choose the handsomest girl in the ring; and does so; putting his nose towards her face; and greatly amusing her and all the spectators. The dog is ordered to imitate the motions of a thief; and accordingly crawls along on its belly. The best performance is that of the kid: it is made to stand upon a little piece of

wood, nearly in the shape of a dice-box, about a span long, and an inch and a half wide at the top and bottom, so that all its four feet are placed close together: this piece of wood, with the kid thus standing upon it, is then lifted up, and a similar piece placed under it; and, in the same manner, a third piece, a fourth, and a fifth are added.

The Egyptians are often amused by players of low and ridiculous farces, who are called Mohhahhazee'n. These frequently perform at the festivals prior to wedding's and circumcisions, at the houses of the great; and sometimes attract rings of auditors and spectators in the public places in Cairo. Their performances are scarcely worthy of description: it is chiefly by vulgar jests and indecent actions, that they amuse, and obtain applause. The actors are only men and boys: the part of a woman being always performed by a man or buy in female attire. As a specimen of their plays, I shall give a short account of one which was acted before the Ba'sha, a short time ago, at a festival celebrated in honour of the circumcision of one of his sons; on which occasion, as usual, several sons of grandees were also circumcised. The dramatis personae were a Na'zir (or Governor of a District), a Sheykh Bel'ed (or Chief of a Village), a servant of the latter, a Copt clerk, a Fella'hh indebted to the government, his wife, and live other persons, of whom two made their appearance first in the character of drummers, one as a hautboy-player, and the two others as dancers. After a little drumming and piping and dancing by these five, the Na'zir and the rest of the performers enter the ring. The Na'zir asks, “How much does 'Ow'ad the son of Reg'eb owe?” The musicians and dancers, who now act as

simple fella'hhee'n, answer, “Desire the Christian to look in the register.” The Christian clerk has a large dawa'yeh (or receptacle for pens and ink) in his girdle; and is dressed as a Copt, with a black turban. The Sheykh el-Bel'ed asks him, “How much is written against 'Ow'ad the son of Reg'eb?” The clerk answers “A thousand piasters.” “How much,” says the Sheykh, “has he paid?” He is answered, “Five piasters." “Man,”' says he, addressing the fella'hh, “why don't you bring the money?” The fella'hh answers, “I have not any.” “You have not any?” exclaims the Sheykhs: “Throw him down.” An inflated piece of an intestine, resembling a large koorba'g, is brought; and with this the fella'hh is beaten. He roars out to the Na'zir, “By the honour of thy horse's tail, O Hey! By the honour of thy wife's trowsers, O Bey! By the honour of thy wife's head-band, O Bey '.” After twenty such absurd appeals, his beating is finished, and he is taken away, and imprisoned. Presently his wife comes to him, and asks him, “How art thou?” He answers, “Do me a kindness, my wife: take a little kishk* and some eggs and some sha'eeree'yeh † and go with them to the house of the Christian clerk, and appeal to his generosity to get me set at liberty.” She takes these, in three baskets, to the Christian's house, and asks the people there,” Where is the M'al'lim Hhan'na, the clerk?” They answer, “There he sits.” She says to him, “O M'al'lim Hhan'na, do me the favour to receive these, and obtain the liberation of my husband. “Who is thy husband?” he asks. She answers, “The fella'hh who owes a thousand piasters.” * A description of this will be found in a subsequent chapter. See the Index. † A kind of paste, resembling vermicelli.
“Bring,” says he, “twenty or thirty piasters to bribe the Sheykh el-Bel'ed.” She goes away, and soon returns, with the money in her hand, and gives it to the Sheykh el-Bel'ed. “What is this?” says the Sheykh. She answers, “Take it as a bribe, and liberate my husband.” He says, “Very well: go to the Na'zir.” She retires for a while; blackens the edges of her eye-lids with kohhl; applies fresh red dye of the hhen'na to her hands and feet, and repairs to the Na'zir. “Good evening, my master, she says to him. “What dost thou want?” he asks. She answers, “I am the wife of 'Ow'ad, who owes a thousand piasters.” “But what dost thou want?” he asks again. She says, “My husband is imprisoned; and I appeal to thy generosity to liberate him:” and as she urges this request, she smiles, and shows him that she does not ask this favour without being willing to grant him a recompense. He obtains this; takes the husband's part; and liberates him.—This farce was played before the Ba'sha with the view of opening his eyes to the conduct of those persons to whom was committed the office of collecting the taxes.

The puppet-show of Ckar'a Gyoo'z has been introduced into Egypt by Turks, in whose language the puppets are made to speak. Their performances, which are, in general, extremely indecent, occasionally amuse the Turks residing in Cairo; but, of course, are not very attractive to those who do not understand the Turkish language. They are conducted in the manner of the “Chinese shadows;” and therefore only exhibited at night.

CHAPTER. VIII. PUBLIC RECITATIONS OF ROMANCES.

THE Egyptians are not destitute of better diversions than those described in the preceding chapter: reciters of romances frequent the principal ckah'wehs, or coffee-shops, of Cairo and other towns, particularly on the evenings of religious festivals, and afford attractive and rational entertainments. The reciter generally seats himself upon a small stool on the mus'tub'ah, or raised seat, which is built against the front of the coffee-shop*: some of his auditors occupy the rest of that seat; others arrange themselves upon the mus'tub'ahs of the houses on the opposite side of the narrow street; and the rest sit upon stools or benches made of palm sticks; most of them with the pipe in hand; some sipping their coffee; and all highly amused, not only with the story, but also with the lively and dramatic manner of the narrator. The reciter receives a trifling sum of money from the keeper of the coffee-shop, for attracting customers: his hearers are not obliged to contribute anything for his remuneration: many of them give nothing; and few give more than five or ten fud'dahs†. * See the engraving' which accompanies this chapter. † The reciter is generally heard to greater advantage in public than when he is hired to entertain a private party; as, in the former case, his profits are usually proportioned to the talent which he; displays.

The most numerous class of reciters is that of the persons called Sho”ara (in the singular Sha”ër, which properly signifies a poet). They are also called Ab'oo-Zeydee'yeh, or Ab'oo-Zey'dees, from the subject of their ecitations, which is a romance entitled “the Life of Ab'oo Zeyd” (See'ret Ab'oo Zeyd*). The number of these Sho”ara in Cairo is about fifty; and they recite nothing but the adventures related in the romance of Ab'oo Zeyd. * Vulgarly so called, for See'ret Ab'ee Zeyd.

This romance is said to have been founded upon events which happened in the middle of the third century of the Flight; and is believed to have been written not long after that period; but it was certainly composed at a much later time, unless it have been greatly altered in transcription. It is usually found in ten or more small quarto volumes. It is half prose, and half poetry; half narrative, and half dramatic. As a literary composition, it has little merit, at least in its present state; but as illustrative of the manners and customs of the Bed'awees, it is not without value and interest. The heroes and heroines of the romance, who are mostly natives of central Arabia and the Yem'en, but some of them of El-Ghurb, or Northern Africa, which is called “the West” with reference to Arabia, generally pour forth their most animated sentiments, their addresses and soliloquies, in verse. The verse is not measured; though it is the opinion of some of the learned in Cairo that it was originally conformed with the prescribed measures of poetry; and that it has been altered by copyists: still, when read, as it always is, almost entirely in the popular (not the literary) manner, it is pleasing in sound, as it also often is in matter. Almost every

piece of poetry begins and ends with an invocation of blessings on the Prophet.

The Sha”ër always commits his subject to memory; and recites without book. The poetry he chants; and after every verse, he plays a few notes on a viol which has but a single chord, and which is called “the poet's viol,” or “the Ab'oo-Zey'dee viol;” from its only being used in these recitations. It has been described in a former chapter. The reciter generally has a companion with another instrument of this kind, to accompany him. Sometimes, a single note serves as a prelude and interlude. To convey some idea of the style of a Sha”ër's music, I insert a few notes of the commencement of a chant:—

A Sha”cr, with his accompanying Violiet, and part of his Audience.

Some of the reciters of Ab'oo Zeyd are distinguished by the appellations of Hil'a'lee'yeh (or Hila'lees), Zagha'beh, or Zooghbee'yeh (or Zoogh'bees), and Zen'a'tee'yeh or Zena'tees), from their chiefly confining themselves to the narration of the exploits of heroes of the Hila'lee, Zoogh'bee, or Zena'tee tribes, celebrated in this romance.

As a specimen of the tale of Ab'oo Zeyd, I shall here offer an abstract of the principal contents of the first volume, which I have carfully read for this purpose.

Ab'oo Zeyd, or, as he was first more generally called, Baraka't, was an Arab of the tribe called Ben'ee Hila'l, or El-Hil'a'lee'yeh. Before his birth, his father, the Emee'r Rizck (who was the son of Na'il, a paternal uncle of Sarhha'n, the king of the Ben'ee Hila'l), had married ten wives, from whom, to his great grief, he had obtained but two children, both of them daughters, named Shee'hhah and 'Atee'meh, until one of his wives, the Emee'reh Gella's, increased his distress by bearing him a son without arms or legs. Shortly before the birth of this son, the Emee'r Rizck (having divorced, at different times, such of his wives as pleased him least, as he could not have more than four at one time, and having at last retained only three) married an eleventh wife, the Emee'reh Khud'ra, daughter of Ckur'da, the Sheree'f of Mek'keh. He was soon rejoiced to find that Khud'ra showed signs of becoming a mother; and, in the hope that the expected child would be a son, invited the Emee'r Gha'nim, chief of the tribe of Ez-Zagha'beh, or Ez-Zooghbee'yeh, with a large company of his family and tribe, to come from their district and honour with their presence the festival which he hoped to have occasion to celebrate. These friends complied

with his invitation, became his guests, and waited for the birth of the child.

Meanwhile, it happened that the Emee'reh Khud'ra, walking with the Emee'reh Shem'meh, a wife of King Sarhha'n, and a number of other females, saw a black bird attack and kill a numerous flock of birds of various kinds and hues, and, astonished at the sight, earnestly prayed God to give her a son like this bird, even though he should be black. Her prayer was answered: she gave birth to a black boy. The Emee'r Rizck, though he could not believe this to be his own son, was reluctant to put away the mother, from the excessive love he bore her. He had only heard the women's description of the child: he would not see it himself, nor allow any other man to see it, until the seventh day after its birth. For six days, his guests were feasted; and on the seventh, or yo'm cs-sooboo'as, a more sumptuous banquet was prepared; after which, according to custom, the child was brought before the guests. A female slave carried it upon a silver tray, and covered over with a handkerchief. When the guests, as usual in such cases, had given their noockoo't (or contributions) of gold and silver coins, one of them lifted up the handkerchief, and saw that the child was as the women had represented it. The Emee'r Rizck, who had stood outside the tent while this ceremony was performed, in great distress of mind, was now sharply upbraided by most of his friends for wishing to hide his supposed disgrace, and to retain an unchaste woman as his wife: he was very reluctantly compelled to put her away, that his tribe might not be held in dishonour on her account; and accordingly despatched her, with her child, under the conduct of a sheykh named Moonee'a, to return to her father's

house at Mek'keh. She departed thither, accompanied also by a number of slaves, her husband's properly, who determined to remain with her; being allowed to do so by the Emee'r Rizck.

On the journey, the party pitched their tents in a valley; and here the Emee'reh Khud'ra begged her conductor to allow her to remain; for she feared to go back, under such circumstances, to her father's house. But the Emee'r Fudl Ib'n Bey'sem, chief of the tribe of Ez-Zahhla'n, with a company of horsemen, chanced to fall in with her party during her conversation with the sheykh Moonee'a, and, having heard her story, determined to take her under his protection: returning to his encampment, he sent his wife, the Emee'reh La'ag El-Bahee'yeh, to conduct her and the child thither, together with the slaves. The Emee'r Fudl adopted her child as his own; brought him up with his own two sons; and treated him with the fondness of a father. The young Baraka't soon gave promise of his becoming a hero: he killed his schoolmaster, by severe beating, for attempting to chastise one of his adoptive brothers; and became the terror of all his schoolfellows. His adoptive father procured another fick'ee for a schoolmaster; but Baraka't's presence frightened his schoolfellows from attending; and the fick'ee therefore instructed him at home. At the age of eleven years, he had acquired proficiency in all the sciences, human and divine, then studied in Arabia; including astrology, magic, alchymy, and a variety of other branches of knowledge.

Baraka't now went, by the advice of the fick'ee, to ask a present of a horse from his adoptive father;

who answered his “Good morning” by saying, “Good morning, my son, and dearer than my son.” Surprised at this expression, the youth went to his mother, and asked her if the Emee'r Fudl were not really his father. She told him that this chief was his uncle; and that his father was dead: that he had been killed by a Hila'lee Arab, called Rizck the son of Na'il. Becoming warmed and inspired by the remembrance of her wrongs, she then more fully related her case to her son in a series of verses. Of this piece of poetry I shall venture to insert a translation, made verse for verse, and with the same neglect of measure that is found in the original, which I also imitate in carrying on the same rhyme throughout the whole piece, in accordance with the common practice of Arab poets:—

“Thus did Khud'ra, reflecting on what had past In the tents of Hila'l, her tale relate. 'O Emee'r Baraka't, hear what I tell thee, And think not my story is idle prate. Thy father was Bey'sem, Bey'sem's son, Thine uncle Fudl's brother: youth of valour innate*! * Literally, “Thou who hast a valiant maternal uncle!” I add this note merely for the sake of mentioning, that the Arabs generally consider innate virtues as inherited through the mother rather than the father, and believe that a man commonly resembles, in his good and evil qualities, his maternal uncle. And thy father was wealthy above his fellows; None other could boast such a rich estate. As a pilgrim, to Mek'keh he journey'd, and there, In my father's house, a guest he sate: He sought me in marriage; attain'd his wish; And made me his lov'd and wedded mate: For thy father had never been blest with a son; And had often bewail'd his unhappy fate.

One day, to a spring, with some friends I went, When the chiefs had met at a banquet of state; And, amusing ourselves with the sight of the water, We saw numberless birds there congregate: Some were white, and round as the moon at the full; Some, with plumage of red; some, small; some, great; Some were black, my son; and some were tall: They compris'd all kinds that God doth create. Though our party of women came unawares, The birds did not fear us, nor separate; But soon, from the vault of the sky descending, A black-plum'd bird, of enormous weight, Poune'd on the others, and killed them all. To God I cried-O Compassionate! Thou Living! Eternal! I pray, fur the sake Of the excellent Prophet, thy delegate, Grant me a son like this noble bird, E'en should he be black, thou Considerate! Thou wast form'd in my womb, and wast born, my son; And all thy relations, with joy elate, And thy father among them, paid honour to me: But soon did our happiness terminate: The chiefs of Hila'l attack'd our tribe; And Rizck, among them, precipitate, Fell on thy father, my son, and slew him; Then seiz'd on his wealth, his whole estate. Thine uncle receiv'd me, his relative, And thee as his son to educate. God assist thee to take our blood-revenge, And the tents of Hila'l to desolate. But keep closely secret what I have told thee: Be mindful to no one this tale to relate: Thine uncle might grieve; so 'tis fit that, with patience, In hope of attaining thy wish, thou should'st wait.' Thus did Khud'ra address her son Baraka't; Thus her case with artful deception state. Now beg we forgiveness of all our sins, Of God, the Exalted, the Sole, the Great;

Anil join me, my hearers, in blessing the Prophet*, The guide, whose praise we should celebrate.”

Baraka't, excited by this tale, became engrossed with the desire of slaying his own father, whom he was made to believe to be his father's murderer. * When the reciter utters these words, we hear, from the lips of most of the Moos'lims who are listening to him, the prayer of “Alla'hoom sal'lee 'a'ey'h!”-” O God, favour him!”

His adoptive father gave him his best horse, and instructed him in all the arts of war, in the chase, and in every manly exercise. He early distinguished himself as a horseman, and excited the envy of many of the Arabs of the tribe into which he had been admitted, by his dexterity in the exercise of the birga's (a game exactly or nearly similar to what is now called that of the geree'd'), in which the persons engaged, mounted on horses, combated or pursued each other, throwing a palm-stick † He twice defeated plundering parties of the tribe of Tey'demeh; and, on the first occasion, killed 'Atwa'n the son of Da'ghir, their chief. These Tey'demeh Arabs applied, for succour, to Es-Salee'dee, king of the city of Tey'demeh. He recommended them to Gessa'r the son of Ga'sir, a chief of the Ben'ee Hhem'yar, who sent to demand, of the tribe of Ez-Zahhla'n, fifteen years' arrears of tribute which the latter had been accustomed to pay to his tribe; and desired them to despatch to him, with this tribute, the slave Baraka't (for he believed him to be a slave), a prisoner in bonds, to be put to death. Baraka't wrote a reply, in the name of the Emee'r Fudl, promising † It is thus described in the romance: but a headless spear was formerly sometimes used instead of the geree'd, or palm-stick.

compliance. Having a slave who much resembled him, and who was nearly of the 'same age, he bound him on the back of a camel, and, with him and the Emee'r Fudl and his tribe, went to meet Gessa'r and his party, and the Tey'demeh Arabs. Fudl presented the slave, as Baraka't, to Gessa'r; who, pleased at having his orders apparently obeyed, feasted the tribe of Ez-Zahlila'n: but Baraka't remained on horseback, and refused to eat of the food of his enemies, as, if he did, the laws of hospitality would prevent his executing a plot which he had framed. Gessa'r observed him; and, asking the Emee'r Fudl who he was, received the answer that he was a mad slave, named Mes'oo'd. Having drawn Gessa'r from his party, Baraka't discovered himself to him, challenged, fought, and killed him, and took his tent: he pardoned the rest of the hostile party; but imposed upon them the tribute which the Zahhla'n Arabs had formerly paid them. Henceforth he had the name of Mes'oo'd added to that which he had before borne. Again and again he defeated the hostile attempts of the Ben'ee Hhem'yar to recover their independence, and acquired the highest renown, not only in the eyes of the Emee'r Fudl and the whole tribe of Ez-Zahhla'n, of whom he was made the chief, but also among all the neighbouring tribes.

We must now return to the Emee'r Rizck, and his tribe.—Soon after the departure of his wife Khud'ra, he retired from his tribe, in disgust at the treatment which he received on account of his supposed disgrace, and in grief for his loss. With a single slave, he took up his abode in a tent of black goats' hair, one of those in which the tenders of his camels used to live, by the spring where his wife had seen the combat of the birds.

Not long after this event, the Ben'ee Hila'l were afflicted by a dreadful drought, which lasted so long that they were reduced to the utmost distress. Under these circumstances, the greater number of them were induced, with their king Sarhha'n, to go to the country of the tribe of Ez-Zabhla'n, for sustenance; but the Ga'a'fireh and some minor tribes of the Ben'ee Hila'l, joined, and remained with, the Emee'r Rizck, who had formerly been their commander. Sarhha'n and his party were attacked and defeated by Baraka't on their arrival in the territory of the Zahhla'n Arabs; but on their abject submission were suffered by him to remain there. They however cherished an inveterate hatred to the tribe of Ez-Zahhla'n, who had before paid them tribute; and Sarhha'n was persuaded to send a messenger to the Emee'r Rizck, begging him to come and endeavour to deliver them from their humiliating state. Rizck obeyed the summons. On his way to the territory of the Zahhla'n Arabs, he was almost convinced, by the messenger who had come to conduct him, that Baraka't was his son; but was at a loss to know why he was called by this name, as he himself had named him Ab'oo Zeyd. Arriving at the place of his destination, he challenged Baraka't. The father went forth to combat the son: the former not certain that his opponent was his son; and the latter having no idea that he was about to lift his hand against his father; but thinking that his adversary was his father's murderer. The Emee'r Rizck found occasion to put off the engagement from day to day: at last, being no longer able to do this, he suffered it to commence: his son prevailed: he unhorsed him, and would have put him to death bad he not been charged to refrain from
doing this by bis mother. The secret of Baraka't's parentage was now divulged to him by the Emee'reh Khud'ra; and the chiefs of the Ben'ee Hila'l were compelled to acknowledge him as the legitimate and worthy son of the Emee'r Rizck, and to implore his pardon for the injuries which he and his mother had sustained from them. This boon, the Emee'r Ab'oo Zeyd Baraka't generously granted; and thus added to the joy which the Emee'r Rizck derived from the recovery of his favourite wife, and his son.

The subsequent adventures related in the romance of Ab'oo Zeyd are numerous and complicated. The most popular portion of the work is the account of a riya'deh, or expedition in search of pasture; in which Ab'oo Zeyd, with three of his nephews, in the disguise of Shaӑrs, himself acting as their servant, are described as journeying through northern Africa, and signalizing themselves by many surprising exploits with the Arab tribe of Ez-Zen'a'tee'yeh.

CHAPTER IX. PUBLIC RECITATIONS OF ROMANCES-continued.

NEXT in point of number to the Sho”ara, among the public reciters of romances, are those who are particularly and solely distinguished by the appellation of Mohhadditee'n, or Story-tellers (in the singular, Mohhad'dit). There are said to be about thirty of them in Cairo. The exclusive subject of their narrations is a work called “the Life of Ez-Za'hir” (”See'ret Ez-Za'hir,” or “Es-See'reh ez-Za'hiree'yeh*”. They recite without book. * Hence, the Mohhadditee'n are sometimes called Za'hiree'yeh.

The See'ret Ez-Za'hir is a romance founded on the history of the famous Soolta'n Ez-Za'hir Beybur's, and many of his contemporaries. This prince acceeded to the throne of Egypt in the last month of the year of the Flight, 658, and died in the first month of the year 676; and consequently reigned a little more than seventeen years, according to the lunar reckoning, commencing A. D. 1260, and ending in 1277. Complete copies of the See'ret Ez-Za'hir have become so scarce that I have only heard of one existing in Egypt, which I have purchased: it consists of six quarto volumes; but is nominally divided into ten; and is made up of volumes of several different copies. The author and his age are unknown. The work is written in the most

vulgar style of modern Egyptian Arabic; but as it was intended for the vulgar, it is likely that copyists may have altered and modernized the language. The oldest volumes of my copy of it were written a few years more or less than a century ago. To introduce my reader to some slight acquaintance with this work, I shall insert a translation of a few pages at the commencement of the second volume; but, by way of introduction, I must say something of the contents of the first volume.

A person named 'Al'ee Ibn El-Warra'ckah, being commissioned to procure memloo'ks from foreign countries, by El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh (a famous Soolta'n of Egypt, and a celebrated wel'ee), is related to have purchased seventy-five memloo'ks in Syria; and to have added to them, immediately after, the principal hero of this romance, a youth named Mahhmoo'd (afterwards called Beybur's), a captive son of Sha'h Juck'muck (or Guck'muck) King of Khoowa'rez'm. 'Al'ee was soon after obliged to give Mahhmoo'd to one of his creditors at Damascus, in lieu of a debt; and this person presented him to his wife, to wait upon her son, a deformed idiot; but he remained not long in this situation: the sister of his new master, paying a visit to his wife, her sister-in-law, found her about to beat the young mem-loo'k, for having neglected the idiot, and suffered him to fall from a bench: struck with the youth's countenance, as strongly resembling a son whom she had lost, and pitying his condition, she purchased him of her brother, adopted him, gave him the name of Beybur's, which was that of her deceased son, and made him master of her whole property, which was very great. This lady was called the sit't Fa't'meh Bint El-Ackwa'see (daughter

of the bow-maker). Beybur's showed himself worthy of her generosity; exhibiting many proofs of a noble disposition, and signalizing himself by numerous extraordinary achievements, which attracted general admiration, but rendered him obnoxious to the jealousy and enmity of the Ba'sha of Syria, 'Ee'sa En-Na'siree, who contrived many plots to insnare him, and to put him to death. After a time, Negm ed-Deen, a Wezee'r of Es-Sa'lehh, and husband of a sister of the sit't Fa't'meh, came on an embassy to Damascus, and to visit his sister-in-law. On his return to Egypt, Beybur's accompanied him thither; and there he was promoted to offices of high dignity by Es-Sa'lehh, and became a particular favourite of the chief Wezee'r, Sha'hee'n El-Af'ram. The events which immediately followed the death of Es-Sa'lehh are thus related.

“After the death of El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b, the Wezee'r Ey'bek called together an assembly in his house, and brought thither the Emee'r Ckala-oo'n and his partisans: and the Wezee'r Ey'bek said to the Emee'r Ckala-oo'n, ' To-morrow we will go up to the deewa'n, with our troops, and either I will be Soolta'n, or thou shalt be.' The Emee'r Ckala-oo'n answered, ' So let it be:' and they agreed to do this. In like manner, the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n El-Af'ram also assembled the Emee'r Eydem'r El-Bah'loowa'n and his troops, and all the friends and adherents of the Emee'r Beybur's, and said to them, ' To-morrow, arm yourselves, and go up to the deewa'n; for it is our desire to make the Emee'r Beybur's Soolta'n; since El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b wrote for him a patent appointing him to the sovereignty;' and they answered, ' On the head and the eye.' So they passed the night, and rose in the

morning, and went up to the deewa'n; and there went thither also the Wezee'r Ey'bek Et-Toorkama'nee, with his troops, and the Emee'r Ckala-oo'n El-El'fee, with his troops, and the Emee'r 'Ala'y ed-Deen (or 'Ala' ed-Deen) El-Bey'seree, with his troops, all of them armed. The Emee'r Beybur's likewise went up to the deewa'n, with his troops; and the deewa'n was crowded with soldiers. Then said the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n, ' Rise O Beybur's; sit upon the throne, and become Soolta'n; for thou hast a patent appointing thee to the sovereignty.' The Emee'r Beybur's answered, ' I have no desire for the sovereignty: here is present the Wezee'r Ey'bek, and here is Ckala-oo'n: make one of them Soolta'n.' But the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n said, ' It cannot be: no one shall reign but thee.' Beybur's replied, ' By thy head, I will not reign.' ‘As he pleases,' said the Wezee'r Ey'bek.—' Is the sovereignty to be conferred by force? —As he pleases.' The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n said, 'And is the throne to remain unoccupied, with no one to act as Soolta'n?' The Wezee'r Ey'bek answered, ' Here are we present; and here is the Emee'r Ckala-oo'n: whosoever will reign, let him reign.' The Emee'r 'Ezz ed-Deen El-Hhil'lee said, ' O Wezee'r Sha'hee'n, the son of El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh is living.' The Emee'r Beybur's asked, ' Es-Sa'lehh has left a son?' The Koords* answered, ' Yes; and his name is 'Ee'sa: he is at El-Kar'ak.' ‘And why,' said the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n, ' were ye silent respecting him?' They replied, ' We were silent for no other reason than this, that he drinks wine.' ‘Does he drink wine?' said the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n. The Koords answered, ' Yes.' The Emee'r Beybur's said, ' May our Lord bring him to repentance:' * Es-Sa'lehh was of the house of Eiyoo'b, a dynasty of Koords.
‘Then,' said the soldiers, ' we must go to the city of El-Kar'ak, and bring him thence, and make him Soolta'n.' The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n said to them, ' Take the Emee'r Beybur's with you:' but Ey'bek and Ckala-oon answered, 'We will go before him, and wait for him there until he come.' The Emee'r Beybur's said, ' So let it be.'

” Upon this, the Wezee'r Ey'bek and Ckala-oo'n and “Ala'y ed-Deen El-Bey'seree, and their troops, went down from the deewa'n, and arranged their affairs, and on the following day caused their tents to be brought out, with their provisions, and pitched outside the 'A'dilee'yeh. Now the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n knew that the troops wished to create a dissension between the king (El-Mel'ik) 'Ee'sa and Beybur's. So the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n went down from the deewa'n, and took the Emee'r Beybur's with him, and went to his house, and said to him,' What hast thou perceived in the departing of the troops before thee?' He answered, ' Those persons detest me; for they are bearers of hatred; but, I extol the absolute glory of Him who is all-knowing with respect to secret things.' The Wezee'r said to him, ' My son, it is their desire to go before thee that they may create a dissension between thee and El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa.' The Emee'r Beybur's said, 'There is no power nor strength but in God, the High, the Great!' The Wezee'r said to him, ' O Beybur's, it is my wish to send 'Osma'n Ibn El-Hheb'la* and Mohham'mad Ib'n Ka'mil, * 'Osma'n (vulgarly called 'Otma'n, and 'Etma'n) Ibn El-Hheb'la wag a rogue, whom Beybur's took into his service as groom, and compelled to vow repentance at the shrine of the sey'yideh Nefee'seh (great-grand-daughter of the Ima'm Hhas'an), and soon after, made his moockud'dam, or chief of his servants.

the Dromedarist, before the troops; and whatever may happen, they will inform us of it.' Beybur's answered, ' So let it he.' Accordingly, he sent them; and said to them, ' Go before the troops to the castle of El-Kar'ak, and whatever may happen between them and El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa inform us of it.' They answered, ' It is our duty,' and they departed. Then said the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n, ' O Beybur's, as to thee, do thou journey to Esh-Sha'm*, and stay in the house of thy (adoptive) mother, the sit't Fa't'meh Bint El-Ackwa'see; and do not go out of the house until I shall have sent to thee ”Osma'n.' He answered, ' It is right.' So the Emee'r Beybur's rose, and went to his house, and passed the night, and got up in the morning, and set out on his journey to Esh-Sha'm, and took up his abode in the house of his mother, the sit't Fa't'meh Bint EI-Aekwa'see. We shall have to speak of him again presently. * Damascus.

“As to 'Osma'n Ibn El.Hheb'la and Mohham'mad Ib'n Ka'mil, the Dromedarist, they journeyed until they entered the castle of El-Kar'ak, and inquired for the residence of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, the son of El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b. Some persons conducted them to the house; and they entered; and the attendants there asked them what was their business. They informed them that they were from Musr, and that they wished to have an interview with El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, the son of El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b. The attendants went and told the kikh'ya; who came and spoke to them; and they acquainted him with their errand: so he went and told El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa; saying, ' Two men are come to thee from Musr, and wish to have an interview with thee: the one is named 'Osma'n; and the other,

Mohham'mad Ib'n Ka'mil, the Dromedarist.' The king said, 'Go, call 'Osma'n.' The kikh'ya returned, and took him, and brought him to El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa; and 'Osma'n looked towards the king, and saw him sitting tippling; and before him was a candelabrum, and a handsome memloo'k was serving him with wine; and he was sitting by a fountain surrounded by trees. 'Osma'n said, ' Mayest thou be in the keeping of God, O King 'Ee'sa!' The king answered, ' Ho! welcome, O 'Osma'n! Come, sit down and drink.' 'Osma'n exclaimed, ' I beg forgiveness of God! I am a repentant.' The king said, ' Obey me, and oppose me not.' Then 'Osman sat down; and the king said to him, ' Why the door of repentance is open.' And 'Osma'n drank until he became intoxicated.

” Now Ey'bek and Ckala-oo'n and 'Ala'y ed-Deen and their troops journeyed until they beheld the city of EI-Kar'ak, and pitched their tents, and entered the city, and inquired for the house of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa. The people conducted them to the house; and they entered; and the attendants asked them what was their object: they answered, that they were the troops of Musr, and wished to have an interview with El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa. The attendants went and told the kikh'ya, who came, and received them, and conducted them to the hall of audience, where they sat down, while he went and informed El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, saying to him, ' Come and speak to the troops of Musr who have come to thee. The king rose, and went to the troops, and accosted them; and they rose, and kissed his hand, and sat down again. El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa then said to them, ' For what purpose have ye come?' They answered, ' We have come to make thee Soolta'n in Musr.' He said, ' My

father, El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh, is he not Soolta'n?' They replied, 'The mercy of God, whose name be exalted, be on him '. Thy father has died, a victim of injustice: may our Lord avenge him on him who killed him.' He asked, ' Who killed him?' They answered, ' One whose name is Beybur's killed him.' ‘And where is Beybur's?' said he. They replied,' He is not yet come: we came before him.' ‘Even so,' said he. They then sat with him, aspersing Beybur's in his absence: and they passed the night there; and, rising on the following morning, said to El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, ' It is our wish to go out, and remain in the camp; for Sha'hee'n, the Wezee'r of thy father, is coming, with the Emee'r Beybur's; and if they see us with thee, they will accuse us of bringing to thee the information respecting Beybur's. He answered, ' Good:' so they went forth to the camp, and remained there.

” The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n approached with his troops, and encamped, and saw the other troops in their camp; but he would not ask them any questions, and so entered the city, and went to El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, who said to him, ' Art thou Beybur's, who poisoned my father? ' He answered, ' I am the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n; the Wezee'r of thy father.' The king said, ' And where is Beybur's, who poisoned my father?' The Wezee'r replied, ' Thy father departed by a natural death to await the mercy of his Lord: and who told thee that Beybur's poisoned thy father?' The king answered, ' The troops told me.' ‘Beybur's,' said the Wezee'r, ' is in Esh-Sha'm: go thither, and charge him, in the deewa'n, with having poisoned thy father, and bring proof against him.' So the Wezee'r perceived that the troops had been plotting.

“The Wezeer' Sha'hee'n then went, with his troops, outside the camp; and Mohham'mad Ib'n Ka'mil the Dromedarist came to him, and kissed his hand. The Wezee'r asked him respecting 'Osma'n. He answered, ' I have no tidings of him.' Meanwhile, El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa went to 'Osma'n, and said to him, ' The Wezee'r is come with his troops; and they are outside the camp.' So 'Osma'n rose, and, reeling as he went, approached the tents; and the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n saw him; and perceived that he was drunk ; and called to him. 'Osma'n came. The Wezee'r smelt him, seized him, and inflicted upon him the hhadd*; and said to him, ' Did'st thou not vow to relinquish the drinking of wine?' Osma'n answered,' El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, whom ye are going to make Soolta'n, invited me.' The Wezee'r said, ' I purpose writing a letter for you to take and give to the Emee'r Beybur's.' 'Osma'n replied, ' Good.' So the Wezee'r wrote the letter, and 'Osma'n took it and departed, and entered Esh-Sha'm, and went to the house of the sit't Fa't'meh, and gave it to his master, who read it, and found it to contain as follows.—'After salutations-from his excellency the Grand Wezee'r, the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n El-Af'ram, to his honour the Emee'r Beybur's. Know that the troops have aspersed thee and created dissensions between thee and El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa; and accused thee of having poisoned his father, El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b. Now, on the arrival of this paper, take care of thyself, and go not out of the house, unless I shall have sent to thee. And the conclusion of the letter is, that 'Osma'n got drunk in the castle of El-Kar'ak.' Beybur's was vexed with 'Osma'n; and said to him, ' Come hither, and receive a present:' * Eighty stripes, the punishment ordained for drunkenness.

and he stretched forth his hand, and laid hold of him. 'Osma'n said, ' What ails thee?' Beybur's exclaimed, ' Did I not make thee vow to relinquish the drinking of wine?' 'Has he told thee?' asked 'Osma'n. 'I will give thee a treat,' said Beybur's: and he took him, and threw him down, and inflicted upon him the hhadd. ' How is it,' said 'Osma'n, 'that the king whom you are going to make Soolta'n I found drinking wine?' Beybur's answered, ' IF one has transgressed must thou transgress?' 'And is this,' asked 'Osma'n, ' the hhadd ordained by God?' Beybur's answered, 'Yes.' 'Then,' said 'Osma'n, ' the hhaddss which Ab'oo Fur'meh* inflicted upon me is a loan, and a debt which must be repaid him.' Beybur's then said, 'The troops have created a dissension between me and El-Mel'ik Ee'sa; and have accused me of poisoning his father, El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh.' ‘I beg the forgiveness of God,' said 'Osma'n. 'Those fellows detest thee; but no harm will come to us from them.' Beybur's said, ' O 'Osma'n, call together the sa'ises †, and arm them, and let them remain in the lane of (he cotton-weavers ‡, and not suffer any troops to enter.' 'Osma'n answered, ' On the head and the eye;' and he assembled the sa'ises, and armed them, and made them stand in two rows: then he took a seat, and sat in the court of the house. The Emee'r Beybur's also armed all his troops; and placed them in the court of the house. * 'Osma'n, for the sake of a rude joke, changes the name of the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n (El-Af'ram) into an appellation too coarse to be here translated. † Grooms, also employed as running footmen. ‡ A lane from which the house was entered.

“As to El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, he mounted his horse, and

departed with the troops, and journeyed until he entered Esh-Sha'm; when he went in procession to the deewa'n, and sat upon the throne, and inquired of the King* of Syria respecting Beybur's. The King of Syria answered, ' He is in the lane of the cotton-weavers, in the house of his mother.' El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa said, 'O Sha'hee'n, who will go and bring him?' The Wezee'r answered, 'Send to him the Emee'r 'Ala'y ed-Deen El-Bey'seree. So he sent him. The Emee'r descended, and went to the lane of the cotton-weavers. 'Osma'n saw him, and cried out to him,' Dost thou remember, thou son of a vile woman, the chicken which thou atest †? ' He then struck him with a mace: the Emee'r fell from his horse; and 'Osma'n gave him a bastinading. He returned, and informed the king; and the King 'Ee'sa said again, ' O Sha'hee'n, who will go, and bring Beybur's? ' The Wezee'r answered, ' Send to him the Wezee'r Ey'bek.' The King said, 'Rise, O Wezee'r Ey'bek, and go, call Beybur's:' but Ey'bek said, ' No one can bring him, excepting the Wezee'r.' Then said El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa, ' Rise, O Wezee'r Sha'hee'n, and bring Beybur's.' The Wezee'r answered, ' On the head and the eye: but, before I bring him, tell me, wilt thou deal with him according to law, or by arbitrary power?' The King said, ' By law.' Then said the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n, ' So let it be: and I spake not thus from any other motive than because I fear for thyself and the troops, lest blood be shed: for Beybur's is very stubborn, and has many troops; and I fear for the army; * Sometimes called, in this work, Ba'sha of Syria. † This is an allusion to 'Ala'y ed-Deen's having eaten a dish that had been prepared for Beybur's, when the latter had just entered the service of the Soolta'n Es-Sa'lehh.
for he is himself equal to the whole host: therefore bring accusation against him, and prove by law that he poisoned thy lather.' The king; said, ' So let it be.'

” Then the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n descended from the deewa'n, and went to the lane of the cotton-weavers. 'Osina'n saw him; and said, 'Thou hast fallen into the snare, O Ab'oos Fur'meh! the time of payment is come; and the debt must be returned to the creditor. Dost thou know how to give me a bastinading?' The Wezee'r said, ' My dream which I saw has proved true.' ‘What was thy dream? ' asked 'Osina'n. ' I dreamed,' said the Wezee'r, ' last night, that I was travelling, and some Arabs attacked me, and surrounded me, and I was straitened by them; and I saw thy master, the Emee'r Beybur's, upon a mount; and I called out to him, Come to me, O Emee'r Beybur's! and he knew me. The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n calling out thus, the Emee'r Beybur's heard him, and came down running, with his sword in hand; and found 'Osma'n and the sa'ises surrounding the Wezee'r. He exclaimed, ' 'Osma'n!' and 'Osma'n said, ' He gave me a bastinading in the city of El-Kar'ak; and I want to return it.' The Emee'r Beybur's sharply reprimanded him. 'And so,' said 'Osma'n to the Wezee'r, ' thou hast found a way of escape.' The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n then said, ' O Emee'r Beybur's, El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa hath sent me to thee: he intends to prefer an accusation against thee in the deewa'n of Esh-Sha'm, charging thee with having poisoned his father. Now, do thou arm all thy soldiers, and come to the deewa'n, and fear not; but say that which shall clear thee.' Beybur's answered, ' So let it be.' He then armed all his soldiers, and went up to the deewa'n, and kissed the hand of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa;

who said to him, 'Art thou the Emee'r Beybur's, who poisoned my father?' Beybur's answered, ' Prove against me that I poisoned thy father, and bring the charge before the judge, and adduce evidence: the Cka'dee is here.' The king said, ' I have evidence against thee.' Beybur's said, 'Let us see.' 'Here, said the king, 'are the Wezee'r Ey'bek and Ckala-oo'n and “Ak'y ed-Deen.' The Emee'r Beybur's asked them, ' Do ye bear witness against me that I poisoned El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh? ' They answered, 'Never: we neither saw it, nor do we know anything of the matter.' The Cka'dee said, ' Hast thou any witnesses beside those?' The king replied, 'None: no one informed me but them.' The Cka'dee said,' O king, those men are hypocrites, and detest the Emee'r Beybur's.' El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa thereupon became reconciled with the Emee'r Beybur's, and said to his attendants,' Bring a ckufta'n.” They brought one, He said to them, ' Invest with it the Emee'r Beybur's;' and added, 'I appoint thee, O Beybur's, commander-in-chief of the army.' But Beybur's said, 'I have no desire for the dignity, and will put on no ckufta'ns.' The king asked, 'Why, Sir?' Beybur's answered, 'Because I have been told that thou drinkest wine.' The king said, 'I repent.' ‘So let it be,' said Beybur's: and the king vowed repentance to Beybur's: and the Emee'r Beybur's said, ' I make a condition with thee, O king, that if thou drink wine, I inflict upon thee the hhadd:' and the king replied, 'It is right.' Upon this, the king invested the Emee'r Beybur's with a ckufta'n; and a feast was made; and guns were fired; and festivities were celebrated: and they remained in Esh-Sha'm three days.

“El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa then gave orders for departure; and performed the first day's journey. On the second day, they came to a valley, celebrated as a halting-place of the Prophet, the Director in the way to heaven: in it were trees, and brooks, and birds which sang the praises of the King, the Mighty, the Pardoner. El-Mel'ik Ee'sa said, 'Pitch the tents here: we will here pass the night.' So they pitched the tents. And the day departed with its brightness, and the night came with its darkness: but the Everlasting remaineth unchanged: the stars shone; and God, the Living, the Self-subsisting, looked upon the creation. It was the period of the full-moon; and the King felt a longing to drink wine by the side of the brook and greensward: so he called to Ab'oo-l-Kheyr, who came to him, and kissed his hand. The King said to him, 'O Ab'oo-l-Kheyr, I have a longing to drink wine.' The servant answered, ' Hast thou not vowed repentance to the Emee'r Beybur's?' The King said, 'The door of repentance is open: so do thou obey me:' and he gave him ten pieces of gold. The servant then went to a convent; and brought him thence a large bottle: and the King said to him, ' If thou see the Emee'r Beybur's coming, call out hay! and as long as thou dost not see him, call clover!' The servant answered, 'Right:' and he filled a cup, and handed it to the King. Now 'Osma'n was by the tents; and he came before the pavilion of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa; and saw him sitting drinking wine: so he went, and told his master, the Emee'r Beybur's. Beybur's came. Ab'oo-l-Kheyr saw him coming from a tent, and called out to the King, ' hay! hay!' The King immediately threw the cup into the brook; Ab'oo-l-Kheyr removed the bottle; and the King set

himself to praying: and when he had pronounced the salutation [which terminates the prayers], he turned his eyes, and saw the Emee'r Beybur's, and said to him, ' Wherefore art thou come at this hour? Go, sleep: it is late.' Beybur's answered, ' I have come to ask thee whether we shall continue our journey now, or to-morrow morning.' The King said, ' Tomorrow morning.' And the Emee'r Beybur's returned, vexed with 'Osma'n; and said to him, ' O 'Osma'n, didst thou not tell me that the King was sitting drinking wine? Now I have been, and found him praying. Dost thou utter a falsehood against the Soolta'n?' 'Osma'n answered, 'Like as he has smoothed it over, do thou also: no matter. Beybur's was silent.

“They passed the night there; and on the following morning, El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa gave orders for departure. They journeyed towards Musr; and when they had arrived at the 'A'dilee'yeh, and pitched their tents, the Emee'r Beybur's said, ' O our lord the Soolta'n, we have now arrived at Musr.' The King answered, ' I desire, O Beybur's, to visit the tomb of the Ima'm [Esh-Sha'fe'ee].' Beybur's said, 'The thing is right, O our lord the Soolta'n: to-morrow I will conduct thee to visit the Ima'm.' They remained that night at the 'A'dilee'yeh; and on the following morning, the Soolta'n rode in procession to visit the Ima'm, and returned in procession, and visited the tomb of his father, El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b; and then went in state to the Citadel: and the 'Ool'ama went up thither, and inaugurated him as sovereign, and conducted him into the armoury; and he drew out from thence a sword, upon which was inscribed ' El-Mel'ik El-Mo'az'zum*:' wherefore * The Magnified King.

they named him ' 'Ee'sa El-Mo'az'zum.' They coined the money with his name; and prayed for him on the pulpits of the mosques; and he invested with ckufta'ns the soldiers and the Emee'r Beybur's, the commander-in-chief. The Soolta'n then wrote a patent, conferring the sovereignty, after himself, upon the Emee'r Beybur's, to be king and Soolta'n. So the Emee'r Keytar's had two patents conferring; upon him the sovereignty; the patent of El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh Eiyoo'b, and the patent of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa El-Mo'az'ziun. Ey'bek and Ckala-oo'n and 'Ala'y ed-Deen and their partisans, who hated Beybur's, were grieved at this; but his friends rejoiced. The troops descended from the deewa'n, and went to their houses; and in like manner, the Emee'r Beybur's descended in procession, and went to his house by the Ckana'tir es-Siba'a.

” Now the queen Sheg'eret ed-Door'r sent to El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa El-Mo'az'zum. He went to her palace. She kissed his hand; and he said to her, ' Who art thou?' She answered, ' The wife of thy lather, El-Mel'ik Es-Sa'lehh.' ‘And what is thy name?' said he. She replied, ' the queen Fa'timeh Sheg'eret ed-Door'r.' He exclaimed ' Oh! Welcome! pray for me then.' She said, ' God bring thee to repentance.' She then gave him a charge respecting the Emee'r Beybur's; saying, ' Thy father loved him above all the chiefs, and entered into a covenant with him before God; and I, also, made a covenant with him before God.' He answered, ' O queen, by thy life, I have written for him a patent conferring upon him the sovereignty after me.' She said, 'And thy father, also, wrote for him a patent, conferring upon him the sovereignty.' The King then said to her, ' Those chiefs created a dissension between me and

him; and asserted that he poisoned ray father.' She said, ' I beg God's forgiveness! They hate him. After this, the queen remained chatting with him a short time; and he went to his saloon, and passed the night, and rose.

” On the following day, he held a court; and the hall was filled with troops. And he winked to Ab'oo-1-Kheyr, and said, ' Give me to drink.' Now he had said to him, the day before, ' To-morrow, when I hold my court, and say to thee, Give me to drink, bring me a water-bottle full of wine.' So when El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa sat upon the throne, and the court, filled with troops, resembled a garden, the troops resembling the branches of plants, he felt a longing to drink wine, and said to Ab'oo-l-Kheyr, ' Give me to drink;' and winked to him; and he brought to him the water-bottle; and he drank, and returned it. Then he sat a little longer; and said again, ' Give me to drink, O Ab'oo-l-Kheyr;' and the servant brought the bottle; and he drank, and gave it back. He sat a little longer; and again he said, ' Give me to drink.' Ckala-oo'n said, ' O 'Ala'y ed-Deen, it seems that the Soolta'n has breakfasted upon kawa'rë*.' Upon this, the Wezee'r Sha'hee'n asked him, 'What hast thou eaten?” The King answered, ' My stomach is heated and flatulent.' The Wezee'r, however, perceived the smell of wine; and was vexed. The court then broke up; and the troops descended. The Wezee'r Sha'hee'n also descended, and took with him the Emee'r Beybur's to his house, and said to him, ' May God take retribution from thee, O Beybur's.' Beybur's said, 'Why?' The Wezee'r answered, ' Because thou didst not accept the sovereignty.' * A dish of lamb's feet, cooked with garlic and vinegar, &c.

‘But for what reason sayest thou this?' asked Beybur's. The Wezee'r said, ' The Soolta'n, to-day, drank wine, while sitting upon the throne, three times. When the Vicar of God, in administering the law, intoxicates himself, his decisions are null, and he has not any right to give them.' Beybur's replied, ' I made a condition with him, that if he drank wine, I should inflict upon him the hhadd; and wrote a document to that effect in Esh-Sha'm.” ' To-morrow,' said the Wezee'r, ' when he holds his court, observe him; and take the water-bottle, and see what is in it. I perceived his smell.' Beybur's answered, 'It is right:' and he arose, and went to his house sorrowful: and he passed the night, and rose, and went to the court, and found it filled with troops; and he kissed the hand of the Soolta'n, and sat in his place. Presently, the Soolta'n said, ' Give me to drink, O Ab'oo-l-Kheyr:' and the servant brought the water bottle; and the Soolta'n drank. Beybur's took hold of the water-bottle; and said, 'Give me to drink.' The servant answered,' This is medicinal water.' ‘No harm,' said Beybur's: ' I have a desire for it.' ‘It is rose-water,' said the servant. Beybur's said, 'Good:' and he took the bottle; and said, 'Bring a basin.” A basin was brought; and he poured into it the contents of the bottle before the troops; and they saw that it was wine. Then said the Emee'r Beybur's to the Soolta'n, ' Is it allowed thee by God to be his Vicar, and to intoxicate thyself? Did I not make thee vow to relinquish the drinking of wine, and say to thee, If thou drink it I will inflict upon thee the hhadd; and did I not write a document to that effect in Esh-Sha'm?' The Soolta'n answered, ' It is a habit decreed against me, O Beybur's.' Beybur's exclaimed,
' God is witness, O ye troops!' and he took the Soolta'n, and flogged him; and he was unconscious, by reason of the wine that he had drunk: and he loosed him, and departed from him, and went to his house.”

The second volume proceeds to relate the troubles which befel Beybur's in consequence of his incurring the displeasure of El-Mel'ik 'Ee'sa by the conduct just described; his restoration to the favour of that prince; and his adventures during the reigns of the subsequent Soolta'ns, Khalee'l El-Ash'raf, Es-Sa'lehh the youth, Ey'bek (his great and inveterate enemy), and El-Moduf'far; and then, his own accession to the sovereignty. The succeeding volumes contain narratives of his wars in Syria and other countries; detailing various romantic achievements, and the exploits of the Fed'a'wee'yeh, or Feda'wees, of his time. The term Feda'wee, which is now vulgarly understood to signify any warriour of extraordinary courage and ability, literally and properly means a person who gives, or is ready to give, his life as a ransom for his companions, or for their cause; and is here applied to a class of warriours who owned no allegiance to any sovereign unless to a chief of their own choice; the same class who are called, in our histories of the Crusades, “Assassins;” which appellation the very learned orientalist De Sacy has, I think, rightly pronounced to be a corruption of “Hhash'sha'shee'n,” a name derived from their making frequent use of the intoxicating hemp, called hhashee'sh, or a vegetable of similar properties, which might, with equal justness, be called by tha name. The romance of Ez-Za'hir affords confirmation of the etymology given by De Sacy; but suggests a different explanation of it: the Fed'a'wee'yeh being

almost always described in this work, as making use of beng (or henbane, which, in the present day, is often mixed with hhushee'sh) to make a formidable enemy or rival their prisoner, by disguising themselves, inviting him to eat, putting the drug into his food or drink, and thus causing him speedily to fall into a deep sleep, so that they were able to bind him at their leisure, and convey him whither they would. The chief of these warriours is Shee'hhah, called “Soolta'n el-Ckila'a wa-l-Hhosoo'n” or “Soolta'n of the Castles and Fortresses”), who is described as almost constantly engaged, and generally with success, in endeavouring to reduce all the Feda'wees to allegiance to himself and to Beybur's. From his adroitness in disguises and plots, his Proteus-like character, his name has become a common appellation of persons of a similar description. Another of the more remarkable characters in this romance is Goowa'n (or John), a European Christian, who, having deeply studied Moos'lim law, succeeds in obtaining, and retains for a few years, the office of Cka'dee of the Egyptian metropolis; and is perpetually plotting against Beybur's, Shee'hhah, and other Moos'lim chiefs

Much of the entertainment derived from recitations of this work depend upon the talents of the mohhad'dit who often greatly improves the stories by his action, and by witty introductions of his own invention.

CHAPTER X. PUBLIC RECITATIONS OF ROMANCES-continued.

THERE is, in Cairo, a third class of reciters of romances, who are called 'Ana'tireh, or 'Anteree'yeh (in the singular, 'An'ter'ee); but they are much less numerous than either of the other two classes before mentioned; their number at present, if I be rightly informed, not amounting to more than six. They bear the above appellation from the chief subject of their recitations; which is the romance of 'An'tar (See'ret 'An'tar). As a considerable portion of this interesting work has become known to English readers by Mr. Terrick Hamilton's translation, I need give no account of it. The reciters of it read it from the book: they chant the poetry; but the prose they read, in the popular manner; and they have not the accompaniment of the raba'b. As the poetry in this work is very imperfectly understood by the vulgar, those who listen to it are mostly persons of some education.

The 'Ana'tireh also recite from other works than that from which they derive their appellation. All of them, I am told, occasionally relate stories from a romance called “See'ret el-Mooga'hidee'n” (” the History of the Warriours”), or, more commonly, “See'ret Del'hem'eh,” or “Zoo-l-Him'meh *,” from a heroine who is the chief * The latter, being a masculine appellation, is evidently a coruption of the former. The name is written Del'hem'eh in the older portions of some volumes in my possession made up of fragments of this work. One of these portions appeals to be at least three centuries old. In some of the more modern fragments, the name is written Zoo-f-Him'meh.

character in the work. A few years since, they frequently recited from the romance of “Seyf Zoo-l-Yez'en” (vulgarly called “Seyf El-Yez'en,” and “Seyf El-Yez'el”), a work abounding with tales of wonder; and from “the Thousand and One Nights” (” El'f Ley'leh we-Ley'leh”), more commonly known, in our country, by the title of “the Arabian Nights' Entertainments.” The great scarcity of copies of these two works is, I believe, the reason why recitations of them are no longer heard: even fragments of them are with difficulty procured; and when a complete copy of “the Thousand and One Nights” is found, the price demanded for it is too great for a reciter to have it in his power to pay. I doubt whether the romances of Ab'oo Zeyd, Ez-Za'hir, 'An'tur, and Del'hem'eh, are chosen as the subjects of recitation, because preferred to “the Thousand and One Nights;” but it is certain that the modern Moos'lims of Egypt have sufficient remains of Bed'awee feeling to take great delight in hearing tales of war.

That my reader may have some notion of all the works from which the professional reciters of romances in Cairo draw the materials for the amusement of their audiences, in the present day, I shall give a sketch of some of the adventures related in the romance of Del'hem'eh. This work is even more scarce than any of those before mentioned. The copies, I am told, were always in fifty-five volumes. After long search, all that I have succeeded in procuring of it is a portion consisting

of the first three volumes (containing, together, 302 pages), and another portion consisting of the forty-sixth and forty-seventh volumes. The former would present a good specimen of the work, were not the greater part written in a hand scarcely legible; in consequence of which, and of the many other subjects that now demand my attention, I have only been able to read the first volume. The chief subjects of this work, according to the preface, are the warlike exploits of Arabs of the Desert in the times of the Khalee'fehs of the houses of Oomei'yeh and El-'Abba's. It is composed from the narratives of various writers: nine names of the authors are mentioned; but none of them are at present known: their history and their age are alike uncertain; but the style of their narratives shows them to be not modern. The account which the 'Ana'tireh and Mohhadditee'n generally give of this romance is as follows.—When El-As'ma”ee (or, as he is commonly called, El-As'mo”ee) composed, or compiled, the history of 'An'tar*, that work (they say) became extremely popular, and created so great an enthusiasm on the subjects of the adventures of Arab warriours, that a diligent search was made for all tales of the same kind; and from these was compiled the See'ret el-Moga'hidee'n, or Del'hem'eh, by some author now unknown; who, as he could not equal the author of 'An'tar in eloquence, determined to surpass him in the length of his narratives; and ”An'tar being generally in forty-five volumes, he made his book fifty-five. The romance of Del'hem'eh abounds in poetry, which is not without beauties, nor without faults; but these are, perhaps, mostly attributable * The 'Ool'ama in general despise the romance of 'An'tar, and ridicule the assertion that El-As'ma”ee was its author.
to copyists.—Of a part of what I have read, which introduces us to one of the principal characters in the work, I shall now give an abridged translation.

At the commencement of the work, we are told, that, in the times of the Khalee'fehs of the house of Oomel'yeh, none of the Arab tribes surpassed in power, courage, hospitality, and other virtues for which the Arabs of the Desert are so famous, the Ben'ee Kila'b, whose territory was in the Hhega'z: but the viceroy of the Khalee'feh over the collective tribes of the desert was the chief of the Ben'ee Sooley'm, who prided themselves on this distinction, and on their wealth. El-Hha'ris, the chief of the Ben'ee Kila'b, a horseman unrivalled in his day, in one of the predatory excursions which he was wont frequently to make against other tribes, took captive a beautiful girl, named Er-Raba'b (or the Viol), whom he married. She became pregnant; and, during her pregnancy, dreamed that a fire issued from her, and burnt all her clothing. Being much troubled by this dream, she related it to her husband; and he, alike surprised and distressed, immediately searched for, and soon found, a person to interpret it. An old sheykh informed him that his wife would bear a son of great renown, who would have a son more renowned than himself; and that the mother of the former would be in danger of losing her life at the time of his birth. This prophecy he repeated to the wife of El-Hha'ris; and, at her request, wrote an amulet to be tied upon the infant's right arm, as soon as he should be born; upon which amulet he recorded the family and pedigree of the child:—” This child is the son of El-Hha'ris the son of Kha'lid the sou of 'A'mir the son of Sa'asa”ah the son of Kila'b; and this is his pedigree among all the Arabs

of the Hhega'z; and he is verily of the Ben'ee Kila'b.” Soon after this, El-Hha'ris fell sick; and, after a short illness, died. Most of the Arabs of neighbouring tribes, who had been subjected and kept in awe by him, rejoiced at his death, and determined to obtain retribution by plundering his property. This coming to the ears of his widow, Er-Raba'b, she determined to return to her family; and persuaded a black slave who had belonged to her late husband to accompany her. By night, and without having mentioned their intention to any one else, they departed; and at midnight they approached a settlement of Arabs whose chief was the Emee'r Da'rim. Here the slave, tempted by the Devil, led her from the road, and impudently told her, that her beauty had excited in his breast a passion which she must consent to gratify. She indignantly refused; but the fright that she received from his base conduct occasioned a premature labour; and in this miserable state, she gave birth to a son. She washed the infant with the water of a brook that ran by the spot; wrapped it in a piece of linen which she tore off from her dress; tied the amulet to its arm; and placed it to her breast. Scarcely had she done this, when the slave, infuriated by disappointment, drew his sword, and struck off her head. Having thus revenged himself, he fled.

Now it happened, as Providence had decreed, that the wife of the Emee'r Da'rim had just been delivered of a son, which had died; and the Emee'r, to dissipate his grief on this account, went out to hunt, with several of his people, on the morning after Er-Raba'b had been murdered. He came to the spot where her corpse lay, and saw it: the infant was still sucking the breast of its dead mother; and God had sent a flight of locusts, of

the kind called goon'doob, to shade it from the sun with their wings. Full of astonishment at the sight, he said to his Wezee'r, “See this murdered damsel, and this infant on her lap, and those flying insects shading it, and the dead mother still affording it milk! Now, by the faith of the Arabs, if thou do not ascertain the history of this damsel, and the cause of her murder, I behead thee like her.” The Wezee'r answered, “O King, none knoweth what is secret but God, whose name be exalted! Was I with her? or do I know her? But promise me protection, and I will inform thee what I suppose to have been the case.” The King said, “I give thee protection.” Then said the Wezee'r, “Know, O King,-but God is all-knowing,-that this is the daughter of some king; and she has grown up; and a servant has had intercourse with her; and by him she has conceived this child; and her family have become acquainted with the fact, and killed her. This is my opinion; and there is an end of it.” The King exclaimed, “Thou dog of the Arabs! what is this that thou sayest to the prejudice of this damsel? By Al'lah! if I had not promised thee protection I had slain thee with the edge of the sword! If she had committed this crime, she would not be affording the child her milk after she was dead; nor would God have sent these flying insects to shade the infant.” He then sent for a woman to wash the corpse; and after it had been washed, and bound in grave-clothes, he buried it respectably.

From the circumstance of the goon'doob shading him with their wings, the foundling received the name of El-Goon'doob'ah. The Emee'r Da'rim conveyed it to his wife, and persuaded her to bring it up as her own;

which she did until the child had attained the age of seven years; when he was sent to school; and there he remained until he had learned the Ckoor-a'n. By the time he had attained to manhood, he had become a horseman unrivalled; he was like a bitter colocynth, a viper, and a calamity*. * These are not terms of reproach among the Arabs; but, of praise.

Now his adoptive father, the Emee'r Da'rim, went forth one day, according to his custom, on a predatory expedition, accompanied by a hundred horsemen. Falling in with no booty, he proceeded as far as the territory of a woman called Esh-Shum'ta (or the Grizzle), whom the heroes of her time held in fear, on account of her prowess and strength; and who was possessed of great wealth. He determined to attack her. She mounted her horse in haste, on hearing of his approach, and went forth to meet him and his party. For a whole hour, she contended with them; killed the greater number; and put the rest to flight, except the Emee'r Da'rim, whom she took prisoner, and led in bonds, disgraced and despised, to her fortress. Those of his attendants who had fled returned to their tribes, and plunged them in affliction by the story they related. The Emee'r Da'rim had ten sons. These all set out together, with a number of attendants, to rescue their father; but they all became the prisoners of Esh-Shum'ta; and most of their attendants were killed by her. El-Goon'doob'ah now resolved to try his arms against this heroine. He went alone, unknown to any of the tribe, except his foster-mother, and arrived at the place of his destination. Esh-Shum'ta was on the top of her fortress. She saw him approach, a solitary

horseman; and perceived that his riding was that of a hero. In haste she descended, and mounted her horse, and went out to meet him. She shouted against him; and the desert resounded with her shout; but El-Goon'doob'ah was unmoved by it. They defied each other, and met; and for a whole hour the contest lasted: at length, El-GoonMoob'ah's lance pierced the bosom of Esh-Shum'ta; its glittering point protruded through her back; and she fell from her horse, slain, and weltering in her blood. Her slaves, who were forty in number, seeing their mistress dead, made a united attack upon her victor; but he unhorsed them all; and then, reproaching them for having served a woman, when they were all men of prowess, admonished them to submit to him; upon which, they all acknowledged him as their master. He divided among them the treasures of Esh-Shum'ta; and released his adoptive father and brothers; with whom he returned to the tribe.

This exploit spread the fame of El-Goon'doob'ah among all the tribes of the desert; but it excited envy in the breast of the Emee'r Da'rim, who soon after desired him to seek for himself some other place of abode. El-Goon'doob'ah remonstrated; but to no effect; and prepared for his departure. When he was about to go, the Emee'r Da'rim desired to be allowed to open the amulet that was upon El-Goon'doob'ah's arm, and to read what was written upon the paper. Having obtained permission, and done this, he uttered a loud shout; and several of his people coming in to inquire the cause of this cry, he said to them, “This youth is the son of your enemy El-Hha'ris, the Kila'bee: take him, and slay him:” but El-Goon'doob'ah insisted that they should contend with him one by one. The Emee'r

Da'rim was the first to challenge him; and addressed him in these verses*. * When the narrator introduces poetry, he generally desires his readers and hearers to bless the Prophet. Frequently, he merely says, “Bless ye the Apostle:” and often, “Bless ye him for [the visit to] whose tomb burdens are bound:” i. e. “Bless ye him whose tomb is an object of pilgrimage:” for, though the pilgrimage ordained by the Ckoor-a'u is that to the temple of Mek'keh and mount 'Arafa't, yet, the Prophet's tomb is also an object of pious pilgrimage.—I translate the poetry from this tale verse for verse, and imitating the system pursued with regard to rhyme in the originals.

“This day I forewarn thee of death and disgrace, From my weapon, thou offspring of parents base! Did'st thou think, thou vile foundling, to raise thyself, O'er the heads of our tribe, to the foremost place? Thy hone is now baffl'd: thy wish is deceiv'd: For to-day we have known thee of hostile race. Thy blood-thirsty father oppressed our tribe: Both our men and our wealth were his frequent preys: But to-day shall he taken a full revenge: All our heroes shall see me their wrongs efface. Be assur'd that thy death is now near at hand; That my terrible lance shall pierce thee apace; For 'twas I introduc'd thee among our tribe; And the foe that I brought I will now displace.”

El-Goon'doob'ah replied, “O my uncle, thou has treated me with kindness: do not repent of it; but let me depart from you in peace: cancel not the good that thou hast done.” But Da'rim answered, “Use no protraction: for thy death is determined on.” Then El-Goon'dool'ah thus addressed him—

“Be admonish'd, O Da'rim! thy steps retrace; And haste not thus rashly thy fate to embrace.

Hast thou ever seen aught of evil in me? I have always named thee with honour and praise. By my hand and lance was Esh-Shum'ta destroy'd, When thou wast her captive, in bonds and disgrace: I freed thee from bondage: and is it for this We are now met as enemies, face to face? God be judge between us: for be will be just. And will show who is noble, and who is base.”

As soon as he had said these words, the Emee'r Da'rim charged upon him. They fought for a whole hour; and at last, El-Goon'doob'ah pierced the breast of Da'rim with his spear; and the point protruded, glittering, from the spine of his back. When Da'rim's sons saw that their father was slain, they all attacked El-Goon'doob'ah; who received them as the thirsty land receives a drizzling rain: two of them he killed: the rest fled; and acquainted their mother with the events they had just witnessed. With her head uncovered, and her bosom bare, she came weeping to El-Goon'doob'ah, and thus exclaimed—

“O Goon'doob'ah! thy lance hath wrought havoc sore: Man and youth have perish'd; and lie in their gore; And among them, the eldest of all my sons. They are justly punish'd; but now I implore That thou pardon the rest: in pity for me Restrain thy resentment; and slaughter no more. By my care of thy childhood! and by these breasts Which have nourish'd thee, noble youth, heretofore! Have mercy upon us; and leave us in peace: In spite of thy wrongs, this contention give o'er. I love thee as though thou wert truly my son; And thy loss I shall sorrow for, evermore.”

El-Goon'doob'ah listened to her address; and when she had finished, he thus replied—

“O Mother! by Him whom we all adore!. And the just Moos'tuf 'a Ta'-Ha'*! * Ta'-Ha' (which is the title of the 20th chapter of the Ckoora'n, and is composed of two letters of the Arabic alphabet) is considered, and often used, as a name of the Arabian Prophet (of whom Moos'tuf'a and Ahh'mad, as well as Mohham'mad, are also names): so likewise is Ya'-See'n, which is the title of the 36th chapter of the Ckoor-a'n. I deplore The actions which I have been made to commit; Deeds against my will: and not thought of before: But God, to whose aid I ascribe my success, Had of old decreed these events to occur. For thy sake, their pardon I grant; and I would If their lances had made my lifeblood to pour. To withdraw myself hence, and sever the ties Of affection and love, is a trial sore. While i live I shall constantly wish thee peace, And joy uninterrupted for evermore.”

Having said thus, El-Goon'doob'ah took leave of his foster-mother, and departed alone, and went to the fortress of Esh-Shum'ta. The slaves saw him approach; and met him; and, in reply to their inquiries, he informed them of all that had just befallen him. He then risked if any of them were willing to go with him in search of a better territory, where they might intercept the caravans, and subsist by plunder; and they all declaring their readiness to accompany him, he chose from among them as many as he desired, and left the rest in the fortress. He travelled with his slaves until they came to a desolate and dreary tract, without verdure or water; and the slaves, fearing that they should die of thirst, conspired against his life: but El-Goon'doob'ah, perceiving their discontent, and guessing their intention, pressed on to a tract abounding with water

and pasture; and here they halted to rest. El-Goon'doob'ah watched until all of them had fallen asleep; and then dispatched them, every one, with his sword. Having done this, he pursued his journey during the night; and in the morning he arrived at a valley with verdant sides, and abundance of pasture, with lofty trees, and rapid streams, and birds whose notes proclaimed the praises of the Lord of Power and Eternity. In the midst of this valley he saw a Bed'awee tent, and a lance stuck by it in the ground, and a horse picketted. The Emee'r Goon'doob'ah fixed his eyes upon this tent; and as he looked at it, there came forth from it a person of elegant appearance, completely armed, who bounded upon the horse, and galloped towards him, without uttering a word, to engage him in combat. “My brother!” exclaimed El-Goon'doob'ah “begin with salutation before the stroke of the sword; for that is a principle in the nature of the noble.” But no answer was returned. They fought until their spears were broken, and till their swords were jagged: at length El-Goon'doob'ah seized hold of the vest beneath his antagonist's coat of mail, and heaved its wearer from the saddle to the ground. He uplifted his sword; but a voice, so sweet, it would have cured the sick, exclaimed, “Have mercy on thy captive, O hero of the age!” “Art thou a man?” said El-Goon'doob'ah, “or a woman?” “I am a virgin damsel,” she replied; and, drawing away her lita'm* , displayed a face like the moon at the full. When El-Goon'doob'ah beheld the beauty of her face, * The lita'm (or litha'm) is a piece of drapery with which a Bed'awee often covers the lower part of his face. It frequently prevents his being recognized by another Arab who might make him a victim of blood-revenge.
and the elegance of her form, he was bewildered, and overpowered with love. He exclaimed, “O mistress of beauties, and star of the morn, and life of souls! acquaint me with thy secret, and inform me of the truth of thy history.” She answered, “O hero of our time! O hero of the age and period! shall I relate to thee my story in narrative prose, or in measured verse?” He said, “O beauty of thine age, and peerless one of thy time! I will hear nothing from thee but measured verse.” She then thus related to him all that had happened to her—

“O thou noble hero, and generous knight! Thou loader of warriours! and foremost in fight! Hear, now, and attend to the story I tell. I'm the virgin daughter, thou hero of might! Of El-Mel'ik* Cka'boo's; and a maid whose fame * It was the custom to entitle the chief of a powerful tribe “El-Mel'ik,” or “the King.” Has been raised, by her arms, to an envied height; Acknowledged a heroine, bold and expert, Skill'd alike with the lance and the sword to smite. Many suitors sought me in marriage; but none Could ever induce me his love to requite; And I swore by my Lord, the Compassionate, And the noble Moos'tuf'a, that moon-like light, That, to no man on earth I would e'er consent In the bonds of marriage myself to unite, Unless to a hero for prowess renown'd, To one who should prove himself hardy in fight; Who in combat should meet me, and overcome, And never betray the least weakness or fright, My suitors assembled: I fought each in turn; And I vanquished them all in our people's sight: Not a horseman among them attained his wish; For I parried the thrusts of each daring knight. I was justly ‘The Slayer of Heroes' nam'd; For no match could be found for my weapon bright.

But I fear'd my father might force me, at last, To accept, as my husband, some parasite; And therefore I fled; and, in this lonely place, With my troop of horsemen, I chose to alight. Here we watch for the passing caravans; And with plunder we quiet our appetite. Thou hast made me thy captive, and pardon'd me: Grant me one favour more: my wish do not slight: Receive me in marriage: embrace me at once; For I willingly now acknowledge thy right.”

Ckatta'let esh-Shoog'a'n, or the Slayer of Heroes (for so was this damsel named, as above related by herself), then said to El-Goon'doob'ah, “Come with me and my party to my abode.” He went with her; and her people received them with joy; and feasted the Emee'r Coon'dool'ahh three days. On the fourth day, Ckatta'let esh-Shoog'a'n assembled the people of her tribe, with El-Goon'doob'ah, at her own dwelling; and regaled them with a repast, to which high and low were admitted. After they had eaten, they began to converse; and asked El-Goon'doob'ah to acquaint them with his history. He accordingly related to them what had befallen him with the Emee'r Da'rim; how he had liberated him and his sons from captivity; and how ungratefully he had been treated. There were ten persons sitting with him; and nine of these recounted their deeds in arms. The tenth, who was a slave, was then desired to tell his story; and he related his having served the Emee'r Hha'ris, and murdered his widow. El-Goou'doob'ah heard with impatience this tale of his mother's murderer; and as soon as it was finished, drew his sword, and struck off the slave's head; exclaiming, “I have taken my blood-revenge upon this traitor slave!” The persons present all drew their swords, and raised a

tremendous shout. Ckatta'let esh-Shoog'a'n was not then with them; but she heard the shout, and instantly came to inquire the cause; which they related to her; demanding, at the same time, that El-Goon'doob'ah should be given up to them to be put to death. She drew them aside, and told them that he had eaten of her food, and that she would not give him up, even if he had robbed her of her honour; but that she would advise him to take his departure on the morrow, and that, when he should have left her abode, they might do as they pleased. She then went to him, and told him of his danger. He asked what he should do. She answered, “Let us marry forthwith, and depart from these people:” and this he gladly consented to do.

They married each other immediately; taking God alone for their witness; and departed at night, and proceeded on their way until the morning, giving thanks to their Lord. For four days, they continued their journey; and on the fifth day, arrived at a valley abounding with trees and fruits and birds and running streams. They entered it at midnight. Seeing something white among the trees, they approached it; and found it to be a horse, white as camphor. They waited till morning; and then beheld a settlement of Arabs: there were horses, and she and be camels, and tents pitched, and lances stuck in the ground, and pavilions erected; and among them was a great company; and there were maids beating tambourines: they were surrounded with abundance. Through this valley, ElGoon'doob'ab and his bride took their way: his love fur her increased: they conversed together; and her conversation delighted him. She now, for the first time, ventured to ask him why he had killed the slave,

when he was her guest; and he related to her the history of this wretch's crime. After this, they talked of the beauties of the valley which they had entered; and while they were thus amusing themselves, a great dust appeared; and beneath it were seen troops of horsemen galloping along. El-Goon'doob'ah immediately concluded that they were of his wife's tribe, and were come in pursuit of him; but he was mistaken; for they divided into four parties, and all attacking, in different quarters at the same time, the tribe settled in the valley, soon made the latter raise piteous cries and lamentations, and rend the air with the shouts of “O 'A'mir! O Kila'b! “ hen El-Goon'doob'ah heard the cries of “O 'A'mir! O Kila'b!” he exclaimed to his wife, “These people are the sons of my uncle! my flesh and my blood!” and instantly determined to hasten to their assistance. His bride resolved to accompany him; and they both together rushed upon the enemy, slaying every horseman in their way, and piercing the breasts of those on foot, with such fury and such success, that the defeated tribe rallied again, repulsed their assailants, and recovered all the booty that had been taken; after which they returned to El-Goon'doob'ah, and asked him who he was. He answered, “This is not a time to ask questions; but a time to rest from fight and slaughter.” So they took him with them, and retired to rest; and after they had rested and eaten, he related to them his history. Delighted with his words, they all exclaimed, “The truth hath appeared; and doubt is dissipated: justice is rendered to the deserving; and the sword is returned to its scabbard!” They immediately acknowledged him their rightful chief; but, after the death of El-Hha'ris, they
had chosen for their chief an Emee'r named Ga'bir, who hated El-Hha'ris, and termed him a robber; and this Emee'r now disputed their choice, and challenged El-Goon'doob'ah to decide the matter by combat. The challenge was accepted, and the two rivals met and fought; but, though Gab'ir was a thorough warriour, El-Goon'doob'ah slew him. This achievement obtained him the possession of Ga'bir's mare an animal; coveted throughout the desert: the rest of the property of the vanquished chief he left to be parted among the tribe. There were, however, many partisans of Ga'bir; and these, when they saw him slain, gathered themselves together against El-Goon'doob'ah; but he, with the assistance of his own party, defeated them, and put them to flight, Returning from their pursuit, he sat among his people and kinsfolk; and the sheykhs of his tribe brought him horses and arms and everything necessary: he received gifts from every quarter: his wife, also, was presented with ornaments; and from that day the Emee'r Goon'doob'ah was acknowledged the chief of the Ben'ee Kila'b.

CHAPTER XI. PERIODICAL PUBLIC FESTIVALS, &c.

MANY of the most remarkable customs of the modern Egyptians are witnessed at their periodical public festivals celebrated in Cairo; the more important of which I shall here describe. Most of these festivals and other anniversaries take place at particular periods of the lunar, Mohammedan year.

The first ten days of Mohhar'ram (the first month of the Mohhammadan year) are considered as eminently blessed; and are celebrated with rejoicing; but the tenth day is especially honoured. They are vulgarly called the 'ashr; the derivation of which term will be explained hereafter. The custom of selling, during this period of ten days, what is called “mey”ah mooba'rakah,” to be used, during the ensuing year, as a charm against the evil eye, whenever occasion may require, I have already mentioned, in the second of the two chapters devoted to the superstitions of the modern Egyptians. —I have also mentioned, that it is considered, by the Egyptians, unlucky to make a marriage-contract in Mohhar'ram.

It is a common custom of the Moos'lims of Egypt to give what they can afford in alms during the month of Mohhar'ram; especially in the first ten days, and more especially on the tenth day; and many pretend, though few of them really do so, to give, at this season, the

zek'ah, or alms required by their law, of which I have spoken in a former chapter: they give what, and to whom, they will. During the ten days above mentioned, and particularly on the tenth, many of the women of Cairo, and even those in respectable circumstances, if they have a young child, carry it through the streets, generally on the shoulder, or employ another female to Carry it, for the purpose of soliciting alms from any well-dressed person whom they may chance to meet: sometimes the mother or bearer of the child, and sometimes the child itself, asks for the alms; saying, “My master, the alms of the 'ashr*.” The word 'ashr is vulgarly understood as meaning the “ten days;” but I am informed that it is a corruption of 'oshr, a term improperly used for roob'a el-'oshr (the quarter of the tenth, or the fortieth part), which is the proportion that the Moos'lim is required, by law, to give in alms of the money which he possesses, and of some other articles of property. The sum generally given to a child in the case above described is a piece of five fud'dahs † and this, and as many others as can be procured in the same manner, are sometimes spent in sweetmeats, &c., but more usually sewed to the child's cap, and worn thus until the next Mohhar'ram; when, if the child be not too old, the same custom is repeated for its sake; the pieces of money thus obtained being considered as charms. * Ya' see'dee zek'ah el-ashr. † At present, equivalent to a farthing and one fifth.

The women of Egypt, and particularly of Cairo, entertain some curious superstitions respecting the first ten days of Mohhar'ram. They believe that ginn (or genii) visit some people by night during this period; and say that, on this occasion, a gin'nee appears sometimes

in the form of a sack'cka (or water-currier), and sometimes in that of a mule. In the former case, the mysterious visitor is called “sack'cka el-ashr” (or “the water-carrier of the “ashr”): in the latter, “buhg'let el-'ashr” (” the mule of the 'ashr”). When the gin'nee, they say, comes in the form of a sack'eka, he knocks at the chamber-door of a person sleeping; who asks, “Who is there?” The gin'nee answers, “I, the sack'cka; where shall I empty [the skin]?” The person within, as sack'ckas do not come at night, knows who his visitor is; and says, “Empty into the water-jar;” and going out afterwards, finds the jar full of gold. The gin'nee in the form of a mule is described in a more remarkable manner. He bears a pair of saddle-bags filled with gold; a dead man's head is placed upon his back; and round his neck is hung a string of little round bells, which he shakes at the door of the chamber of the person whom he comes to enrich. This person comes out; takes off the dead man's head; empties the saddle-bags of their valuable contents; then fills them with straw or bran or anything else; replaces them; and says to the mule, “Go, O blessed!” Such are the modes in which the good genii pay their zek'ah. During the first ten days of Mohhar'ram, many an ignorant woman ejaculates this petition, “O my Lord, send me the water-carrier of the 'ashr!” or, “send me the mule of the 'ashr!” The men, in general, laugh at these superstitions.

Some of the people of Cairo say, that a party of genii, in the forms and garbs of ordinary mortals, used to hold a midnight soo'ck (or market) during the first ten days of Mohhar'ram, in a street called Es-Salee'beh, in the southern part of the metropolis, before an ancient

sarcophagus, which was called “el-Hho'd el-Mursoo'd” (or “the Enchanted Trough “). This sarcophagus was in a recess under a flight of steps leading up to the door of a mosque, adjacent to the old palace called Ckal'at el-Kebsh: it was removed by the French during their occupation of Egypt; and is now in the British Museum. Since its removal, the soo'ck of the genii, it is said, has been discontinued. Very few persons, I am told, were aware of this custom of the gem. Whoever happened to pass through the street where they were assembled, and bought anything of them, whether dates or other fruit, cakes, bread, &c., immediately after found his purchase converted into gold.

The tenth day of Mohhar'ram is called Yo'm 'A'shoo'ra. It is held sacred on many accounts; because it is believed to be the day on which the first meeting of Adam and Eve took place after they were cast out of Paradise; and that on which Noah went out from the ark: also, because several other great events are said to have happened on this day; and because the ancient Arabs, before the time of the Prophet, observed it by fasting. But what, in the opinion of most modern Moos'lims, and especially the Persians, confers the greatest sanctity on the day of 'A'shoo'ra is the fact of its being that on which El-Hhosey'n, the Prophet's grandson, was slain, a martyr, at the battle of the plain of Kur'bel'ë. Many Moos'lims fast on this day; and some also on the day preceding.

As I am now writing on the day of' A'shoo'ra, I shall mention the customs peculiar to it which I have witnessed on the present occasion. I had to provide myself with a number of five-fud'dah-pieces before I went out this day, for the alms of the 'ashr, already mentioned.

In the streets of the town I saw many young children, from about three to six or seven years of age, chiefly girls, walking about alone, or two or three together, or carried by women, and begging these alms.—In the course of the morning, a small group of blind fackee'rs, one of whom bore a half-furled red flag, with the names of El-Hhosey'n and other worthies worked upon it in white, stopped in the street before my door, and chanted a petition for an alms. One of them began, “O thou who hast alms to bestow on the blessed day of 'A'shoo'ra!”-the others then continued, in chorus, “ couple of grains of wheat! A couple of grains of rice! O Hhas'an '. O Hhosey'n! “The same words were repeated by them several times. As soon as they had received a small piece of money, they passed on; and then performed the same chant before other houses; but only where appearances led them to expect a reward. Numerous groups of fackee'rs go about the town, in different quarters, during this day, soliciting alms in the same manner.

On my paying a visit to a friend, a little before noon, a dish, which it is the custom of the people of Cairo to. prepare on the day of 'A'shoo'ra, was set before me. It is called hhoboo'b; and is prepared of wheat, steeped in water for two or three days, then freed from the husks, boiled, and sweetened over the fire with honey or treacle: or it is composed of rice instead of wheat: generally, nuts, almonds, raisins, &c., are added to it. In most houses this dish is prepared, or sweetmeats of various kinds are procured or made, in accordance with one of the traditions of the Prophet; which is—“ Whoso giveth plenty to his household on the day of

'A'shoo'ra, God will bestow plenty upon him throughout the remainder of the year.”

After the call to noon-prayers, I went to the mosque of the Hhasaney'n; which, being the reputed burial-place of the head of the martyr El-Hhosey'n, is the scene of the most remarkable of the ceremonies that, in Cairo, distinguish the day of 'A'shoo'ra. The avenues to this mosque, near the Cka'dee's court, were thronged with passengers; and in them I saw several groups of dancing-girls (Gha'zee'yehs); some, dancing; and others, sitting in a ring in the public thoroughfare, eating their dinner, and (with the exclamation of “bismil'lah! “) inviting each well-dressed man who passed by to eat with them. One of them struggled hard with me to prevent my passing without giving them a present. The sight of these unveiled girls, some of them very handsome, and with their dress alluringly disposed to display to advantage their fine forms, was but ill calculated to prepare men who passed by them for witnessing religious ceremonies: but so it is, that, on the occasions of all the great religious festivals in Cairo, and at many other towns in Egypt, these female warrers against modesty (not always seductive, I must confess) are sure to be seen. On my way to the mosque, I had occasion to rid myself of some of the small coins which I had provided, to children. My next occasion for disbursing was on arriving before the mosque; when several water-carriers, of the class who supply passengers in the streets, surrounded me: I gave two of them twenty fud'dahs; for which each of them was to distribute the contents of the earthen vessel which he bore on his back to poor passengers, for the sake of

“our lord El-Hhosey'n.” This custom I have mentioned in a former chapter*. * On Industry.

On entering the mosque, I was much surprised at the scene which presented itself in the great hall, or portico. This, which is the principal part of the mosque, was crowded with visitors, mostly women, of the middle and lower orders, with many children; and there was a confusion of noises like what may be heard in a large school-room where several hundred boys are engaged in play; there were children bawling and crying; men and women calling' to each other; and, amid all this bustle, mothers and children were importuning every man of respectable appearance for the alms of the 'ashr. Seldom have I witnessed a scene more unlike that which the interior of a mosque generally presents; and in this instance I was the more surprised as the Hhasaney'n is the most sacred of all the mosques in Cairo. The mats which are usually spread upon the pavement had been removed; some pieces of old matting were put in their stead; leaving many parts of the floor uncovered; and these, and every part, were covered with dust and dirt brought in by the feet of many shoe-less persons: for on this occasion, as it is impossible to perform the ordinary prayers in the mosque, people enter without having performed the usual ablution, and without repairing first to the tank to do this; though every person takes off his, or her, shoes, as at other times, on entering the mosque; many leaving them, as I did mine, with a door-keeper. Several parts of the floor were wetted (by children too young to be conscious of the sanctity of the place); and though I avoided these parts, I had not been many minutes ill the mosque before my feet were almost black,

with the dirt upon which I had trodden, and with that from other persons' feet which had trodden upon mine. The heat, too, was very oppressive; like that of a vapour-bath, but more heavy; though there is a very large square aperture in the roof, with a mul'ckuf* of equal width over it, to introduce the northern breezes. The pulpit-stairs, and the gallery of the mooballig'hee'n, were crowded with women; and in the assemblage below the women were far more numerous than the men. Why this should be the case, I know not; unless it be because the women are more superstitious, and have a greater respect for the day of 'A'shoo'ra, and a greater desire to honour El-Hhosey'n by visiting his shrine on this day. * The mul'ckuf has been described in the introduction to this work, page 20.

It is commonly said, by the people of Cairo, that no man goes to the Hhasaney'n on the day of 'A'shoo'ra but for the sake of the women; that is, to be jostled among them; and this jostling he may indeed enjoy to the utmost of his desire; as I experienced in pressing forward to witness the principal ceremonies which contribute with the sanctity of the day to attract such swarms of people. By the back-wall, to the right of the pulpit, were sealed, in two rows, face to face, about fifty durwee'shes, of various orders. They had not yet begun their performances, or zikrs, in concert; but one old durwee'sh, standing between the two rows, was performing a zikr alone; repeating the name of God (Al'la'h), and bowing his head each time that he uttered the word, alternately to the right and left. In pushing forward to see them, I found myself in a situation rather odd in a country where it is deemed improper for a man

even to touch a woman who is not his wife or slave or a near relation. I was so compressed in the midst of four women, that, for some minutes, I could not move in any direction; and pressed so hard against one young woman, face to face, that, but for her veil, our cheeks had been almost in contact: from her panting, it seemed that the situation was not quite easy to her; though a smile, expressed at the same time by her large black eyes, showed that it was amusing: she could not, however, bear it long; for she soon cried out, “My eye*! do not squeeze me so violently.” Another woman called out to me, ' O Efen'dec! by thy head! push on to the front, and make way for me to follow thee.” With considerable difficulty, I attained the desired place; but in getting thither, I had almost lost my sword, and the hanging sleeves of my jacket: some person's dress had caught the guard of the sword, and had nearly drawn the blade from the scabbard before I could get hold of the handle. Like all around me, I was in a profuse perspiration. * This is a common expression of affection; meaning, “Thou who art as dear to me as my eye.”

The durwee'shes I found to be of different nations, as well as of different orders. Some of them wore the ordinary turban and dress of Egypt: others wore the Turkish cka'oo'ck, or padded cap; and others, again, wore high caps, or turtoo'rs, mostly of the sugar-loaf shape. One of them had a white cap of the form last mentioned, upon which were worked, in black letters, invocations to the first four Khalee'fehs, to El-Hhas'an and El-Hhosey'n, and to other eminent saints, founders of different orders of durwee'shes †. Most of the durwee'shes † “Ya' Ab'oo Bekr, Ya' 'Om'ar, Ya' 'Osma'a, Ya' 'Al'ee, Ya' Hhas'an, Ya' Hhosey'n, Ya' sey'yid Ahh'mad Rifa”ah, Ya' sey'yid 'Abd El-Cka'dir El-Geela'nee, Ya' sey'yid Ahh'mad El-Bed'awee, Ya' sey'yid Ibrahee'm Ed-Desoo'ckee”

were Egyptians; but there were among them many Turks and Persians. I had not waited many minutes before they began their exercises. Several of them first drove back the surrounding crowd with sticks; but as no stick was raised at me, I did not retire so far as I ought to have done; and before I was aware of what the durwee'shes were about to do, forty of them, with extended arms, and joined hands, had formed a large ring, in which I found myself enclosed. For a moment I felt half inclined to remain where I was, and join in the zikr; bow, and repeat the name of God; but another moment's reflection on the absurdity of the performance, and the risk of my being discovered to be no durwee'sh, decided me otherwise; so, parting the hands of two of the durwee'shes, I passed outside the ring. The durwee'shes who formed the large ring (which enclosed four of the marble columns of the portico) now commenced their zikr; exclaiming over and over again, “Al'la'h!” and, at each exclamation, bowing the head and body, and taking a step to the right; so that the whole ring moved rapidly round. As soon as they commenced this exercise, another durwee'sh, a Turk, of the order of Mow'lawees, in the middle of the circle, began to whirl; using both his feet to effect this motion, and extending his arms: the motion increased in velocity until his dress spread out like an umbrella. He continued whirling thus for about ten minutes; after which, he bowed to his superior, who stood within the great ring; and then, without showing any signs of fatigue or giddiness, joined the durwee'shes in the great
ring; who had now begun to ejaculate the name of God with greater vehemence, and to jump to the right,
Whirling Durwee'sh
instead of stepping. After the whirling, six other durwee'shes, within the great ring, formed another ring; but a very small one; each placing his arms upon the shoulders of those next him; and thus disposed, they performed a revolution similar to that of the larger ring, excepting in being much more rapid; repeating, also, the same exclamation of “Al'la'h!” but with a rapidity proportionably greater. This motion they maintained for about the same length of time that the whirling of the single durwee'sh before had occupied; after which, the whole party sat down to rest.—They rose again after the lapse of about a quarter of an hour; and performed the same exercises a second time.—I saw nothing more in the great portico that was worthy of remark, excepting two fackee'rs (who, a bystander
told me, were mag'a'zee'b, or idiots), dancing, and repealing the name of God, and each beating a tambourine.

I was desirous of visiting the shrine of El-s on this anniversary of his death, and of seeing if any particular ceremonies were performed there on this occasion. With difficulty I pushed through the crowd in the great portico to the door of the saloon of the tomb; but there I found comparatively few persons collected. On my entering, one of the servants of the mosque conducted me to an unoccupied corner of the bronze screen which surrounds the monument over the place where the martyr's head is said to be buried, that I might there recite the Fa't'hhah: this duty performed, he dictated to me the following prayer; pausing after every two or three words, for me to repeat them, which I affected to do; and another person, who stood on my left, saying “A'mee'n” (or Amen), at the close of each pause. “O God accept my visit, and perform my want, and cause me to attain my wish; for I come with desire and intent, and urge thee by the sey'yideh Zey'neb, and the Ima'm Esh-Sha'fe'ee, and the Soolta'n Ab'oo So'oo'd*.” After this followed similar words in Turkish; which were added in the supposition that I was a Turk, and perhaps did not understand the former words, in Arabic. This short supplication has been often dictated to me at the tombs of saints in Cairo, on festival days. On the occasion above described, before I proceeded * Ab'oo So'oo'd was a very famous saint; and, being esteemed the most holy person of his day, received the appellation of “Soolta'n,” which has been conferred upon several other very eminent wel'ees, and, when thus applied, signifies “King of Saints.” The tomb of Ab'oo So'oo'd is among the mounds of rubbish on the south of Cairo.

to make the usual circuit round the screen which encloses the monument, I gave to the person who dictated the prayer a small piece of money; and he, in return, presented me with four little balls of bread; each about the size of a hazel-nut. This was consecrated bread, made of very fine flour at the tomb of the seyd Ahh'mad El-Bed'awee; and brought hither, as it is to several saints' tombs in Cairo on occasions of general visiting, to be given to the more respectable of the visitors. It is called 'Eysh es-sey'yid El-Bed'awee. Many persons in Egypt keep a little piece of it (that is, one of the little balls into which it is formed) constantly in the pocket, as a charm: others eat it, as a valuable remedy against any disorder, or as a preventive of disease.

Generally, towards the end of Suf'ar (the second month) the caravan of Egyptian pilgrims, returning from Mek'keh, arrives at Cairo: hence, this month is vulgarly called Nez'let el-Hha'gg (the Arrival of the Pilgrims). Many pilgrims, coming by the Red Sea, arrive before the caravan. A caravan of merchant-pilgrims arrives later than the main body of pilgrims.

An officer, called Sha'wee'sh el-Hha'gg, arrives about four or five days before the caravan, having pushed on, with two Arabs, mounted on fleet dromedaries, to announce the approach of the Hha'gg*, and the expected day of their arrival at the metropolis; and to bring letters from pilgrims to their friends. He and his two companions exclaim, as they pass along, to the passengers in the way, “Blessing on the Prophet!” or, “Bless * The term hha'gg is applied both collectively and individually (to the whole caravan, or body of pilgrims, and to a single pilgrim).

the Prophet!” and every Moos'lim who hears the exclamation responds, “O God, favour him*!”-They proceed directly to the Citadel, to convey the news to the Ba'sha or his representative. The Sha'wee'sh divides his letters into packets, with the exception of those which are to great or wealthy people, and sells them, at so many dollars a packet, to a number of persons who deliver them and receive presents from those to whom they are addressed; but sometimes lose by their bargains. The Sha'wee'sh himself delivers those to the great and rich; and obtains from them handsome presents of money, or a shawl, &c. * The Arabic words here translated are given in two notes subjoined to page 360 of the former volume of this work.

Some persons go out two or three days' journey, to meet their friends returning from pilgrimage; taking with them fresh provisions, fruits, &c., and clothes, for the wearied pilgrims. The poorer classes seldom go further than the Bir'ket el-Hha'gg (or Lake of the Pilgrims), about eleven miles from the metropolis, and the place where the caravan passes the last night but one before its entry into the metropolis; or such persons merely go to the last halting-place. These usually take with them some little luxury in the way of food, and an ass, as an agreeable substitute to the pilgrim for his jaded and uneasy camel † together with some † I am here reminded of an assertion of the Arabs, respecting the camel,-that it has in itself a provision against hunger, besides its well-known supply against thirst-an assertion which appears to me highly deserving of the attention of naturalists. The camel, they say, when deprived of its usual food for several successive days, feeds upon the fat of its own hump. The hump, as I have my self observed, under these circumstances, gradually disappears before the limbs are perceptibly reduced; and when the animal is put again to pasture, the hump grows again to its usual size before the limbs recover their wonted fat. This explanation of the use of an excrescence which would otherwise seem a mere inconvenient incumbrance offers an evidence that the camel is more remarkably and more perfectly adapted to the peculiar circumstances in which Providence has placed it than has generally been supposed; and perhaps may he applied with equal propriety to the hump of the bull and cow, and some other animals in hot and arid climates.

clean, if not new, clothes; and many go out with musicians, to pay honour to their friends. It is very affecting to see, at the approach of the caravan, the numerous parties who go out with drums and pipes, to welcome and escort to the city their friends arrived from the holy places, and how many, who went forth in hope, return with lamentation, instead of music and rejoicing; for the arduous journey through the desert is fatal to a great number of those pilgrims who cannot afford themselves necessary conveniences. Many of the women who go forth to meet their husbands or sons receive the melancholy tidings of their having fallen victims to privation and fatigue. The piercing shrieks with which they rend the air as they retrace their steps to the city are often heard predominant over the noise of the drum, and the shrill notes of the hautboy, which proclaim the joy of others.—The pilgrims, on their return, are often accosted, by passengers, with the petition, “Pray for pardon for me;” and oiler up this short ejaculation, “God pardon thee!” or, “O God! pardon him!” This custom owes its origin to a saying of the Prophet—“ God pardoneth the pilgrim and him for whom the pilgrim implores pardon.”

I write the following account of the Nez'let el-Hha'gg

just after witnessing it, in the year of the Flight 1250 (A. D. 1834).—The caravan arrived at its last halting-place, the Hhas'weh, a pebbly tract of the desert, near the northern suburb of Cairo, last night, on the eve of the 4th of Rabee'a el-Ow'wal. A few pilgrims left the caravan after sunset; and entered the metropolis. The Caravan entered this morning, the fourth of the month. I was outside the walls soon after sunrise, before it drew near; but I met two or three impatient pilgrims, riding upon asses, and preceded by musicians or by flag-bearers, and followed by women singing; and I also met several groups of women who had already been out to make inquiries respecting relations whom they expected, and were returning with shrieks and sobs. Their lamentation seemed more natural, and more deeply felt, than that which is made at funerals. This year, in addition to a great many deaths, there were to be lamented a thousand men who had been seized for the army; so that, perhaps, there was rather more wailing than is usual. About two hours and a half after sunrise, the caravan began to draw near to the gates of the metropolis, parted in three lines; one line towards the gate called Ba'b en-Nusr; another directly towards the Ba'b el-Footoo'hh; and the third, branching off from the second, to the Ba'b el-'Ad'uwee. The caravan this year was more numerous than usual (though many pilgrims went by sea); and, in consequence of the seizure of so many men for the army, it comprised an uncommon proportion of women. Each of the three lines into which it divided to enter the metropolis, as above mentioned, consisted, for the most part, of an uninterrupted train of camels, proceeding one by one; but sometimes there were two abreast; and in a few places the train
was broken for a short space. Many of the pilgrims had quitted their camels, to take the more easy conveyance of asses; and rode beside their camels; many of them attended by musicians; and some, by flag-bearers.

The most common kind of camel-litter used by the pilgrims is called a moosut'tahh, or hhem'l moosut'tahh. It resembles a small, square tent; and is chiefly composed of two long chests; each of which has a high back; these are placed on the camel in the same manner as a pair of panniers, one on each side; and the high backs, which are placed outwards, together with a small pole resting on the camel's pack-saddle, support the covering which forms what may be called the tent. This conveyance accommodates two persons. It is generally open at the front; and may also be opened at the back. Though it appears comfortable, the motion is uneasy; particularly when it is placed upon a camel that has been accustomed to carry heavy burdens, and consequently has a swinging walk: but camels of easy pace are generally chosen for bearing the moosut'tahh and other kinds of litters. There is one kind of litter called a shibree'yeh, composed of a small, square platform, with an arched covering. This accommodates but one person; and is placed on the back of the camel: two sahh'hha'rahs (or square chests), one on each side of the camel, generally form a secure foundation for the shibree'yeh. The most comfortable kind of litter is that called a tukht'rawan, which is most commonly borne by two camels; one before, and the other behind: the head of the latter is painfully bent down, under the vehicle. This litter is sometimes borne by four mules; in which case, its motion is more easy. Two light

persons may travel in it. In general, it has a small projecting meshrebee'yeh, of wooden lattice-work, at the front and back, in which one or more of the porous earthen water-bottles so much used in Egypt may be placed.

I went on to the place where the caravan had passed the last night. During my ride from the suburb to this spot, which occupied a little more than half an hour (proceeding at a slow pace), about half the caravan passed me; and in half an hour more, almost the whole had left the encampment*. I was much interested at seeing the meetings of wives, brothers, sisters, and children, with the pilgrims: but I was disgusted with one pilgrim: he was dressed in ragged clothes, and sitting on a little bit of old carpet, when his wife, or perhaps his sister, came out to him, perspiring under the weight of a large bundle of clothes, and fervently kissed him, right and left: he did not rise to meet her; and only made a few cold inquiries.— The Emee'r el-Hha'gg (or chief of the caravan), with his officers, soldiers, &c. were encamped apart from the rest of the caravan. By his tent, a tall spear was stuck in the ground; and by its side also stood the mahh'mil (of which I shall presently give a sketch and description); with its travelling cover, of canvass, ornamented with a few inscriptions. * Had I remained stationary, somewhat more than two hours would have elapsed before the whole caravan had parsed me.

Many of the pilgrims bring with them, as presents, from “the holy territory,” water of the sacred well of Zem'zem fin China bottles, or tin or copper flasks), pieces of the kis'weh (or covering) of the Ka'abeh (which is renewed at the season of the pilgrimage), dust

from the Prophet's tomb (made into hard cakes), liba'n (or frankincense), leef (or fibres of the palm-tree, used in washing, as we employ a sponge), combs of aloes-wood, seb'hhahs (or rosaries) of the same or other materials, miswa'ks (or sticks for cleaning the teeth, which are generally dipped in Zem'zem-water, to render them more acceptable), kohhl (or black powder for the eyes), shawls, &c. of the manufacture of the Hhega'z*, and various things from India. * Or, as pronounced in Arabia, Hheja'z.

It is a common custom to ornament the entrance of a pilgrim's house, one, two, or three days before his arrival; painting the door, and colouring the alternate courses of stone on each side and above it with a deep dull red, and white; or, if it be of brick, ornamenting it in a similar manner, with broad horizontal stripes of red and white: often, also, trees, camels, &c. are painted, in a very rude manner, in green, black, red, and other colours. The pilgrim sometimes writes to order this to be done. On the evening after his arrival, he entertains his friends with a feast, which is called “the feast of the Nez'leh.” Numerous guests come to welcome him, and to say, “Pray for pardon for me.” He generally remains at home a week after his return; and on the seventh day, gives to his friends another entertainment, which is called “the feast of the Sooboo'a.” This continues during the day and ensuing night; and a khut'meh, or a zikr, is usually performed in the evening.

On the morning after that on which the main body of the pilgrims of the great caravan enter the metropolis, another spectacle is witnessed: this is the Return of the Mahh'mil, which is borne in procession from the

Hhas'weh, through the metropolis, to the citadel. This procession is not always arranged exactly in the same order: I shall describe it as I have this day witnessed it, on the morning after the return of the pilgrims of which I have just given an account.

First, I must describe the Mahh'mil itself. It is a square skeleton-frame of wood, with a pyramidal top; and has a covering of black brocade, richly worked with inscriptions and ornamental embroidery in gold, in some parts upon a ground of green or red silk, and bordered with a fringe of silk, with tassels surmounted by silver balls. Its covering is not always made after the same pattern, with regard to the decorations; but in every cover that I have seen I have remarked, on the upper part of the front, a view of the Temple of Mek'keh, worked in gold; and, over it, the Soolta'n's cypher. It contains nothing; but has two moos'hhafs (or copies of the Ckoor-a'n), one on a scroll, and the other in the usual form of a little book, and each enclosed in a case of gilt silver, attached, externally, at the top. The sketch which I insert will explain this description. The five balls with crescents, which ornament the Mahh'mil, are of gilt silver. The Mahh'mil is borne by a fine tall camel, which is generally indulged with exemption from every kind of labour during the remainder of its life.

It is related, that the Soolta'n Ez-Za'hir Beybur's, king of Egypt, was the first who sent a Mahh'mil with the caravan of pilgrims to Mek'keh, in the year of the Flight 670 (A. D. 1272); but this custom, it is generally said, had its origin a few years before his accession to the throne. Sheg'er ed-Doo'r (commonly called Sheg'eret ed-Door-'r), a beautiful Turkish female slave, who became the favourite wife of the Soolta'n Es-Sa'lehh

The Mah'mil.
Negm ed-Deen, and on the death of his son (with whom terminated the dynasty of the house of Eiyoo'b) caused herself to be acknowledged as Queen of Egypt, performed the pilgrimage in a magnificent ho'dag (or covered litter), borne by a camel; and for several successive years, her empty ho'dag was sent with the caravan, merely for the sake of state. Hence, succeeding princes of Egypt sent, with each year's caravan of pilgrims, a kind of ho'dag (which received the name of “Mahh'mil”), as an emblem of royalty; and the kings of other countries followed their example*. The Wah'ha'bees prohibited the Mahh'mil, as an object of vain pomp: it afforded them one reason for intercepting the caravan.

The procession of the return of the Muhh'mil, in the year above mentioned, entered the city, by the Ba'b en-Nusr, about an hour after sunrise. It was headed by a large body of Niza'm (or regular) infantry. Next came the Mahh'mil, which was followed, as usual, by a singular character: this was a long-haired, brawny, swarthy fellow, called “Sheykh el-Gem'el' (or Sheykh of the Camel), almost entirely naked, having only a pair of old trowsers: he was mounted on a camel; and was incessantly rolling his head. For many successive years, this sheykh has followed the Mahh'mil, and accompanied the caravan to and from Mek'keh; and all assert, that he rolls his head during the whole of the * Almost all travellers have given erroneous accounts of the Mahh'mil: some asserting that its covering is that which is destined to be placed over the tomb of the Prophet: others, that it contains the covering which is to be suspended round the Ka'abeh. Burckhardt, with his general accuracy, describes it as a mere emblem of royalty.

journey. He is supplied by the government with two camels, and his travelling provisions. A few years ago, there used also to follow the Mahh'mil to and from Mek'keh an old woman, with her head uncovered, and only wearing a shirt. She was called “Oom'm el-Ckoot'at ” (or the Mother of the Cats); having always five or six cats sitting about her, on her camel.— ext to the sheykh of the camel, in the procession which I have begun to describe, followed a group of Turkish horsemen; and then, about twenty camels, with stuffed and ornamented saddles, covered with cloth, mostly red and green. Each saddle was decorated with a number of small flags, slanting forward from the fore part, and a small plume of ostrich-feathers upon the top of a stick fixed upright, upon the same part; and some had a large bell hung on each side: the ornaments on the covering were chiefly formed of the small shells called cowries. I think I perceived that these camels were slightly tinged with the red dye of the hhen'na; as they are on other similar occasions. They were followed by a very numerous body of Bed'awee horsemen; and with these the procession was closed.

Having been misinformed as to the time of the entry of the Mahh'mil, on my arriving at the principal street of the city 1 found myself in the midst of the procession; but the Mahh'mil had passed. Mounting a donkey that I had hired, I endeavoured to overtake it; but it was very difficult to make any progress: so, without further loss of time, I took advantage of some bystreets; and again joined the procession: I found, however, that I had made very little advancement. I therefore dismounted; and, after walking and running, and dodging between the legs of the Bed'awees' horses,

for about half an hour, at length caught a glimpse of the Mahh'mil, and, by a great effort, and much squeezing, overtook it soon after; about a quarter of an hour before it entered the great open place called the Roomey'leh, before the Citadel. After touching it three times, and kissing my hand, I caught hold of the fringe, and walked by its side. The guardian of the sacred object, who walked behind it, looked very hardly at me, and induced me to utter a pious ejaculation, which perhaps prevented his displacing me; or possibly my dress influenced him; for he only allowed other persons to approach and touch it one by one; and then drove them back. I continued to walk by its side, holding the fringe, nearly to the entrance of the Roomey'leh. On my telling a Moos'lim friend, to-day, that I had done this, he expressed great astonishment; and said that he had never heard of any one having done so before; and that the Prophet had certainly taken a love for me, or I could not have been allowed: he added, that I had derived an inestimable blessing; and that it would be prudent in me not to tell any others of my Moos'lim friends of this fact, as it would make them envy me so great a privilege, and perhaps displease them. I cannot learn why the Mahh'mil is esteemed so sacred. Many persons showed an enthusiastic eagerness to touch it; and I heard a soldier exclaim, as it passed him, “O my Lord! Thou hast denied my performing the pilgrimage! “The streets through which it passed were densely crowded: the shops were closed; and the mus'tub'ahs occupied by spectators. It arrived at the Roomey'leh about an hour and a half after it had entered the metropolis: it crossed this large place to the entrance of the long—open space called Ckar'a Meyda'n:
next proceeded along the latter place, while about twelve of the guns of the Citadel fired a salute: then returned to the Roomey'leh, and proceeded through it to the northern gate of the citadel, called Ba'b el-Wezee'r.

A curious custom is allowed to be practised on the occasions of the processions of the Mahh'mil and Kis'weh; which latter, and a more pompous procession of the Mahh'mil, on its departure for Mek'keh, will he hereafter described. Numbers of boys go about the streets of the metropolis, in companies; each boy armed with a short piece of the thick end of a palm-stick, called muek'-ra”ah, in which are made two or three splits, extending from the larger end to about half the length; and any Christian or Jew whom they meet they accost with the demand of “Ha't el-'a'deh,” or “Give the customary present:” if he refuse the gift of five or ten fud'dahs, they fall to beating him with their muck'ra”ahs. Last year, a Frank was beaten by some boys, in accordance with tins custom, and sought refuge in a large weka'leh; but some of the boys entered after him, and repeated the beating. He complained to the Ba'sha; who caused a severe bastinading to be administered to the sheykh of the weka'leh, for not haying protected him.

In the beginning of the month of Rabee'a el-Ow'wal (the third month) preparations are commenced for celebrating the festival of the Birth of the Prophet, which is called Moo'lid* en-Neb'ee. The principal scene of this festival is the south-west quarter of the large open space called Bir'ket el-Ezbekee'yeh, almost the whole of which, during the season of the inundation, becomes * I have before mentioned that this word is more properly pronounced Mo'lid.

a lake: this is the case for several years together at the lime of the festival of the Prophet, which is then celebrated on the margin of the lake; but at present, the dry bed of the lake is the chief scene of the festival. In the quarter above mentioned, several large tents (called seewa'ns) are pitched; mostly for durwee'shes; who, every night, while the festival lasts, assemble in them, to perform zikrs. Among these is erected a mast (sa'ree), firmly secured by ropes, and with a dozen or more lamps hung to it. Around it, numerous durwee'shessss, generally about fifty or sixty, form a ring, and repeat zikrs. Near the same spot is erected what is termed a cka'ïm; which consists of four masts erected in a line, a few yards apart, with numerous ropes stretched from one to the other and to the ground: upon these ropes are hung many lamps; sometimes in the form of flowers, lions, &c.; sometimes, of words, such as the names of God and Mohham'mad, the profession of the faith, &c.; and sometimes arranged in a merely fanciful, ornamental manner. The preparations for the festival are generally completed on the second day of the month; and on the following day, the rejoicings and ceremonies begin: these continue, day and night, until the close of the twelfth night of the month; that is, according to the Mohhammadan mode of reckoning, the night preceding the twelfth day of the month; which night is that of the Moo'lid, properly speaking*. During this period of ten days and nights, * The twelfth day of Rabee'a el-Ow'wal is also the anniversary of the death of Mohham'mad. It is remarkable that his birth and death are both related to have happened on the same day of the same month, and on the same day of the week, namely, Monday.
numbers of the inhabitants of the metropolis flock to the Ezbekee'yeh. I write these notes during the Moo'lid; and shall describe the festival of this year (the year of the Flight 1250, A. D. 1834); mentioning some particulars in which it differs from those of former years.

During the day-time, the people assembled at the principal scene of the festival are amused by Sha”ërs (or reciters of the romance of Ab'oo Zeyd), conjurers, buffoons, &c. The Ghawa'zee have lately been compelled to vow repentance, and to relinquish their profession of dancing, &c.: consequently, there are now none of them at the festival. These girls used to be among the most attractive of all the performers. In some parts of the neighbouring streets, a few swings and whirligigs are erected “and numerous stalls for the sale of sweetmeats, &c. Sometimes, rope-dancers, who are gipsies, perform at this festival; but there are none this year. At night, the streets above mentioned are lighted with many lamps, which are mostly hung in lanterns of wood*: numbers of shops and stalls, stocked with eatables, chiefly sweetmeats, are open during almost the whole of the night; and so also are the coffee-shops; at some of which, as well as in other places, Sha”ërs or Mohhad'dits amuse whoever chooses to stop, and listen to their recitations. Every night, an hour or more after midnight, processions of durwee'shes pass through this quarter: instead of bearing flags, as they do in the day, they carry long staves, with a number of lamps attached to them, at the upper part, and called men'wars. The procession of a company of durwee'shes, whether by day, with flags, or by night, with men'wars, * Like that represented in page 203 of the former volume of this work.

is called the procession of the isha'rah of the sect; that is, of the banner; or, rather, the term “isha'rah” is applied to the procession itself. These durwee'shes are mostly persons of the lower orders; and have no distinguishing dress: the greater number wear an ordinary turban; and some of them, merely a turboo'sh, or a padded or felt cap; and most of them wear the common blue linen or cotton, or brown woollen, shirt; the dress which they wear on other occasions, at their daily work, or at their shops.

On the last two nights, the festival is more numerously attended than on the preceding nights; and the attractions are greater. I shall describe what I have just witnessed on the former of these nights.

This being the eleventh night of the lunar month, the moon was high, and enlivened the scenes of festivity. I passed on to a street called Soo'ck El-Bek'ree, on the south of the Bir'ket el-Ezbekee'yeh, to witness what I was informed would be the best of the zikrs that were to be performed. The streets through which I passed were crowded; and persons were here allowed, on this occasion, to go about without lanterns. As is usually the case at night, there were scarcely any women among: the passengers. At the scene of the zikr in the Soo'ck El-Bek'ree, which was more crowded than any other place, was suspended a very large nerg'efeh (a chandelier, or rather a number of chandeliers, chiefly of glass, one below another, placed in such a manner that they all appeared but one), containing about two or three hundred ckandee'ls (or small glass lamps*). Around this were many lanterns of wood; each having several ckandee'ls hanging through the bottom. These lights were * Represented in page 188 of the former volume.

not hung merely in honour of the Prophet: they were near a za'wiyeh (or small mosque) in which is buried the sheykh Durwee'sh* El-Ashma'wee; and this night was his Moo'lid. A zikr is performed here every Friday-night (or what we call Thursday-night); but not with so much display as on the present occasion. I observed many Christian black turbans here; and having seen scarcely any elsewhere this night, and heard the frequent cry of “A grain of salt in the eye of him who doth not bless the Prophet,” ejaculated by the sellers of sweetmeats, &c., which seemed to show that Christians and Jews were at least in danger of being insulted, at a time when the zeal of the Moos'lims was unusually excited, I asked the reason why so many Copts should be congregated at the scene of this zikr: I was answered, that a Copt, who had become a Moos'lim, voluntarily paid all the expenses of this Moo'lid of the sheykh Durwee'sh. This sheykh was very much revered: he was disordered in mind, or imitated the acts of a madman; often taking bread, and other eatables, and stamping upon them; or throwing them into dirt; and doing many other things directly forbidden by his religion: yet was he esteemed an eminent saint; for such acts, as I have remarked on a former occasion, are considered the results of the soul's being absorbed in devotion. He died about eight years ago. * This was his name; not a title.

The zikkee'rs (or performers of the zikr), who were about thirty in number, sat, cross-legged, upon matting extended close to the houses on one side of the street, in the form of an oblong ring. Within this ring, along the middle of the matting, were placed three very large wax-candles; each about four feet high,

and stuck in a low candlestick. Most of the zikkee'rs were Ahh'med'ee durwee'shes, persons of the lower orders, and meanly dressed: many of them wore green turbans. At one end of the ring were four moon'shids (or singers of poetry), and with them was a player on the kind of flute called na'y. I procured a small seat of palm-sticks from a coffee-shop close by, and, by means of a little pushing, and the assistance of my servant, obtained a place with the moon'shids, and sat there to hear a complete act, or meg'lis, of the zikr; which I shall describe as completely as I can, to convey a notion of the kind of zikr most common and most approved in Cairo. It commenced at about three o'clock (or three hours after sunset); and continued two hours.

The performers began by reciting the Fa't'hhah, altogether; their sheykh or chief first exclaiming, “El-Fa't'hhah!” They then chanted the following words. “O God, favour our lord Mohham'mad among the former generations; and favour our lord Mohham'mad among the latter generations; and favour our lord Mohham'mad in every time and period; and favour our lord Moham'mad in the highest degree, unto the day of judgment; and favour all the prophets and apostles among the inhabitants of the heavens and of the earth; and may God, whose name be blessed and exalted, be well pleased with our lords and our masters, those persons of illustrious estimation, Ab'oo Bekr and 'Om'ar and 'Osma'n and 'Al'ee, and with all the favourites of God. God is our sufficiency; and excellent is the Guardian. There is no strength nor power but in God, the High, the Great! O God! O our Lord! O thou liberal of pardon! O thou most bountiful of the most bountiful! O God! Amen!” They were then silent for

three or four minutes; and again recited the Fa't'hhah; but silently. This form of prefacing the zikr is commonly used, by almost all orders of durwee'shes in Egypt. It is called istifta'hh ez-zikr.

After this preface, the performers began the zikr. Sitting in the manner above described, they chanted, in slow measure, “La' ila'ha il'la-lla'h” (” There is no deity but God”) to the following air,

bowing the head and body twice in each repetition of “La' ila'ha il'la-lla'h.” Thus they continued about a quarter of an hour; and then, for about the same space of time, they repeated the same words to the same air, but in a quicker measure, and with correspondingly quicker motions. In the meantime, the moon'shids frequently sang, to the same, or a variation of the same, air, portions of a ckasee'deh, or of a moowesh' shahh; an ode of a similar nature to the Song' of Solomon, generally alluding to the Prophet as the object of love and praise.

I shall here give a translation of one of these moowesh'shahhs, which are very numerous, as a specimen of their style, from a book containing a number of these poems, which I have purchased during the present Moo'lid, from a durwee'sh who presides at many zikrs. He pointed out the following poem as one of those most common at zikrs, and as one which was sung; at the zikr which I have begun to describe. I translate it verse for verse; and imitate the measure and system of rhyme of the original, with this difference only, that the first, third, and fifth lines of each stanza rhyme with each other in the original, but not in my translation.

“With love my heart is troubled; And mine eye-lid hind'reth sleep: My vitals are dissever'd; “While with streaming tears I weep. My union seems far distant: Will my love e'er meet mine eye? Alas! Did not estrangement Draw my tears, I would not sigh. “By dreary nights I'm wasted: Absence makes my hope expire: My tears, like pearls, are dropping; And my heart is wrapt in fire. Whose is like my condition? Scarcely know I remedy. Alas! Did not estrangement Draw my tears, I would not sigh. “O turtle-dove! acquaint me Wherefore thus dost thou lament? Art thou so stung by absence? Of thy wings depriv'd, and pent? He saith, 'Our griefs are equal: Worn away with love, I lie.' Alas! Did not estrangement Draw my tears, I would not sigh.

“O First and Everlasting! Show thy favour yet to me. Thy slave, Ahh'mad El-Bek'ree*, * The author of the poem. The singer sometimes puts his own name in the place of this. Hath no Lord excepting Thee. By Ta'-Ha'†, the great Prophet! † Ta'-Ha' (as I have mentioned on a former occasion) is a name of the Arabian Prophet. Do thou not his wish deny. Alas! Did not estrangement Draw my tears, I would not sigh.”

I must translate a few more lines, to show more strongly the similarity of these songs to that of Solomon; and lest it should be thought that I have varied the expressions, I shall not attempt to render them into verse. In the same collection of poems sung at zikrs is one which begins with these lines.

“O gazelle from among the gazelles of El-Yem'en'. I am thy slave without cost: O thou small of age, and fresh of skin I O thou who art scarce past the time of drinking milk!”

In the first of these verses, we have a comparison exactly agreeing with that in the concluding verse of Solomon's Song; for the word which, in our Bible, is translated a “roe” is used in Arabic as synonymous with ghaza't (or a gazelle); and the mountains of El-Yem'en are “the mountains of spices.”—This poem ends with the following lines.

“The phantom of thy form visited me in my slumber: I said. 'O phantom of slumber! who sent thee?” He said, 'AE sent me whom thou knowest; He whose love occupies thee.'

The beloved of my heart visited me in the darkness of night: I stood, to show him honour, until he sat down. I said, ' O thou my petition, and all my desire! Hast thou come at midnight, and not feared the watchmen?' He said to me ' I feared; but, however, love Had taken from me my soul and my breath.' ”

Compare the above with the second and five following verses of the fifth chapter of Solomon's Song.—Finding that songs of this description are extremely numerous, and almost the only poems sung at zikrs; that they are composed for this purpose, and intended only to have a spiritual sense (though certainly not understood in such a sense by the generality of the vulgar*); I cannot entertain any doubt as to the design of Solomon's Song. The specimens which I have just given of the religious love-songs of the Moos'lims have not been selected in preference to others as most agreeing with that of Solomon; but as being in frequent use; and the former of the two, as having been sung at the zikr which I have begun to describe. I must now resume the description of that zikr. * As a proof of this, I may mention, that, since the above was written, I have found the last six of the lines here translated, with some slight alterations, inserted as a common love-song in a portion of the Thousand and One Nights printed at Calcutta (vol. i., p. 425).

At frequent intervals (as is customary in other zikrs), one of the moon'shids sang out the word med'ed'; accenting each syllable. “Med'ed” signifies, when thus used, spiritual or supernatural aid, and implies an invocation for such aid.

The zikkee'rs, after having performed as above described, next repeated the same words to a different air,

for about the same length of time; first, very slowly; then, quickly. The air was as follows:

Then they repeated these words again, to the following air, in the same manner:

They next rose, and, standing in the same order in which they had been sitting, repeated the same words to another air. During this stage of their performance, they were joined by a tall, well-dressed, black slave, whose appearance induced me to inquire who he was: I was informed that he was a eunuch, belonging to the Ba'sha. The zikkee'rs, still standing, next repeated the

same words in a very deep and hoarse tone; laying the principal emphasis upon the word La' and the first syllable of the last word (Al'lah); and uttering, apparently, with a considerable effort: the sound much resembled that which is produced by beating the rim of a tambourine. Each zikkee'r turned his head alternately to the right and left at each repetition of “La' ila'ha il'la-l'lah.” The eunuch above mentioned, during this part of the zikr, became what is termed melboo's, or possessed. Throwing his arms about, and looking up, with a very wild expression of countenance, he exclaimed, in a very high tone, and with great vehemence and rapidity, “Al'lah! Al'lah! Al'lah! Al'lah! Al'la'h! la' la' la' la' la' la' la' la' la' la' la' la' la'h! Ya' 'am'mee*! Ya”am'mee! Ya”am'mee Ashma'wee! Ya' Ashma'-wee! Ya' Ashma'wee! Ya' Ashma'wee!” His voice gradually became faint; and when he had uttered these words, though he was held by a durwee'sh who was next him, he fell on the ground, foaming at the mouth, his eyes closed, his limbs convulsed, and his fingers clenched over his thumbs. It was an epileptic fit: no one could see it, and believe it to be the effect of feigned emotions: it was undoubtedly the result of a high state of religious excitement. Nobody seemed surprised at it; for occurrences of this kind at zikrs are not uncommon. All the performers now appeared much excited; repeating their ejaculations with greater rapidity, violently turning their heads, and sinking the whole body at the same time: some of them jumping. The eunuch became melboo's again, several times; and I generally remarked that his fits happened after one of the moon'shids had sung a line or two, and exerted * “Ya' 'am'mee!” signifies “O my uncle!”
himself more than usually to excite his hearers: the, singing was, indeed, to my taste, very pleasing. Towards the close of the zikr, a private soldier, who had joined throughout the whole performance, also seemed, several times, to be melboo's; growling in a horrible manner, and violently shaking his head from side to side. The contrast presented by the vehement and distressing exertions of the performers at the close of the zikr, and their calm gravity and solemnity of manner at the commencement, was particularly striking. Money was collected during the performance, for the moon'shids*. The zikkee'rs receive no pay. * Few of the spectators, or hearers, gave more than ten fud'dahs; and those of the poorer classes gave nothing, and indeed were nut solicited.

An isha'rah passed during the meg'lis of the zikr above described. This zikr continues all night, until the morning call to prayer: the performers only resting between each meg'lis; generally taking coffee, and some of them smoking.

It was midnight before I turned from this place to the Bir'ket El-Ezbekee'yeh. Here, the moonlight and the lamps together produced a singular effect: several of the lamps of the cka'im, of the sa'ree, and of the tents, had, however, become extinguished; and many persons v. ere lying asleep upon the bare ground, taking their night's rest. The zikr of the durwee'shes round the sa'ree had terminated: I shall therefore describe this hereafter from my observation of it on the next night. After having witnessed several zikrs in the tents, I returned to my house to sleep.

On the following day (that immediately preceding what is properly called the night of the Moo'lid), I went

again to the Ezbekee'yeh, about an hour before noon; but there were not many persons collected there at that time; nor was there much to amuse them: I saw only two or three conjurors and buffoons and sha'ërs; each of whom had collected a small ring of spectators and hearers. The concourse, however, gradually increased; for a very remarkable spectacle was to be witnessed; a sight which, every year, on this day, attracts a multitude of wondering beholders. This is called the Do'seh, or Treading. I shall now describe it.

The sheykh of the Saadee'yeh durwee'shes (the seyd Mohham'mad El-Menzela'wee), who is khatee'b (or preacher) of the mosque of the Hhasaney'n, after having, as they say, passed a part of the last night in solitude, repeating certain prayers and secret invocations and passages from the Ckoor-a'n, repaired this day (being Friday) to the mosque above mentioned, to perform his accustomed duty. The noon-prayers and preaching being concluded, he rode thence to the house of the Sheykh El-Bek'ree, who presides over all the orders of durwee'shes in Egypt. This house is on the southern side of the Bir'ket El-Ezbekee'yeh, next to that which stands at the south-western angle. On his way from the mosque, he was joined by numerous parties of Sa'adee durwee'shes from different districts of the metropolis: the members from each district bearing a pair “of flags. The sheykh is an old, grey-bearded man, of an intelligent and amiable countenance, and fair complexion. He wore, this day, a white ben'ish, and a white cka'oo'ck (or padded cap, covered with cloth), having a turban composed of muslin of a very deep olive-colour, scarcely to be distinguished from black, with a strip of white muslin bound obliquely

across the front. The horse upon which he rode was one of moderate height and weight; my reason for mentioning this will presently be seen. The sheykh entered the Bir'ket El-Ezbekee'yeh preceded by a very numerous procession of the durwee'shes of whom he is the chief. In the way through this place, the procession stopped at a short distance before the house of the Sheykh El-Bek'ree. Here, a considerable number of the durwee'shes and others (I am sure that there were more than sixty, but I could not count their number*) laid themselves down upon the ground, side by side, as close as possible to each other, having their backs upwards, their legs extended, and their arms placed together beneath their foreheads. They incessantly muttered the word Al'lah! About twelve or more durwee'shes, most without their shoes, then ran over the backs of their prostrate companions; some, beating ba'zes, or little drums, of a hemispherical form, held in the left hand; and exclaiming' Al'lah! and then the sheykh approached: his horse hesitated, for several minutes, to step upon the back of the first of the prostrate men; but being pulled, and urged on behind, he at length stepped upon him; and then, without, apparent fear, ambled, with a high pace, over them all, led by two persons, who ran over the prostrate men; one sometimes treading on the feet; and the other, on the heads. The spectators immediately raised a long cry of “Al'la'h la' la' la' la' la'h!” Not one of the men thus trampled upon by the horse seemed to be hurt; but each, the moment that the animal had passed over him, * I believe there were double this number: for I think I may safely say that I saw as many as double on a subsequent occasion, at the festival of the Meara'g, which will hereafter be described.
The Do'seh
jumped up, and followed the sheykh. Each of them received two treads from the horse; one from one of his fore-legs, and a second from a hind-leg. It is said that these persons, as well as the sheykh, make use of certain words * (that is, repeat prayers and invocations) on the day preceding this performance, to enable them to endure, without injury, the tread of the horse; and that some not thus prepared, having the temerity to lie down to be rode over, have, on more than one occasion, been either killed or severely injured. The performance is considered as a miracle effected through supernatural power which has been granted to every successive sheykh of the Saadee'yeh †. Some persons assert that the horse is unshod for the occasion; but I thought I could perceive that this was not the case. They say also, that the animal is trained for the purpose: but, if so, this would only account for the least surprising of the circumstances; I mean, for the fact of the horse being made to tread on human beings; an act from which, it is well known, that animal is very averse. The present sheykh of the Saadee'yeh refused, for several years, to perform the Do'seh. By much intreaty, he was prevailed upon to empower another person to do it. This person, a blind man, did it successfully; but soon after died; and the sheykh of the Saadee'yeh then yielded to the request of his durwee'shes; and has since always performed the Do'seh himself. * Yesta'nmetoo as'ma. † It is said that the second sheykh of the Saadee'yeh (the immediate successor of the ounder of the order) rode over heaps of glass bottles, without breaking any of them!

After the sheykh had accomplished this extraordinary performance, without the slightest appearance of any untoward

accident, he rode into the garden, and entered the house, of the Sheykh El-Bek'ree, accompanied by only a few durwee'shes. On my presenting myself at the door, a servant admitted me; and I joined the assembly within. The sheykh, having dismounted, seated himself on a segga'deh spread upon the pavement against the end-wall of a tukhtabo'sh (or wide recess) of the court of the house. He sat with bended back, and down-cast countenance, and tears in his eyes; muttering almost incessantly. I stood almost close to him. Eight other persons sat with him. The durwee'shes who had entered with him, who were about twenty in number, stood in the form of a semicircle before him, upon some matting placed for them; and around them were about fifty or sixty other persons. Six durwee'shes, advancing towards him, about two yards, from the semicircle, commenced a zikr; each of them exclaiming, at the same time, “Alla'hoo hhei'!” (“God is living!”), and, at each exclamation, beating, with a kind of small and short leather strap, a ba'z, which he held, by a boss at the bottom, in his left hand. This they did for only a few minutes. A black slave then became melboo's; and rushed into the midst of the durwee'shes; throwing his arms about; and exclaiming, ” Al'la'h la' la' la' la' la'h!” A person held him, and he soon seemed to recover. The durwee'shes, altogether, standing' as first described, in the form of a semicircle, then performed a second zikr; each alternate zikkee'r exclaiming, “Alla'hoo hhei'! (” God is living!”); and the others, “Ya' hhei'! (” O thou living!”), and all of them bowing at each exclamation, alternately to the right and left. This they continued for about ten minutes. Then, for about the same space of time, in the same manner, and with
the same motions, they exclaimed, “Da'ïm!” (” Everlasting!”) and, “Ya' Da'ïm!” (” O Everlasting!”). I felt an irresistible impulse to try if I could do the same without being noticed as an intruder; and accordingly joined the semicircle, and united in the performance; in which I succeeded well enough not to attract observation; but I worked myself into a most uncomfortable heat.—After the zikr just described, a person began to chant a portion of the Ckoor-a'n: but the zikr was soon resumed; and continued for about a quarter of an hour. Most of the durwee'shes there present then kissed the hand of the sheykh; and he retired to an upper apartment.

It used to be a custom of some of the Saadee'yeh, on this occasion, after the Do'seh, to perform their celebrated feat of eating live serpents, before a select assembly, in the house of the Sheykh El-Bek'ree: but their present sheykh has lately put a stop to this practice in the metropolis; justly declaring it to be disgusting, and contrary to the religion, which includes serpents among the creatures that are unfit to be eaten. Serpents and scorpions were not unfrequently eaten by Sa'adees during my former visit to this country. The former were deprived of (heir poisonous teeth, or rendered harmless by having their upper and lower lips bored, and tied together on each side with a silk string, to prevent their biting; and sometimes, those which were merely carried in processions had two silver rings put in place of the silk strings. Whenever a Sa'adee ate the flesh of a live serpent, he was, or affected to be, excited to do so by a kind of frenzy. He pressed very hard, with the end of his thumb, upon the reptile's back, as he grasped it, at a point about two inches from the head; and all that he

ate of it was the head and the part between it and the point where his thumb pressed; of which he made three or four mouthfuls: the rest he threw away.—Serpents, however, are not always handled with impunity even by Sa'adees. A few years ago, a durwee'sh of this sect, who was called “el-Feel” (or the Elephant), from his bulky and muscular form, and great strength, and who was the most famous serpent-eater of his time, and almost of any age, having a desire to rear a serpent of a very venomous kind which his boy had brought him among others that he had collected in the desert, put this reptile into a basket, and kept it for several days without food, to weaken it: he then put his hand into the basket, to take it out, for the purpose of extracting its teeth; but it immediately bit his thumb: he called out for help: there were, however, none but women in the house; and they feared to come to him; so that many minutes elapsed before he could obtain assistance: his whole arm was then found to be swollen and black; and he died after a few hours.

No other ceremonies worthy of notice were performed on the day of the Do'seh. The absence of the Ghawa'zee rendered the festival less merry than it used to be.

In the ensuing night, that which is properly called the night of the Moo'lid, I went again to the principal scene of the festival. Here I witnessed a zikr performed by a ring of about sixty durwee'shes round the sa'ree. The moon was sufficient, without the lamps, to light up the scene. The durwee'shes who formed the ring round the sa'ree were of various orders; but the zikr which they performed was of a kind usual only among the order of the Bei'yoo'mee'yeh. In one act of this zikr, the performers

exclaimed, “, Ya' Al'la'h.”' (” O God!”); and, at each exclamation, first bowed their heads, crossing their hands at the same time before their breasts; then raised their heads, and clapped their hands together before their faces. The interior of the ring was crowded with persons sitting on the ground. The zikkee'rs continued as above described about half an hour. Next, they formed companies of five or six or more together; but still in the form of a large ring. The persons in these several companies held together; each (with the exception of the foremost in the group) placing his left arm behind the back of the one on his left side, and the hand upon the left shoulder of the latter: all facing the spectators outside the ring. They exclaimed “Al'lah!” in an excessively deep and hoarse voice *; and at each exclamation took a step, one time forwards, and the next time backwards; but each advancing a little to his left at every forward step; so that the whole ring revolved; though very slowly. Each of the zikkee'rs held out his right hand, to salute the spectators outside the ring; most of whom, if near enough, grasped, and sometimes kissed, each extended hand as it came before them.— Whenever a zikr is performed round the sa'ree, those in the tents cease. I saw one other zikr this night; a repetition of that of the preceding night in the Soo'ck El-Bek'ree. There was nothing else to attract spectators or hearers, excepting the reciters of romances.—The festival terminated at the morning-call to prayer; and all the zikrs except that in the Soo'ck El-Bek'ree, ceased about three hours after midnight. In the course of the following day, the cka'ïm, sa'ree, tents, &c., were removed. * Performers of zikrs of this kind have been called, by various travellers, “barking, or howling, dervises.”

CHAPTER XII. PERIODICAL PUBLIC FESTIVALS, &c.—continued.

IT might seem unnecessary to continue a detailed account of the periodical public festivals and other anniversaries celebrated in Egypt, were it not that many of the customs witnessed on these occasions are every year falling into disuse, and have never, hitherto, been fully and correctly described. Hoping that this apology will be accepted, I proceed.

During a fortnight in the month of Rabee'a et-Ta'nee (the fourth month), the mosque of the Hhasaney'n is the scene of a festival called Moo'lid El-Hhasaney'n, celebrated in honour of the birth of El-Hhosey'n, whose head, as I have before mentioned, is said to be there buried. This Moo'lid is the most famous of all those celebrated in Cairo, excepting that of the Prophet. The grand day of the Moo'lid El-Hhasaney'n is always a Tuesday; and the night which is properly called that of the Moo'lid is the one immediately ensuing, which is termed that of Wednesday: this is generally about five or six weeks after the Moo'lid en-Neb'ee; and concludes the festival. This present year (I am writing at the time of the festival which I here describe, in the year of the Flight 1250, A. D. 1834), the eve of the 21st of the month having been fixed upon as the night of the Moo'lid, the festival began on the eve of the 7th. On the two evenings preceding the eve of the 7th, the mosque was lighted with a few more lamps than is

usual; and this is customary in other years; but these two nights are not distinguished like those which follow. On each of the fourteen great nights before mentioned, the mosque is illuminated with a great number of lamps, and many wax candles; some of which latter are five or six feet high, and very thick. This illumination is made, on the first night, by the na'zir (or warden) of the mosque; from the funds of the mosque: on the second night, by the governor of the metropolis (at present Hhabee'b Efen'dee): on the following nights, by the sheykhs of certain orders of durwee'shes; by some of the higher officers of the mosque; and by wealthy individuals. On each of these nights, those shops at which eatables, sherbet, &c. are sold, as well as the coffee-shops, in the neighbourhood of the mosque, and even many of those in other quarters, remain open until near morning: and the streets in the vicinity of the mosque are thronged with persons lounging about, or listening to musicians, singers, and reciters of romances. The mosque is also generally crowded. Here we find, in one part of the great portico, a company of persons sitting on the floor in two rows, facing each other, and reading, altogether, certain chapters of the Ckoor-a'n. This is called a muck'ra. Sometimes there are several groups thus employed. In another place, we find a similar group reading, from a book called “Dela'l el-Kheyra't,”' invocations of blessing on the Prophet. Again, in other places, we find a group of persons reciting particular forms of prayer; and another, or others, performing a zikr, or zikrs. Winding about among these groups (whose devotional exercises are performed for the sake of El-Hhosey'n), or sitting upon the malting, are those other visitors whom piety, or curiosity, or
the love of amusement, brings to this venerated sanctuary. There is generally an assembly of durwee'shes or others in the saloon of the tomb (which is covered by the great dome, and is called the ckoob'beh) reciting forms of prayer, &c.; and the visitors usually enter the saloon, to perform the ceremonies of reciting' the Fa't'-hhah, and circuiting the shrine; but the most frequented part is the great portico; where the zikrs, and most of the other ceremonies are performed.

Every night during this festival, we see Isha'rahs, or processions of durwee'shes, of one or more sects, passing through the streets to the Hhasaney'n, preceded by two or more men with drums, and generally with hautboys, and sometimes with cymbals also; accompanied by bearers of mesh”als; and usually having one or more lanterns. They collect their party on their way, at their respective houses. Whenever they pass by the tomb of a saint, their music ceases for a short time, and they recite the Fa't'hhah, or a form of blessing on the Prophet, similar to that preparatory to the zikr, which I have translated in my account of the Moo'lid of the Prophet. They do this without stopping. Arriving at the mosque, they enter; some of them with candles; visit the shrine; and go away; with the exception of their sheykh and a few others, who sometimes remain in the ckoob'beh, and join in reciting prayers, &c.

One of the nights which offer most attractions is that of the Friday (that is, preceding the Friday) next, before the night of the Moo'lid. It is the night of the sheykh El-Go'heree, a person of wealth, who illuminates the mosque on this occasion with an unusual profusion of lights. On this night, I went to the mosque about two hours after sunset; before any of the ceremonies had commenced. The nearer I approached the building

the more crowded did I find the streets. In one place, were musicians: before a large coffee-shop, were two Greek dancing-boys, or gink, elegant but effeminate in appearance, with flowing hair, performing' to the accompaniment of mandolines played by two of their countrymen; and a crowd of admiring Turks, with a few Egyptians, surrounding them. They performed there also the evening before; and, I was told, became so impudent from the patronage they received as to make an open seizure of a basket of grapes in the street.

On entering the mosque, I found it far more crowded than usual; more so than on the preceding nights; but the lights were scarcely more numerous than are sometimes seen in an English church; and the chandeliers and lamps, of the most common kind. A loud and confused din resounded through the great portico; and there was nothing as yet to be seen or heard, and indeed little afterwards, that seemed suited to a religious festival. A great number of Turks, and some persons of my own acquaintance, were among the visitors. I first sat down to rest with one of my friends, a bookseller, and several of his fellow-durwee'shes, who were about to perform a zikr, at which he was to preside. I was treated by them with coffee; for which I had to pay by giving the moon'shids a piaster. Soon after they had begun their zikr, which was similar to the first which I have described in the account of the Moo'lid of the Prophet, I got up to visit the shrine, and to saunter about. Having paid my visit, I returned from the saloon of the tomb; in which was a large assembly of durwee'shes reciting prayers, sitting in the form of a square, as large as the saloon would admit, with the exception of that part which contained the shrine. On re-entering the

great portico, I perceived a great disturbance; numbers of persons were pressing to one point, at a little distance from me; and I heard a man crying out, “Nusra'nee! Ka'fir!” (“A Christian! an Infidel!”). Concluding that one of the visitors had been discovered to be a Christian, I expected a great uproar; but on asking one of the bystanders what had occurred, I was told that these words were only used as terms of insult by one Moos'lim to another who had given him some offence. An officer of the mosque came running from the ckoub'beh, with a staff in his hand; and soon restored order; but whether he expelled both, or either, of the persons who occasioned the disturbance, I could not discover; and I thought it prudent, in my case, to ask no further questions. By the entrance of the ckoob'beh was a party reading, in a very loud voice, and in concert, the Dela'il, before mentioned. After standing for a few minutes to hear them, though the confusion of their voices rendered it impossible for me to distinguish many words that they uttered, I returned to the zikr which I had first attended.

Shortly after, I heard the loud sounds of the tambourines of a party of 'Ee'sa'wee'yeh durwee'shes, whose performances constituted one of the chief attractions of the night, from the other end of the great portico. I immediately rose, and went thither. My friend the bookseller, quitting his zikr, came after me, and imprudently called out to me, “Efen'dee! take care of your purse! “In a minute, I felt my trowsers pulled, several times; and afterwards I found a large hole in them, apparently cut with some sharp instrument, by a person in search of my pocket: for, when the mosque is crowded as it was on this occasion, it generally happens that

some thieves enter even this most sacred building*. I had almost despaired of getting near to the 'Ee'sa'-wee'yeh, when my servant, whom I had taken thither to carry my shoes, called out to the persons around me, “Do you know whom you are pushing? “and instantly I found a way made for me. It was then about three hours after sunset. * Thefts are also sometimes committed in this mosque on other occasion; as a friend of mine lately experienced—“I went there,” said he, “to pray; and, as I was stooping over the brink of the mey'da-ah, to perform the ablution, having placed my shoes beside me, and was saying, 'I purpose to perform the divine ordinance of the woodoo,' somebody behind me said to himself, 'I purpose to take away this nice pair of shoes.' On looking round, I found an old worn-out pair of shoes put in the place of my own, which were new.”

Before I describe the performances of the 'Ee'sa'wee'yeh, I should mention, that they are a class of durwee'shes of whom all, or almost all, are Mugh'reb'ees, or Arabs of Northern Africa, to the west of Egypt. They derive their appellation from the name of their first sheykh, 'Ee'sa, which is the Arabic name of Jesus, and not uncommon among Moos'lims, as they acknowledge and venerate the Messiah. Their performances are very extraordinary; and one is particularly remarkable. I was very anxious that they should peform, this night, what I here allude to; and I was not disappointed; though I was told that they had not done it in Cairo for several years before.

I found about twenty of these durwee'shes, variously dressed, sitting upon the floor, close together, in the form of a ring, next to the front-wall of the building. Each of them, excepting two, was beating a large ta'r (or tambourine), rather more than a foot in width, and

differing from the common ta'r in being without the tinkling pieces of metal which are attached to the hoop of the latter. One of the two persons mentioned as exceptions was beating a small ta'r of the common kind; and the other, a ba'z, or little kettle-drum. Before this ring of durwee'shes, a space rather larger than that which they occupied was left by the crowd for other durwee'shes of the same order; and soon after the former had begun to beat their tambourines, the latter, who were six in number, commenced a strange kind of dance; sometimes exclaiming “Al'la'h!” and sometimes, “Al'la'h Mowla'na!” (” God is our Lord!”). There was no regularity in their dancing; but each seemed to be performing the antics of a madman; now, moving his body up and down; the next moment, turning round; then, using odd gesticulations with his arms; next, jumping; and sometimes, screaming: in short, if a stranger, observing them, were not told that they were performing a religious exercise, supposed to be the involuntary effect of enthusiastic excitement, he would certainly think that these dancing durwee'shes were merely striving to excel one another in playing the buffoon: and the manner in which they were clad would conduce to impress him with this idea. One of them wore a ckufta'n without sleeves, and without a girdle; and had nothing on his head, which had not been shaved for about a week: another had a white cotton scull-cap, but was naked from the head to the waist; wearing nothing on his body but a pair of loose drawers. These two durwee'shes were the principal performers. The former of them, a dark, spare, middle-aged man, after having danced in his odd manner for a few minutes, and gradually become more wild and extravagant
in his actions, rushed towards the ring formed by his brethren who were beating the ta'rs. In the middle of this ring was placed a small chafing-dish of tinned copper, full of red-hot charcoal. From this, the durwee'sh just mentioned seized a piece of live charcoal, which he put into his mouth; then did the same with another, another, and another, until his mouth was full; when he deliberately chewed these live coals, opening his mouth very wide every moment, to show its contents, which, after about three minutes, he swallowed; and all this he did without evincing the slightest symptom of pain; appearing, during the operation and after it, even more lively than before. The other durwee'sh before, alluded to, as half-naked, displayed a remarkably fine and vigorous form; and seemed to be in the prime of his age. After having danced not much longer than the former, his actions became so violent that one of his brethren held him; but he released himself from his grasp; and, rushing towards the chafing-dish, took out one of the largest live coals, and put it into his mouth. He kept his mouth wide open for about two minutes; and during this period, each time that he inhaled, the large coal appeared of almost a white heat; and when he exhaled, numerous sparks were blown out of his mouth. After this, he chewed and swallowed the coal; and then resumed his dancing. When their performance had lasted about half an hour, the durwee'shes paused to rest.

Before this pause, another party of the same sect had begun to perform, near the centre of the great portico. Of these, I now became a spectator. They had arranged themselves in the same order as the former party. The ring composed by those who beat the tambourines

consisted of about the same number as in the other company; but the dancers here were about twelve; sometimes less. One of them, a tall man, dressed in a dark woollen gown, and with a bare, shaven head, took from the chafing-dish, which was handed to the dancers as though it had been a dish of cakes or sweetmeats, a large piece of brilliantly hot coal; placed it between his teeth, and kept it so for a short time; then drew it upon his tongue; and, keeping his mouth wide open for, I think, more than two minutes, violently inhaled and exhaled, showing the inside of his mouth like a furnace, and breathing out sparks, as the former durwee'sh had done; but with less appearance of excitement. Having chewed and swallowed the coal, he joined the ring of the tambourine-players; and sat almost close to my feet. I narrowly watched his countenance; but could not see the least indication of his suffering any pain. After I had witnessed these extraordinary performances for about an hour, both parties of durwee'shes stopped to rest; and as there was nothing more to see worthy of notice, I then quitted the mosque*. * The performances of Richardson, described in Evelyn's Memoirs (pp. 375–6, 8vo. edition) appear to have surpassed those of the durwee'shes here mentioned.

Sometimes, on this occasion, the 'Ee'sa'wee'yeh eat glass as well as fire. One of them, the hha'gg Mohham'mad Es-Sela'wee, a man of gigantic stature, who was lamp-lighter in the mosque of the Hhasaney'n, and who died a few years ago, was one of the most famous of the eaters of fire and glass, and celebrated for other performances. Often, when he appeared to become highly excited, he used to spring up to the long bars, or rafters,

of wood which extend across the arches above the columns of the mosque, and which are sixteen feet or more from the pavement; and would run along them, from one to another: then, with his finger, wetted in his mouth, he would strike his arm, and cause blood to flow; and by the same means stanch the blood.

The zikrs, during this festival, are continued all night. Many persons pass the night in the mosque, sleeping on the matting; and it often happens that thefts are committed there. On my return to my house after witnessing the performances of the 'Ee'sa'-wee'yeh, I found no fewer than eight lice on my clothing.

On the following night there was nothing that I observed at all entertaining, unless it were this, that my officious friend the bookseller, who again presided at a zikr, wishing to pass me off for a pious Moos'lim (or perhaps for the sake of doing a good work), without having obtained my previous permission, openly proposed to four fick'ees to perform a recitation of the Ckoor-a'n (I mean, of the whole book, a khut'meh), on my part, for the sake of seyd'na * l-Hhosey'n. As this is commonly done, on the occasion of this festival, by persons of the higher and middle orders, it would have excited suspicion if I had objected. It was therefore performed, in the afternoon and evening next following; each fickee reciting a portion of the book; and then another relieving him: it occupied about nine hours. After it was finished, I was mentioned, by my assumed Oriental name, as the author of this pious work. The performers received a wax candle, some bread, and a piaster each. * Seyd'na (for seyyid'na) signifies “our Lord.”

On Monday, the mats were removed, excepting a few, upon which groups of fick'ees, employed to recite the Ckoor-a'n, seated themselves. Vast numbers of persons resorted to the mosque this day; both men and women: chiefly those who were desirous of obtaining a blessing by the visit, and disliked the still greater crowding and confusion of the following day, or day of the Moo'lid. In the ensuing evening, the streets in the neighbourhood of the mosque were densely crowded; and, a little after sunset, it was very difficult, in some parts, to pass. Numerous lamps were hung in these streets; and many shops, open.

This was also the night of the Moo'lid of the famous Soolta'n Es-Sa'lehh, of the house of Eiyoo'b, who is commonly believed to have been a wel'ee, and said to have worn a dilck, and to have earned his subsistence by making baskets, &c., of palm-leaves (khoo's), without drawing any money from the public treasury for his own private use. His tomb, which adjoins his mosque, is in the Nahh'hha'see'n (or market of the sellers of copper-wares), a part of the principal street of the city, not far from the Hhasaney'n. This market was illuminated with many lamps. Most of the shops were open; and in each of these was a group of three or four or more persons sitting with the master. The mosque and tomb of Es-Sa'lehh are much neglected, and falling to decay, notwithstanding the high veneration which the people of Cairo entertain for this prince. On my approaching the door of the tomb, I was surrounded by hhem'alees and sack'ckas soliciting' me to pay them to distribute the contents of an ibree'ck or a ckir'beh for the sake of Es-Sa'lehh. I entered the building with my shoes on (seeing that others did the same); but

took them off at the threshold of the saloon of the tomb. This is a square hall, surmounted by a dome. In the centre is an oblong monument, over the grave, surrounded by a wooden railing. At the head of this railed enclosure (or mucksoo'rah) are four large wax candles; and at the foot, three; all of which are encased in plaster, and resemble round-topped stone pillars. They are coloured with broad, horizontal, red stripes, like the alternate courses of stone in the exterior walls of most mosques in Cairo. There probably were, originally, the same number at the foot, as at the head, of the mucksoo'rah; for there is a space which seems to have been occupied by one at the foot. These candles, it is said, were sent as a present, by a Pope, or by a Frank King, to Es-Sa'lehh, who, being a wel'ee, discovered, without inspecting them, that they were filled with gunpowder, and ordered them to be thus encased in plaster; or, according to another account, they were sent as a present for the tomb, some years after the death of Es-Sa'lehh; and he appeared to the guardian of his tomb in a dream, and informed him of the gunpowder-plot. The saloon of the tomb I found scantily lighted; and having a very ancient and neglected appearance. The pavement was uncovered. On my entering, two servants of the mosque took me to the foot of the mucksoo'rah, and one of them dictated to me the Fa't'hhah, and the form of prayer which I have mentioned in my account of the ceremonies of the day of A'shoo'ra; the other responding A'mee'n! (Amen!): the former then desired me to recite the Fa't'hhah, with them, a second time, and gave me five of the little balls of bread from the tomb of the seyd El-Bed'awee. They received, for this, half a piaster. Another servant
opened the door of the mucksoo'rah, for me to enter: an honour which required that I should give him also a trifling present.

From the tomb of Es-Sa'lehh, I proceeded to the Hhasaney'n, through streets crowded to excess (though this was not the great night), and generally well lighted. There was but little difference between the scenes which the streets and the mosque of the Hhasaney'n presented: among the crowds in the mosque, I saw numbers of children; and some of them were playing, running after each other, and shouting. There were numerous groups of fick'ees reciting the Ckoor-a'n; and one small ring of durwee'shes, in the centre of the great portico, performing a zikr. I forced my way with difficulty into the ckoob'beh, and performed the circuit round the shrine. Here was a very numerous party reciting the Ckoor-a'n. After quitting the mosque, I spent about an hour and a half in a street, listening to a Shaӑr.

On the following day, the last and chief day of the festival, the mosque of the Hhasaney'n, and its neighbourhood, were much more thronged than on the days previous; and in every soo'ck, and before every weka'leh, and even before the doors of most private houses of the middle and higher classes of Moos'lims throughout the city, lamps were hung, to be lighted in the ensuing night, the night of the Moo'lid. The number of beggars in the streets this day, imploring alms for the sake of “seyd'na-1-Hhosey'n,” was surprising: sitting for about an hour in the afternoon at a shop in the principal street, I was quite wearied with saying, “God help thee!” “God sustain thee!” &c. Almost all the inhabitants of the metropolis seemed to be in the streets;

and almost all the Turks residing here appeared to be congregated in the neighbourhood of the Hhasaney'n. This was the grand day for visiting the shrine of El-Hhosey'n: it is believed that the Prophet is present there all this day and the ensuing night, witnessing his followers' pious visits to his grandson. Yet most of the great people prefer going on the preceding day, or on any of the days of the festival but the last, on account of the excessive crowding on this day: I, however, went on this occasion for the very reason that deterred them. I entered the ckoob'beh a little before sunset; and was surprised to find a way made for me to advance easily to the shrine. A servant of the mosque placed me before the door of the mucksoo'rah; dictated to me the same recitals as on the day of 'A'shoo'ra; and gave me a handful of the bread of the seyd El-Bed'awee; fourteen of the little balls into which it is formed. No sooner was this done than I was squeezed till I was almost breathless by applicants for presents. The man who had dictated the prayer to me asked me for his present (a piaster); another said, “I have recited the chapter of Ya'-Seen for thee, O A'gha:” a third, “O Efen'dee, I am a servant of the mucksoo'rah:” most of the others were common beggars. I saw now that the Turks had good reason to prefer another day. The more importunate of those to whom nothing was due followed me through the crowd in the mosque; and into the street: for I had given away all that I had in my pocket; and more than was customary. I was invited to seat myself on the mus'tub'ah of a shop opposite the mosque, to deliver myself from their jostling. In the mosque I saw nothing to remark but crowding and confusion, and swarms of beggars; men, women, and
children.—In the evening, the mosque was still crowded to excess; and no ceremonies were performed there but visiting the shrine, recitations of the Ckoor-a'n, and two or three zikrs. The streets were then more crowded than ever, till long after midnight; and the illuminations gave them a very gay appearance. The Go'hargee'yeh (or jewellers' ba'za'r) was illuminated with a great profusion of chandeliers, and curtained over. The ma'd'nehs of the larger mosques were also illuminated. Many shops were open, besides those at which eatables, coffee, and sherbet, were sold; and in some of them were seated fickees (two or more together) reciting khut'mehs (or the whole of the Ckoor-a'n). There were Sha”ërs, Mohhad'dits, Musicians, and Singers, in various places, as on the former nights.

In about the middle of Reg'eb * (the seventh month) is celebrated the Moo'lid of the sey'yideh Zey'neb, the daughter of the Ima'm 'Al'ee, and grand-daughter of the Prophet; always on the eve of a Wednesday. The festival generally commences two weeks before: the principal day is the last, or Tuesday. The scene of the festivities is the neighbourhood of the mosque in which the sey'yideh is commonly believed to be buried; a gaudily ornamented, but not very handsome building, in the south-western quarter of the metropolis. The supposed tomb, over which is an oblong monument, covered with embroidered silk, and surrounded by a bronze screen, with a wooden canopy, similar to those of El-Hhosey'n, is in a small but lofty apartment of the mosque, crowned by a dome. Into this apartment, on the occasion of the Moo'lid, visitors are admitted, to * About this time, the Turkish pilgrims, on their way to Meh'keh, begin to arrive in Egypt.

pray, and perform their circuits round the monument. I have just been to visit it, on the last or great day of the festival. In a street near the mosque I saw several Reciters of Ab'oo Zeyd, Hha'wees, Ckoorada'tees, and Dancers; and a few swings and whirligigs. In the mosque, the prayer usual on such occasions, after the Fa't'hhah, was dictated to me; and I received two of the little balls of the bread of the seyd El-Bed'awee. The door of the sacred enclosure was open; but I had been told that only women were allowed to enter; it being regarded in the same light as a hharee'm; so I contented myself with making the circuit; which, owing to the crowding of the visitors, and there being but a very narrow space between three sides of the bronze enclosure and the walls of the apartment, was rather difficult to accomplish. A respectable-looking woman, in a state which rendered it rather dangerous for her to be present in such a crowded place, cried out to me to make room for her with a coarseness of language common to Oriental females*. Many persons there begged me to employ them to recite a chapter of the Ckoor-a'n for the sey'yideh; urging the proposal with the prayer of “God give thee thy desire†!” for the visitors to the tombs or cenotaphs of saints generally have some special petition to offer. There was a group of blind paupers sitting on the floor, and soliciting alms. The mats were removed throughout the mosque; and only idle loungers were to be seen there. On going out, I was importuned by a number of hhem'alees and sack'ckas to give them money to distribute water for the sake of “the daughter of the Ima'm.” It * Ma' tezoock'nee'sh ya' see'dee: but'nee melya'n. † All'lah yoobal'liyhak trntcksoctdak.
is customary to give a few fud'dahs to one or more servants of the mucksoo'rah; and to a fick'ee, to recite a chapter; and also to the beggars in the mosque; and to one of the hhem'alees or sack'ckas. The chief ceremonies performed in the mosque in the evenings were zikrs. Each evening of the festival, durwee'shes of one or more orders repaired thither.

The night or eve of the twenty-seventh of Reg'eb is the anniversary of the Ley'let el-Meara'g, or the night of the Prophet's miraculous ascension to heaven; in commemoration of which, a festival is celebrated in a part of the northern suburb of Cairo, outside the gate called Ba'b El-'Ad'awee. For three days before, the Sheykh El-Bek'ree entertains numerous persons in a house belonging to him, in this quarter; and zikrs are performed there, in his house. In addition to the amusement afforded in the streets by Hha'wees, Reciters of Ab'oo Zeyd, &c., as on similar festivals, the public witness, on this occasion, that extraordinary performance culled the Do'seh, which I have described in my account of the Moo'lid en-Neb'ee. This is performed in a short, but rather wide street of the suburb above mentioned, in front of the mosque of a saint called Et-Tushtoo'shee, on the twenty-sixth day of the month, which is the last and chief day of the festival. I have just been one of its spectators. The day being Friday, the Sheykh of the Saadee'yeh (the only person who is believed to be able to perform this reputed miracle) had to fulfil his usual July of praying and preaching in the mosque of the Hhasaney'n, at noon. From that mosque, he rode in procession to the scene of the Do'seh, preceded by a long train of his durwee'shes, with their banners, and some with the little drums which they often use. I was

at this spot a little after midday; and took my place on a mus'tub'ah which extends along the foot of the front of the mosque of Et-Tushtoo'shee.

While sitting here, and amusing myself with observing the crowds attracted by the same curiosity that brought me hither, a reputed saint, who, a few days ago, begged of me a few piasters to feed some fackee'rs on this occasion, passed by, and, seeing me, came and sat down by my side. To pass away the time during which we had to wait before the Do'seh, he related to me a tale connected with the cause of the festivities of this day. A certain Soolta'n *, he said, had openly ridiculed the story of the Meara'g; asserting it to be impossible that the Prophet could have got out of his bed by night, have been carried from Mek'keh to Jerusalem by the beast Boora'ck, have ascended thence with the angel to the Seventh Heaven, and returned to Jerusalem and Mek'keh, and found his bed still warm. He was playing at chess, one day, with his Wezee'r, when the saint Et-Tushtoo'shee came in to him, and asked to be allowed to play with him; making this condition, that the Soolta'n, if overcome, should do what the saint should order. The proposal was accepted. The Soolta'n lost the game; and was ordered, by the saint, to plunge in a tank of water. He did so; and found himself in a magnificent palace, and converted into a woman, of great beauty, with long hair, and every female attraction. He, or now she, was married to the son of a king; gave birth to three children, successively, and then returned to the tank, and, emerging from it, informed the wezee'r of what had happened to him. The * This tale applies to the Khalee'feh El-Hha'kim. I have heard it related with some trifling differences.

saint reminding him, now, of his incredulity on the subject of the Meara'g, he declared his belief in the miracle, and became an orthodox Moos'lim. Hence, the festival of the Meara'g is always celebrated in the neighbourhood of the mosque in which Et-Tushtoo'shee is buried; and his Moo'lid is celebrated at the same time.

Not long after the above tale was finished, an hour and a quarter after midday, the procession of the Sheykh es-Saadee'yeh arrived. The foremost persons, chiefly his own durwee'shes, apparently considerably more than a hundred (but I found it impossible to count them), were laid down in the street, as close as possible together, in the same manner as at the Moo'lid en-Neb'ee. They incessantly repeated “Al'lah!” A number of durwee'shes, most with their shoes off, run over them; several beating their little drums; some carrying the black flags of the order of the Rifa”ees (the parent order of the Sa'adees); and two carrying a tha'lee'sh (a pole about twenty feet in length, like a large flag-staff, the chief banner of the Saadee'yeh, with a large conical ornament of brass on the top): then came the sheykh, on the same grey horse that he rode at the Moo'lid en-Neb'ee: he was dressed in a light blue pelisse, lined with ermine, and wore a black, or almost black, moock'leh; which is a large, formal turban, peculiar to persons of religious and learned professions. He rode over the prostrate men, mumbling all the while: two persons led his horse; and they, also, trod upon the prostrate men; sometimes on the legs, and on the heads. Once, the horse pranced and curvetted; and nearly trod upon several heads: he passed over the men with a high and hard pace. The sheykh entered the house of the Sheykh

El-Bek'ree, before mentioned, adjoining the mosque. None of the men who were rode over appeared to be hurt; and many got up laughing; but one appeared to be melboo's, or overcome by excitement; and though he did not put his hand to his back, as if injured by the tread of the horse, seemed near fainting; and tears rolled down his face: it is possible, however, that this man was hurt by the horse, and that he endeavoured to conceal the cause.

After the Do'seh, my friend the saint insisted on my coming to his house, which was near by, with three fick'ees. He conducted us to a small upper room, furnished with an old carpet and cushions. Here the three fick'ees sat down with me, and recited the Fa't'hhah together, in a very loud voice. Then one of them chanted about half of the second chapter of the Ckoora'n, very musically: another finished it. Our host afterwards brought a stool, and placed upon it a tray with three large dishes of 'eysh bi-lahhm. This is minced meat, fried with butter, and seasoned with some tahhee'neh (or sesame from which oil has been pressed), vinegar, and chopped onions; then put upon cakes of leavened dough, and baked. To this meal I sat down, with the three fick'ees; our host waiting upon us. A fourth fick'ee came in, and joined us at dinner. After we had eaten, the fick'ees recited the Fa't'hhah for the host, and then for myself; and went away. I soon after followed their example.

On the Ley'let el-Meara'g, between two and three hours after sunset, the Sheykh El-Bek'ree returns in procession, preceded by numerous persons bearing mesh”als, and by a number of durwee'shes, to his house

in the Ezbekee'yeh. During this night, the ma'd'nehs of the larger mosques are illuminated.

On the first or second Wednesday in Shaaba'n (the eighth month), generally on the former day, unless that be the first or second day of the month, the celebration of the Moo'lid of the Ima'm Esh-Ska'fe'ee commences. It ends on the eve of the Thursday in the next week. The great cemetery called the Ckara'feh, in the desert tract on the south of the metropolis, where the Ima'm is buried, and the southern part of the town, are the scenes of the festivities. As this Ima'm was the founder of the sect to which most of the people of Cairo belong, his Moo'lid attracts many visitors. The festivities arc similar to those of other great Moo'lids. On the Saturday before the last or chief day, the ceremony of the Do'seh is performed. On the last day, Wednesday, the visitors are most numerous; and during the ensuing night, zikrs, &c. are performed in the sepulchral mosque of the Ima'm. Above the dome of this mosque, upon its point, is fixed a metal boat, in which there used to be placed, on the occasion of the Moo'lid, an ardeb'b (or about five bushels) of wheat, and a camel-load of water, for the birds. The boat is said to turn, sometimes, when there is no wind to move it, and, according to the position which it takes, to foretoken various events, good and evil; such as plenty or scarcity, the death of some great man, &c.

Several other Moo'lids follow that of the Ima'm; but those already described are the more famous; and the ceremonies of all are nearly the same.

The “Night of the Middle of Shaaba'n,” or “Ley'let en-Noosf min Shaaba'n,” which is the night of the

fifteenth (that is, preceding the fifteenth day) of that month, is held in great reverence by the Moos'lims, as the period when the fate of every living man is confirmed for the ensuing year. The Sidr (or lote-tree) of Paradise, which is more commonly called Sheg'eret el-Mcon'tah'a (or the Tree of the Extremity) probably for several reasons, but chiefly (as is generally supposed) because it is said to be at the extremity *, or on the most elevated spot, in Paradise, is believed to have as many leaves as there are living human being's in the world; and the leaves are said to be inscribed with the names of all those being's; each leaf bearing the name of one person, and those of his father and mother. The tree, we are taught, is shaken on the night above mentioned, a little after sunset; and when a person is destined to die in the ensuing year, his leaf, upon which his name is written, falls on this occasion: if he be to die very soon, his leaf is almost wholly withered; a very small portion only remaining green: if he be to die later in the year, a larger portion remains green: according to the time he has yet to live, so is the proportion of the part of the leaf yet green. This, therefore, is a very awful night to the serious and considerate Moos'lims; who, accordingly, observe it with solemnity and earnest prayer. A particular form of prayer is used on the occasion, immediately after the ordinary evening-prayers which are said soon after sunset. Those who are able to recite it without being prompted do so; and generally in a mosque: others assemble in the mosques for this * In the commentary of the Gel'a'ley'n, Sidrat el-Moon'tah'a, or the Lote-tree of the Extremity (Ckoor-a'n, chap. liii, ver. 14), is interpreted as signifying “The Lote-tree beyond which neither angels nor others can pass.”
purpose, and hire a fick'ee to assist them; and many fick'ees, therefore, resort to the mosques to perform this office. Each fick'ee officiates for a group of persons. He first recites the Soo'rat Ya'-Seen (or 36th chapter of the Ckoor-a'n); and then, raising his hands before his face, as in the ordinary supplications, and the other worshippers doing the same, he recites the do”a (or prayer): repeating one, two, three, or more words, which the others then repeat after him. The prayer is as follows.—“O God '. O thou Gracious! and who art not an object of grace! O thou Lord of Dignity and Honour, and of Beneficence and Favour! There is no deity but Thee, the Support of those who seek to Thee for refuge! and the Helper of those who have recourse to thee for help! and the Trust of those who fear! O God, if Thou hast recorded me in thy abode, upon the ' Original of the Book*,' miserable, or unfortunate, or scanted in my sustenance, cancel, O God, of thy goodness, my misery, and misfortune, and scanty allowance of sustenance, and confirm me in thy abode, upon the Original of the Book, as happy, and provided for, and directed to good: for Thou hast said (and thy saying is true) in thy Book revealed by the tongue of thy commissioned Prophet, ' God will cancel what He pleaseth, and confirm; and with Him is the Original of the Book †.' O my God! by the very great revelation [which is made] on the night of the middle of the month of Shaaba'n the honoured, ' in which every determined * The Preserved Tablet, on which are said to be written the original of the Ckoor-a'n, and all God's decrees, is here commonly understood; but I am informed that the “Original” (or, literally, the “Mother”) “of the Book” is God's knowledge, or prescience. † Ckoor-a'n, chap. xii., ver. 39.
decree is dispensed*' and manifested, remove from me whatever affliction I know, and what I know not, and what Thou best knowest; for Thou art the most Mighty, the most Bountiful. And favour, O God, our lord Mohham'mad, the Illiterate † Prophet, and his Family and Companions, and preserve them.”—After having repeated this prayer, the worshippers offer up any private supplication. * Ckoor-a'n, chap, xliv., ver. 3.—By some persons, these words are supposed to apply to the Night of el-Ckudr, which will hereafter be mentioned. † Mohham'mad gloried in his illiteracy, as a proof of his being inspired: it had the same effect upon his followers as the words of our Saviour had upon the Jews, who remarked; “How knoweth this man letters, having never learned?” John, vii., 15.

The night on which Rum'ada'n (the month of abstinence, the ninth month of the year) is expected to commence, is called Ley'let er-Roo'-yeh, or the Night of the Observation [of the new moon]. In the noon, or earlier, during the preceding day, several persons are sent a few miles into the desert, where the air is particularly clear, in order to obtain a sight of the new moon: for the fast commences on the next day after the new moon has been seen, or, if the moon cannot be seen in consequence of a cloudy sky, at the expiration of thirty days from the commencement of the preceding month. The evidence of one Moos'lim, that he has seen the new moon, is sufficient for the proclaiming of the fast. In the evening of the day above mentioned, the Mohh'tes'ib, the sheykhs of several trades (millers, bakers, slaughtermen, sellers of meat, oil-men, and fruiterers), with several other members of each of these trades, parties of musicians, and a number of

fackee'rs, headed and interrupted by companies of soldiers, go in procession from the Citadel to the Court of the Cka'dee, and there await the return of one of the persons who have been sent to make the observation, or the testimony of any other Moos'lim who has seen the new moon. The streets through which they pass are lined with spectators. There used to be, in this procession, several led horses, handsomely caparisoned; but of late, military display, of a poor order, has, for the most part, taken the place of civil and religious pomp. The procession of the night of the Roo'-yeh is now chiefly composed of Niza'm infantry. Each company of soldiers is preceded and followed by bearers of mesh”als, to light them on their return; and followed by the sheykh, and a few other members, of some trade, with several fackee'rs, shouting, as they pass along; “O! Blessing! Blessing! Bless ye the Prophet! on him be peace*!” After every two or three companies, there is generally an interval of many minutes. The Mohh'tes'ib and his attendants close the procession. When information that the moon has been seen has arrived at the Cka'dee's court, the soldiers and others assembled there divide themselves into several companies, one of which returns to the Citadel: the others perambulate different quarters of the town; shouting, “O followers of the best of the Creation †! Fasting! Fasting ‡'.”—“ When the moon has not been seen on this night, the people are informed by the cry of “Tomorrow is of the month of Shaaba'n! No fasting! No * O. Es-Sala'h. Es-Sala'h. Sal'loo 'al' a-n-Neb'ee: 'aley'hi-s-tela'm. † ” The best of the Creation” is an appellation of the Prophet. ‡ Ya' oom'mata khey'ri-l-ana'm, Siya'm. Siya'm.
fasting”*!”—The people generally pass a great part of this night (when the fast has been proclaimed as commencing' on the morrow) in eating and drinking and smoking; and seem as merry as they usually do when released from the misery of the day's fast. The mosques, as on the following nights, are illuminated within; and lumps are hung at their entrances, and upon the galleries of the ma'd'nehs. * Ghud'a min shak'ri Shaaba'n. Fita'r. Fita'r.

In Rum'ada'n, instead of seeing, as at other times, many of the passengers in the streets with the pipe in the hand, we now see them empty-handed, until near sunset, or carrying a stick or cane, or a string of beads; but some of the Christians now are not afraid, as they used to be, of smoking in their shops in the sight of the fasting Moos'lims. The streets, in the morning, have a dull appearance; many of the shops being shut; but in the afternoon, they are as much crowded as usual; and all the shops are open. The Moos'lims during the day-time, while fasting, are, generally speaking', very morose: in the night, after breakfast, they are unusually affable and cheerful. It is the general fashion of the principal Turks in Cairo, and a custom of many others, to repair to the mosque of the Hhasaney'n in the afternoon during' Rum'ada'n, to pray and lounge; and on these occasions, a number of Turkish Tradesmen (called Tohhafgee'yeh, or Tohhfegee'yeh) expose for sale, in the court of the mey'da-ah (or tank for ablution), a variety of articles of taste and luxury suited to the wants of their countrymen. It is common, in this month, to see tradesmen in their shops reciting the Ckoor-a'n or prayers, or distributing bread to the poor. Towards evening, and for some time after sunset, the beggars

are more than usually importunate and clamorous; and at these times, the coffee-shops are much frequented by persons of the lower orders; many of whom prefer to break their fast with a cup of coffee and a pipe. There are few among the poor who do not keep the fast; but many persons of the higher and middle classes break it in secret.

In general, during Rum'ada'n, in the houses of persons of the higher and middle classes, the stool of the suppertray is placed, in the apartment in which the master of the house receives his visitors, a few minutes before sunset. A japanned tray is put upon it; and on this are placed several dishes, or large saucers, containing different kinds of dry fruits (which are called noockl); such as hazel-nuts (generally toasted), raisins, shelled walnuts, dried dates, dried figs, shelled almonds, sugared nuts, &c., and kahhk, or sweet cakes. With these are also placed several ckool'lehs (or glass cups) of sherbet of sugar and water; usually one or two cups more than there are persons in the house to partake of the beverage, in case of visitors coming unexpectedly; and often a little fresh cheese and a cake of bread are added. The pipes are also made ready; and it is usual to provide, in houses where numerous visitors are likely to call, several common reed pipes. Immediately after the call to evening-prayer, which is made four minutes after sunset, the master and such of his family or friends as happen to be with him drink each a glass of sherbet: they then usually say the evening-prayers; and, this done, eat a few nuts, &c., and smoke their pipes. After this slight refreshment, they sit down to a plentiful meal of meat and other food, which they term their breakfast (fatoo'r'). Having' finished this meal, they say the nightprayers

*, and certain additional prayers of Rum'ada'n, called et-tarawee'hh; or smoke again before they pray. The tarawee'hh prayers consist of twenty rek”ahs; and are repeated between the 'esh'ë prayers and the witr. Very few persons say these prayers, excepting in the mosque, where they have an Ima'm to take the lead; and they do little more than conform with his motions. The smaller mosques are closed, in Rum'ada'n, soon after the tarawee'hh prayers: the larger remain open until the period of the last meal (which is called the sahhoo'r), or until the imsa'k, which is the period when the fast must he recommended. They are illuminated within and at their entrances as long as they remain open; and the ma'd'nehs are illuminated during the whole of the night. The time during which the Moos'lim is allowed to eat (commencing, as already slated, at sunset) varies from 11 hours 55 minutes to 7 hours 46 minutes (in the latitude of Cairo), according as the night is long or short: the imsa'k being always twenty minutes before the period of the prayer of day-break. Consequently, the time during which he keeps fast every day is from 12 hours 5 minutes to 16 hours 14 minutes. * Sala't el-'esh'ë.

The Moos'lims, during Rum'ada'n, generally take their breakfast at home; after which, they sometimes spend an hour or two in the house of a friend. Many of them, but chiefly those of the lower orders, in the evening, visit a coffee-shop, either merely for the sake of society, or to listen to one of the reciters of romances, or musicians, who entertain the company at many of the coffee-shops every night of this month. Numerous passengers are seen in the streets during the greater part of

the night; and most of (he shops at which sherbet and eatables are sold remain open. Night is thus turned into day; and particularly by the wealthy; most of whom sleep during a great part of the day. It is the custom of some of the “Ool'ama of Cairo to have a zikr performed in their houses every night during this month; and some other persons, also, occasionally invite their friends, and entertain them with a zikr or a khut'meh.

Every night during Rum'ada'n, criers, called Moosahh'hhirs, go about, first to recite a complimentary cry, before the house of each Moos'lim who is able to reward him, and at a later hour to announce the period of the sahhoo'r, or last meal*. There is one of these criers to each khoot't, or small district of Cairo. He begins his rounds about two hours, or a little more, after sunset (that is, shortly after the night-prayers have been said); holding, with his left hand, a small drum, called ba'z, or tub'lat el-moosahh'hhir †, and, in his right hand, a small stick or strap, with which he beats it; and is accompanied by a boy carrying' two ckandee'ls (or small glass lamps) in a frame made of palm-sticks. They stop before the house of every Moos'lim, excepting the poor; and on each occasion of their doing this, the moosahhhhir beats his little drum to the following measure, three times:

after which he chants—“Most fortunate is he who * It is from this latter office, that the crier is called “Moosahh'hhir.” † Described in the chapter on music.
saith, ' There is no deity but God' “—then he beats his drum in the same manner as before, and adds,—“‘Mohham'mad, the Guide, is the Apostle of God.' “—Then again beating his drum, he generally continues,—“The most happy of nights to thee, O such a one '.” (naming the master of the house). Having previously inquired the names of the inmates of each house, he greets each person, excepting women, in the same manner; mentioning every brother, son, and young unmarried daughter of the master: saying, in the last case,—“The most happy of nights to the chief lady among brides *, such a one.” After each greeting he beats his drum; and after having greeted the man (or men) adds,—“May God accept from him [or them] his [or their] prayers and fasting and good works.”—He concludes by saying,—“God preserve you, O ye generous, every year!”—At the houses of the great (as also sometimes in other cases), after commencing as above (” Most fortunate is he who saith, ' There is no deity but God: Mohham'mad, the Guide, is the Apostle of God ' “—) he generally repeats a long chant, in unmeasured rhyme; in which he first conjures God to pardon his sins, and blesses the Prophet, and then proceeds to relate the meara'g (or the Prophet's miraculous ascension to heaven), and other similar stories of miracles; beating his drum after every few words, or rather, after every rhyme.'—A house of mourning, the moosahh'hhir passes by. He generally receives, at the house of a person of the middle orders, two, three, or four piasters on the 'eed which follows Rum'ada'n: some persons give him a trifle every night. * Young ladies, in Egypt, are often called “brides.”
If my reader be at all impressed by what has been above related, of the office of the moosahh'hhir, as illustrating the character of the Moos'lims, he will be more struck by what here follows.—At many houses of the middle, classes ill Cairo, the women often put a small coin (of five fud'dahs, or from that sum to a piaster, or more) into a piece of paper, and throw it out of a window to the moosahh'hhir; having first set fire to the paper, that he may see where it falls: he then, sometimes by their desire, and sometimes of his own accord, recites the Fa't'hhah, and relates to them a short tale, in unmeasured rhyme, for their amusement; as, for instance, the story of two dara'ïr; the quarrels of two women who are wives of the same man. Some of the tales which he relates on these occasions are of a grossly indecent nature; and yet they are listened to by females in houses of good repute. How incongruous are such sequels '. What inconsistency of character do they evince!

During this month, those calls from the ma'd'nehs which arc termed “the Oo'la “and “the Eb'ed “are discontinued; and, in their stead, two other calls are chanted. The period of the first of these, which is termed the Abra'r (from the first word of note occurring in it) is between an hour and a half and half an hour before midnight, according as the night is long or short. It consists of the following verses of the Ckoor-a'n*. “But the just shall drink of a cup [of wine] mixed with [the water of] Ka'foo'r; a fountain from which the servants of God shall drink: they shall convey the same by channels [whithersoever they please]. [These] fulfil * The fifth an l four following verses of the Sco'rat el-Insa'n, or 76th chapter.

their vow, and dread the day, the evil whereof will disperse itself far abroad; and give food unto the poor and the orphan and the bondsman for his sake [saying], We feed you for God's sake only: we desire no recompense from you, nor any thanks.”—The second call is termed the Sela'm (or salutation); and is a series of invocations of blessings on the Prophet, similar to those recited before the Friday-prayers; but not always the same. This is generally chanted about half an hour after midnight. The morning' ada'n from the ma'd'nehs is chanted much earlier than usual, as a warning to the Moos'lims to take their last meal, the sahhoo'r; in winter, in the longest night, about two hours and a half, and in the. short nights, about one hour and a half, before the imsa'k. Another ada'n is also made from the dik'kehs in the great mosques about twenty minutes before the imsa'k, as a final warning to any who may have neglected to cat; and at the period of the imsa'k, in these mosques, the meecka'tee (who makes known the hours of prayer, &c.), or some other person, calls out, “Ir'fa'oo!” that is “Remove ye “[your food, &c.] —About an hour and a half before the imsa'k, the moosahh'hhir goes his rounds to rouse or remind the people to eat at those houses where he has been ordered to call; knocking and calling until he is answered; and the porter of each quarter does the same at each house in his quarter.—Some persons eat but little for their fatoo'r, and make the sahhoo'r the principal meal: others do the reverse; or make both meals alike. Most persons sleep about half the night.

Some few pious persons spend the last ten days and nights of Rum'ada'n in the mosque of the Hhasaney'n or that of the Sey'yideh Zey'neb. One of these nights,

generally supposed to be the 27th of the month* (that is, the night preceding; the 27th day), is called Ley'let el-Ckudr (the Night of Power, or of the Divine decree). On this night, the Ckoor-a'n is said to have been sent down to Mohham'mad. It is affirmed to be “better than a thousand months †;” and the angels are believed to descend, and to be occupied in conveying blessings to the faithful from the commencement of it until daybreak. salt water, it is said, suddenly becomes sweet on this night; and hence, some devout persons, not knowing which of the last ten nights of Rum'ada'n is the Ley'let el-Ckudr, observe all those nights with great solemnity, and keep before them a vessel of salt water, which they occasionally taste, to try if it become sweet, so that they may be certain of the night. I find, however, that a tradition of the Prophet fixes it to be one of the odd nights; the 21st, 23d, 25th, 27th, or 29th. * Not the night supposed by Sale; which is that between the 23d and 24th days. See one of his notes on the 97th chapter of the Ckoor-a'n. † Ckoor-a'n, ibid.

On the first three days of Show'wa'l (the tenth month, the next after Rum'ada'n) is celebrated the minor of the two grand festivals which are ordained, by the religion of the Moos'lims, to be observed with general rejoicing. It is commonly called el-'Eed es—Sooghei'yir; but more properly, el-'Eed es-Saghee'r ‡. The expiration of the fast of Rum'ada'n is the occasion of this festival. Soon alter sunrise on the first day, the people having all dressed in new, or in their best, ‡ It is also called 'Eed el-Fitr (or the Festival of the Breaking of the fast); and, by the Turks, Ramaza'n Beyra'm.

clothes, the men assemble in the mosques, and perform the prayers of two rek”ahs, a soon'neh ordinance of the 'eed; after which, the Khatee'b delivers an exhortation. Friends, meeting' in the mosque, or in the street, or in each other's houses, congratulate and embrace and kiss each other. They generally visit each other for this purpose. Some, even of the lower classes, dress themselves entirely in a new suit of clothes; and almost every one wears something new, if it be only a pair of shoes. The servant is presented with one or more new articles of clothing by the master, and receives a few piasters from each of his master's friends, if they visit the house; or even goes to those friends, to congratulate them, and receives his present: if he have served a former master, he also visits him, and is in like manner rewarded for his trouble; and sometimes he brings a present of a dish of kahhk (or sweet cakes), and obtains, in return, money of twice the value, or more. On the days of this 'eed, most of the people of Cairo eat fesee'kh (or salted fish), and kahhks, fatee'rehs (or thin, folded pancakes), and shoorey'ks (a kind of bun). Some families also prepare a dish called moomez'zezeh, consisting of stewed meat, with onions, and a quantity of treacle, vinegar, and coarse flour; and the master usually procures dried fruits (noockl), such as nuts, raisins, &c., for his family. Most of the shops in the metropolis are closed, excepting those at which eatables and sherbet are sold; but the streets present a gay appearance, from the crowds of passengers in their holiday clothes.

On one or more days of this festival, some or all of the members of most families, but chiefly the women, visit the tombs of their relatives. This they also do on

the occasion of the other grand festival, of which an account will be given hereafter. The visitors, or their servants, carry palm-branches, and sometimes sweet basil (reehha'n) to lay upon the tomb which they go to visit. The palm branch is broken into several pieces, or its leaves are stripped off, and then placed on the tomb. Numerous groups of women are seen on these occasions, bearing palm-branches, on their way to the cemeteries in the neighbourhood of the metropolis. They are also provided, according to their circumstances, with kahhks, shoorey'ks, fatee'rehs, bread, dates, or some other kind of food, to distribute to the poor who resort to the burial-grounds on these days. Sometimes, tents are pitched for them: the tent surrounds the tomb which is the object of the visit. The visitors recite the Fa't'hhah; or, if they can afford it, employ a person to recite first the Soo'rat Ya'-Seen, or a larger portion of the Ckoor-a'n. Often, a khut'meh (or recital of the whole of the Ckoor-a'n) is performed at the tomb, or in the house, by several fick'ees. The men generally return immediately after these rites have been performed and the fragments or leaves of the palm-branch laid on the tomb: the women usually go to the tomb early in the morning, and do not return until the afternoon: some of them (but these are not generally esteemed women of correct conduct), if they have a tent, pass the night in it, and remain until the end of the festival, or until the afternoon of the following Friday: so also do the women of a family possessed of a private, enclosed burial-ground, with a house within it (for there are many such enclosures, and not a few with houses for the accommodation of the females, in the midst of the public cemeteries of Cairo). Intrigues are
said to be not uncommon with the females who spend the night in tents among the tombs. The great cemetery of Ba'b en-Nusr, in the desert tract immediately on the north of the metropolis, presents a remarkable scene on the two 'eeds. In a part next the city-gate from which the burial-ground takes its name, many swings and whirligigs are erected, and several large, tents; in some of which, dancers, reciters of Ab'oo Zeyd, and other performers, amuse a dense crowd of spectators; and throughout the burial-ground are seen numerous tents for the reception of the visitors of the tombs.

About two or three days after the 'eed above described, the Kis'weh, or covering of the Ka'abeh, which is sent annually with the great caravan of pilgrims, is conveyed in procession from the Citadel of the metropolis, where it is manufactured at the Soolta'n's expense, to the mosque of the Hhasaney'n, to be sewed together, and lined, preparatively to the approaching pilgrimage. It is of a coarse, black brocade, covered with inscriptions* of passages from the Ckoor-a'n, &c., which are interwoven with silk of the same colour; and having a broad band along each side, ornamented with similar inscriptions worked in gold†. The following account of the * This was denied by several of my Moos'lim friends, before whom I casually mentioned it; but, by producing a piece of the Kis'weh, I proved the truth of my assertion, I state this to show that a writer may often be charged with committing an error on authority which any person would consider perfectly convincing. † The Ka'abeh is a building in the centre of the Temple of Mek'keh, most highly respected by the Moos'lims. It is nearly in the form of a cube. Its height is somewhat more than thirty feet; and each side is about the same, or a little more, in width. It is not exactly rectangular, nor exactly equilateral. The black covering, after having remained upon it nearly a year, is taken off on the 25th of Zoo-1-Cka'adeh. cut up, and sold to the pilgrims; and the building is left without a covering for the period of fifteen days: on the 10th of Zoo-1-Hheg'geh, the first day of the Great Festival, the new kis'weh is put on. The interior is also hung with a covering, which is renewed each time that a new Soolta'n ascends the Turkish throne. It is necessary to renew the outer covering every year, in consequence of its exposure to the rain, &c. As the use of stuffs entirely composed of silk is prohibited, the Kis'weh of the Ka'abeu is lined with cotton to vender it allowable.

procession of the Kis'weh I write on my return from witnessing it, on the 6th of Show'wa'l 1249 (or 15th of February, 1834).

I took my seat, soon after sunrise, in the shop of the Ba'sha's booksellers, in the principal street of the city, nearly opposite the entrance to the ba'za'r called Kha'n EI-Khalee'lee. This and almost every shop in the street were crowded with persons attracted by the desire of witnessing the procession, old and young; for the Egyptians of every class and rank and age take great pleasure in viewing public spectacles; but the streets were not so much thronged as they usually are on the occasions of the processions of the Mahh'mil. About two hours after sunrise, the four portions which form each one side of the Kis'weh were borne past the spot where I had taken my post; each of the four pieces placed on an ass; with the ropes by which they were to be attached. The asses were not ornamented in any way, nor neatly caparisoned; and their conductors were common fella'hhs, in the usual blue shirt. There was then an interval of about three quarters of an hour; and nothing to relieve the dulness of this long pause but the passing of a few durwee'shes, and two buffoons, who stopped occasionally before a shop where they saw any well-dressed persons sitting, and, for the sake of

obtaining a present of about five fud'dahs (or a little more than a farthing), engaged in a sham quarrel, abused each other in loud and gross words, and violently slapped each other on the face.

After this interval came about twenty ill-dressed men, bearing on their shoulders a long frame of wood, upon which was extended one quarter of the Hheza'm (that is, the belt or baud above mentioned). The Hheza'm is in four pieces, which, when sewed together to the Kis'weh, form one continuous band, so as to surround the Ka'abeh entirely, at about two thirds of its height. It is of the same kind of black brocade as the Kis'weh itself. The inscriptions in gold are well worked,in large and beautiful characters, and surrounded by a border of gold; and at each end, where the upper and lower borders unite, the Hheza'm is ornamented in a tasteful manner, with green and red silk, sewed on, and embroidered with gold. One or other of the bearers frequently went aside to ask for a present from some respectably dressed spectator. There was an interval of about a quarter of an hour after the first quarter of the Hheza'm passed by: the other three portions were then borne along, immediately after one another, in the same manner. Then there was another interval, of about half an hour; after which there came several tall camels, slightly stained with the red dye of the hhen'na, and having high ornamented saddles, such as I have described in my account of the return of the Mahh'mil: upon each of these were one or two boys or girls; and upon some were cats. These were followed by a company of Baltagee'yeh (or Pioneers), a very good military band (the instruments of various kinds, but mostly trumpets, and all European), and the Ba'sha's guard,

a regiment of infantry, of picked young men, in uniforms of a dark blueish brown, with new red shoes, and with stockings.

The Boor'cko' (or Veil *), which is the curtain that is hung before the door of the Ka'abeh, was next borne along, stretched upon a high, flattish frame of wood, fixed on the back of a fine camel. It was of black brocade, embroidered in the same manner as the Hheza'm, with inscriptions from the Ckoor-a'n in letters of gold, but more richly, and move highly, ornamented; and was lined with green silk. The face of the Boor'cko' was extended on the right side of the frame; and the green silk lining on the left. It was followed by numerous companies of durwee'shes, with their banners; among which were several sha'lee'shes (such as I have described in my account of the Do'seh at the festival of the Meara'g), which are the banners of the principal orders of durwee'shes. Many of them bore flags, inscribed with the profession of the faith (” There is no deity but God: Mohham'mad is God's Apostle”), or with words from the Ckoor-a'n, and the names of God, the Prophet, and the founders of their orders. Several Cka'diree durwee'shes bore nets, of various colours, each extended upon a frame-work of hoops, upon a pole: these were fishermen. Some of the durwee'shes were employed in repeating, as in a common zikr, the name and attributes of God. Two men, armed with swords and shields, engaged each other in a mock combat. One other, mounted on a horse, was fantastically dressed in * This is often called, by the vulgar, “the veil of sit'na Fa't'meh;” because it is said that Fa'timeh Sheg'eret ed-Door'r, the wife of the Soolta'n Es-Sa'lehh, was the first person who sent a veil of this kind to cover the door of the Ka'abeh.

sheep-skins, and wore a high skin cap, and a grotesque false beard, composed of short pieces of cord or twist, apparently of wool, with mustaches formed of two long brown feathers: he occasionally pretended to write fe'was (or judicial decisions), upon scraps of paper given to him by spectators, with a piece of stick, which he feigned to charge with a substitute for ink by applying it to his horse as though it were intended for a goad. But the most remarkable group in this part of the procession consisted of several durwee'shes of the sect of the Rifa”ees called Owla'd 'Ilwa'n, each of whom bore in his hand an iron spike, about a foot in length, with a ball of the same metal at the thick end, having a number of small and short chains attached to it. Several of these durwee'shes, in appearance, thrust the spike with violence into their eyes, and withdrew it, without showing any mark of injury: it seemed to enter to the depth of about an inch. This trick was very well performed. Five fud'dahs, or even a pipeful of tobacco, seemed to be considered a sufficient recompense to the religious juggler for this display of his pretended miraculous power. The spectators near me seemed to entertain no suspicion of any fraud in this singular performance; and I was reproached by one who sat by me, a man of very superior information, for expressing my opinion that it was a very clever piece of deception. Most of the durwee'shes in the procession were Rifa”ees: their sheykh, on horseback, followed them.

Next came the Mahh'mil, which I have described in my account of its return to Cairo. It is added to the procession of the Kis'weh for the sake of increasing the show: the grand procession of the Mahh'mil previous to the departure of the great caravan of pilgrims takes

place between two and three weeks after. Another black covering, of an oblong form, embroidered in like manner with gold, to be placed over the Macka'm Ibrahee'm, in the Temple of Mek'keh, was borne after the Mahh'mil. Behind this rode a Turkish military officer, holding, upon an embroidered kerchief, a small case, or bag, of given silk, embroidered with gold, the receptacle of the key of the Ka'abeh. Then followed the last person in the procession: this was the half-naked sheykh described in my account of the return of the Mahh'mil, who constantly follows this sacred object, and accompanies the caravan to and from Mek'keh, mounted on a camel, and incessantly rolling his head *. * I went to the mosque of the Hhasaney'n a few days after, to examine the Kis'weh and the other objects above described, that I might be able to make my account of them more accurate and complete. I was permitted to handle them all at my leisure; and gave a small present for this privilege, and for a superfluous piece of the Kis'weh, for which I asked, a span in length, and nearly the same in breadth.

In the latter part of Show'wa'l, not always on the same day of the month, but generally on or about the twenty-third, the principal officers and escort of the great caravan of pilgrims pass, from the Citadel, through the metropolis, in grand procession, followed by the Mahh'mil. The procession is called that of the Mahh'mil, The various persons who take part in it, most of whom proceed with the caravan to Mek'keh, collect in the Ckar'a Meyda'n and the Roomey'leh (two large open tracts) below the Citadel, and there take their places in the prescribed order. As this procession is conducted with less pomp in almost every successive year, I shall describe it as I first witnessed it, during

my former visit to Egypt. The streets through which it passed were lined with spectators; some, seated on the mus'tub'ahs of the shops (which were all closed), and others, standing on the ground below. I obtained a good place at a shop in the principal street, through which it passed towards the gate called Ba'b en-Nusr.

First, a cannon was drawn along, about three hours after sunrise: it was a small field-piece, to be used for the purpose of firing signals for the departure of the caravan after each halt. Then followed two companies of irregular Turkish cavalry (Del'ees and Toofek'jees), about five hundred men, most shabbily clad, and having altogether the appearance of banditti. Next, after an interval of about half an hour, came several men mounted on camels, and each beating a pair of the large, copper, kettle-drams called nuck'a'ckee'r*, attached to the fore part of the saddle. Other camels, with large, shifted saddles, of the same kind as those described in my account of the return of the Mahh'mil, without riders, followed those above mentioned. These camels were all slightly tinged of a dingy orange red with hhen'na. Some of them had a number of fresh, green palm-branches fixed upright upon the saddles, like enormous plumes; others were decorated with small flags, in the same, manner as those above alluded to: several had a large bell hung on each side: some, again, bore water-skins; and one was laden with a square case, covered with red cloth, containing the khuz'neh (or treasure) for defraying those expenses of the pilgrimage which fall upon the government. The baggage of the Emee'r el-Hha'gg (or Chief of the Pilgrims) * These are described in the chapter on music.

then followed, borne by camels. With his furniture and provisions, &c., was conveyed the view Kis'weh, After this, there was another interval.

The next persons in the procession were several durwee'shes, moving their heads from side to side, and repeating the name of God. With these were numerous camel-drivers, sack'ckas, sweepers, and others; some of them crying “'Arafa't*! O God †!” and “God! God! [May the journey be] with safety ‡!”. Then, again, followed several camels; some, with palm-branches, and others, with large bells, as before described. Next, the tukht'rawa'n (or litter) of the Emee'r el-Hha'gg, covered with red cloth, was borne along by two camels; the foremost of which had a saddle decorated with a number of small flags. Some Arabs, and the Delee'l el-Hha'gg (or Guide of the Caravan), followed it; and next came several camels and groups of durwee'shes and others, as before. Then followed about fifty members of the Ba'sha's household, well dressed and mounted; a number of other officers, with silver-headed sticks, and guns; the chief of the Del'ees, with his officers; and another body of members of the household, mounted like the first, but persons of an inferior order. These were followed by several other officers of the court, on foot, dressed in ckufta'ns of cloth of gold. Next came two swordsmen, naked to the waist, and each having a small, round shield: they frequently stopped, and engaged each other in sport; and occasionally received remuneration from some of the spectators. These preceded a company of durwee'shes, * “'Arafa't” is the name of the mountain which is one of the principal objects of pilgrimage. † 'Arafa't ya-lla'h. ‡ Al'lah. Al'lah. Bi-s-sela'meh.

camel-drivers, and others; and the shouts before-mentioned were repealed.

After a short interval, the sounds of drums and fifes were heard; and a considerable body of the Niza'm, or regular troops, marched by. Next followed the Wa'lee (or chief magistrate of police), with several of his officers: then, the attendants of the Emee'r el-Hha'gg, the Emee'r himself, three ka'tibs (or clerks), a troop of Mugh'reb'ee horsemen, and three Moabal'lighs of the Mountain, in white 'abba'yehs (or woollen cloaks), interwoven with gold. The office of the last is to repeat certain words of the Khatee'b (or preacher) on Mount 'Arafa't. Then again there intervened numerous groups of camel-drivers, sweepers, sack'ckas, and others; many of them shouting as those before. In the midst of these rode the Ima'ms of the four orthodox sects; one to each sect. Several companies of durwee'shes?, of different orders, followed next, with the tall banners and flags of the kind mentioned in my account of the procession of the Kis'weh; the Cka'diree'yeh having also, in addition to their poles with various coloured nets, long palm-sticks, as fishing-rods. Kettle-drums, hautboys, and other instruments, at the head of each of these companies, produced a harsh music. They were followed by members of various trades; each body headed by their sheykh.

Next came several camels; and then, the Mahh'mil. Many of the people in the streets pressed violently towards it, to touch it with their hands, which, having done so, they kissed; and many of the women who witnessed the spectacle from the latticed windows of the houses let down their shawls or head-veils, in order to touch with them the sacred object. Immediately behind

the Mahh'mil was the same person whom I have described as following it on its return to Cairo, and in the procession of the Kis'weh; the half-naked sheykh, seated on a camel, and rolling' his head.

In former years, the Mahh'mil used to be conducted, on this occasion, with much more pomp, particularly in the times of the Memloo'ks; who attended it clad in their richest dresses, displaying their most splendid arms and armour, and, in every way, vieing with each other in magnificence. It used generally to be preceded by a group of Saadee'yeh durwee'shes, devouring live serpents.

The Mahh'mil, the baggage of the Emee'r, &c., generally remain two or three or more days in the plain of the Hhas'weh, on the north of the metropolis; then proceed to the Bir'ket el-Hha'gg (or Lake of the Pilgrims), about eleven miles from the city, and remain there two days. This latter halting-place is the general rendezvous of the pilgrims. The caravan usually departs thence on the twenty-seventh of Show'wa'l. The journey to Mek'keh occupies thirty-seven days. The route lies over rocky and sandy deserts, with very few verdant spots. To diminish the hardships of the journey, the caravan travels slowly, and mostly by night; starting about two hours before sunset, and halting the next morning a little after sunrise. The litters most generally used by the pilgrims I have described in the account of the return of the caravan.—Most of the Turkish pilgrims, and many others, prefer going by way of El-Ckoosey'r or Es-Soowey's* and the Red Sea; and set out from Cairo generally between two and three months before the great caravan. * Thus is properly pronounced the name of the town which we commonly call Suez.

On the tenth of Zoo-l-Hheg'geh (the last month of the year) commences the Great Festival, el-'Eed el-Kebee'r*; which, like the former 'eed, lasts three days, and is observed with nearly the same customs. Every person puts on his best clothes, or a new suit; but it is more common to put on new clothes on the minor 'eed. Prayers are performed In the mosques on the first day, soon after sunrise, as on the other festival; and the same customs of visiting and congratulation, and giving presents (though generally of smaller sums) to servants and others, are observed by most persons. The sacrifice that is performed on the first day, which is the day of the pilgrims' sacrifice, has been mentioned in the third chapter of the former volume of this work. It is a duty observed by most persons who can easily afford to do it. For several previous days, numerous flocks of sheep, and many buffaloes, are driven into the metropolis, to be sold for sacrifice. Another custom observed on this festival, that of visiting the tombs, I have also before had occasion to describe, in the account of the ceremonies of the former 'eed. In most respects, what is called the Minor Festival is generally observed with more rejoicing than that which is termed the Great Festival. On this latter 'eed, most persons who have the means to do so prepare a dish called fet'teh, composed of boiled mutton, or other meat (the meat of the victim), cut into small pieces, placed upon broken bread, upon which is poured the broth of the meat, and some vinegar flavoured with a little garlic fried in a small quantity of melted butter, and then sprinkled over with a little pepper. * It is also called 'Eed el-Ckoorba'n (or the Festival of the Sacrifice), and, by the Turks, Choorba'n Beyra'm.

CHAPTER XIII. PERIODICAL PUBLIC FESTIVALS, &c.—continued.

IT is remarkable that the Moos'lims of Egypt observe certain customs of a religious or superstitious nature at particular periods of the religious almanac of the Copts; and even, according to the same system, calculate the times of certain changes of the weather. Thus they calculate the period of the Khum'a'see'n, when hot southerly winds are of frequent, occurrence, to commence on the day immediately following the Coptic festival of Easter Sunday, and to terminate on the Day of Pentecost (or Whitsunday); an interval of forty-nine days.

The Wednesday next before this period is called Ar'ba'a Eiyoo'b, or Job's Wednesday. Many persons, on this day, wash themselves with cold water, and rub themselves with the creeping' plant called raara'a Ei-yoo'b, or ghoobey'ra * (inula Arabica, and inula undulata), on account of a tradition which relates that Job did so to obtain restoration to health. This and other customs about to be mentioned were peculiar to the Copts; but are now observed by many Moos'lims in the towns, and by more in the villages. The other customs just alluded to are that of eating eggs, dyed externally red or yellow or blue, or some other colour, on the next * Commonly pronounced ghoobbey'rë.

day (Thursday); and, on the Friday (Good Friday), a dish of khul'tah, composed of kishk *, with foo'l na'bit †, lentils, rice, onions, &c. On the Saturday, also, it is a common custom of men and women to adorn their eyes with kohhl. This day is called Sebt en-Noo' r (Saturday of the Light); because a light, said to be miraculous, appears during the festival then celebrated in the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. * Kishk is prepared from wheat, first moistened, then dried, trodden in a vessel to separate the husks, and coarsely ground with a hand-mill: the meat is mixed with milk, and about six hours afterwards is spooned out upon a little straw or bran, and then left for two or three days to dry. When required for use, it is either soaked or pounded, and put into a sieve, over a vessel; and then boiling water is poured on it: what remains in the sieve is thrown away: what parses through is generally poured into a saucepan of boiled meat or fowl, over the fire: some leaves of white bete, fried in butter, are usually added to each plate of it. † Beans soaked in water until they begin to sprout, and then boiled.

A custom termed Khemm en-Nesee'm (or the Smelling of the Zephyr) is observed on the first day of the Khum'a'see'n. Early in the morning of this day, many persons, especially women, break an onion, and smell it; and in the course of the forenoon, many of the citizens of Cairo ride or walk a little way into the country, generally northwards, to take the air, or, as they term it, smell the air, which, on that day, they believe to have a wonderfully beneficial effect. The greater number dine in the country. This year (1834), they were treated with a violent hot wind, accompanied by clouds of dust, instead of the nesee'm: but considerable numbers, notwithstanding, went out to smell it.—The 'ool'ama have their “shemm en-nesee'm” at a fixed

period of the solar year; the first three days of the spring quarter.

The night of the 17th of June, which corresponds with the llth of the Coptic month of Ba-oo'neh, is called Ley'let en-Noock'tah (or the Night of the Drop) as it is believed that a miraculous drop then falls into the Nile, and causes it to rise. Astrologers calculate the precise moment when the “drop” is to fall; which is always in the course of this night. Many of the inhabitants of Cairo and its neighbourhood, and of other parts of Egypt, spend this night on the hanks of the Nile; some, in houses of their friends; others, in the open air. Many also, and especially the women, observe a singular custom on the Ley'let en-Noock'tah; placing, upon the terrace of the house, after sunset, as many lumps of dough as there are inmates in the house, a lump for each person, who puts his, or her, mark upon it: at day-break, on the following morning, they look at each of these lumps; and if they find it cracked, they infer that the life of the person for whom it was placed will he long, or not terminate that year; but if they find it not cracked, they infer the reverse. Some say that this is also done to discover whether the Nile will rise high in the ensuing season.—Another absurd custom is observed on the fourth following night, Ley'let en-Sarata'n, when the sun enters the sign of Cancer: it is the writing a charm to exterminate, or drive away, bugs. This charm consists of the following words from the Ckoor-a'n*, written in separate letters—“' Hast thou not considered those who left their habitations, and they were thousands, for fear of death? and God said unto them die:' die: die.” The last word of the text * Chap, ii., ver. 244.

is thus written three times. The above charm, it is said, should be written on three pieces of paper, which are to be hung upon the walls of the room which is to be cleared of the bugs; one upon each wall excepting that at the end where is the entrance, or that in which is the entrance.

The Nile, as I have mentioned in the introduction to this work, begins to rise about, or soon after, the period of the summer solstice. From, or about, the 27th of the Coptic month Baoo-'neh (3d of July) its rise is daily proclaimed in the streets of the metropolis. There are several criers to perform this office; each for a particular district of the town. The Crier of the Nile (Moona'dee en-Neel) generally goes about his district early in the morning; but sometimes later; accompanied by a boy. On the day immediately preceding that on which he commences his daily announcement of the rise of the Nile, he proclaims,—“God hath been propitious to the lands! The day of good news! Tomorrow, the announcement, with good fortune!”—The daily announcement is as follows.

Moona'dee. “Mohham'mad is the Prophet of guidance!” Boy. “The Mahh'mils journey to him *!” M. “The guide: peace be on him!” B. “He will prosper who blesseth him!” [The Moona'dee and boy then continue, or sometimes they omit the preceding form, and begin, thus.] M. “O Thou whose government is excellent!” B. “My Lord! I have none beside Thee!” [After this, they proceed, in many cases, thus.] M. “The treasuries of the Bountiful are full!” B. “And at the gate there is no scarcity!” M. “I assert the absolute glory of Him who spread out the earth!” B. “And hath given running rivers!” M. ” Through * That is, to his tomb.

Whom the fields become green!” B. “After death He causeth them to live!” M. “God hath given abundance, and Increased [the river], and watered the high lands!” B. “And the mountains and the sands and the fields!” M. “O Alternator of the day and night!” B. ”. My Lord! There is none beside Thee!” M. “O Guide of the wandering! O God!” B. “Guide me to the path of prosperity!” [They then continue, or, sometimes omitting all that here precedes, commence, as follows.] M. “O Amiable! O Living! O Self-subsisting!” B. “O Great in power! O Almighty!” M. “O Aider! regard me with favour!” B. “O Bountiful! withdraw not thy protection!” M. ” God preserve to me my master [or my master the emee'r] such a one [naming the master of the house], and the good people of his house! O Bountiful! O God '.” B. ” Ay! please God!” M. “God give them a happy morning, from himself; and increase their prosperity, from himself!” B. “Ay '. please God!” M. ” God preserve to me my master [&c.] such a one [naming again the master of the house]; and increase to him the favours of God! O Bountiful! O God!” B. “Ay! please God!” [Then brothers, sons, and unmarried daughters, if there be any, however young, are mentioned in the same manner, as follows.] M. “God preserve to me my master [&c] such a one, for a long period! O Bountiful '. O God!” B. “Ay! please God!” M. “God preserve to me my mistress, the chief lady among brides, such a one, for a long period! O Bountiful! O God!” B. ” Ay! please God!” M. “May He abundantly bless them with his perfect abundance; and pour abundantly the Nile over the country! O Bountiful! O God!” B. ” Ay! please God!” M. ” Five [or six, &c. digits] today: and the
Lord is bountiful;” B. “Bless ye Mohham'mad!”—These last words are added in the fear lest the rising of the river should be affected by a malicious wish, or evil eye, which is supposed to be rendered ineffectual if the malicious person bless the Prophet *. * He would be guilty of a sin if he did not do this when desired.

Sometimes, the people of a house before which the Moona'dee makes his cry give him daily a piece of bread: this is a common custom among the middle orders: but most persons give him nothing until the day before the opening of the Canal of Cairo. Very little reliance is to be placed upon the announcement which he makes of the height which the 'river has attained; for he is generally uninformed or misinformed by the persons whose duty it is to acquaint him upon this subject: but the people mostly listen with interest to his proclamation. He and his boy repeat this cry every day, until the day next before that on which the dam that closes the mouth of the Canal of Cairo is cut.

On this day (that is, the former of those just mentioned), the Moona'dee goes about his district, accompanied by a number of little boys, each of whom bears a small coloured flag, called ra'yeh; and announces the Wef'a en-Neel (the Completion, or Abundance, of the Nile); for thus is termed the state of the river when it has risen sufficiently high for the government to proclaim that it has attained the sixteenth cubit of the Nilometer: in this, however, the people are always deceived; for there is an old law, that the land-tax cannot be exacted unless the Nile rises to the height of sixteen cubits of the Nilometer; and the government thinks it proper to make the people believe, as early as possible, that it has attained this height. The period when the

Wef'a en-Neel is proclaimed is when the river has actually risen about twenty or twenty-one feet in the neighbourhood of the metropolis; which is generally between the 6th and 16th of August (or the 1st and 11th of the Coptic month of Mis'ra) *: this is when there yet remain, of the measure of a moderately good rise, in the neighbourhood of the metropolis, four or three feet. On the day above mentioned (the next before that on which the canal is to be opened), the Moona'dee and the boys who accompany him with the little ra'ya't (or flags) make the following announcement. * This present year (1834), the river having risen with unusual rapidity, the clam was cut on the 5th of August. Fears were entertained lest it should overflow the dam before it was cut; which would have been regarded as an evil omen.

Moona'dee. “The river hath given abundance, and completed [its measure]! “Boys. “God hath given abundance †!” M. “And Da'r en-Nahha's ‡ is filled!” B. “God, &c.” M. ” And the canals flow!” B. “God, &c.” M. “And the vessels are afloat!” B. ” God, &c.” M. ” And the hoarder [of grain] has failed!” B. “God, &c.” M. ” By permission of the Mighty, the Requiter!” B. ” God, &c.” M. ” And there remains nothing—“B. ” God, &c.” M. ” To the perfect completion! “B. ” God, &c.” M. ” This is an annual custom.” B. ” God. &c.” M. ” And may you live to every year!” B. “God, &c.” M. “And if the hoarder wish for a scarcity” B. “God, † The words thus translated, the boys pronounce O'fa-lle'h for Ow'fa-lla'h. ‡ This is an old building between the aqueduct and Musr el'Atee'ekah, where the Soolta'ns and Governors of Egypt used to alight, and inspect the state of the river, previously to the cutting of the dam of the Canal.

&c.” M. “May God visit him, before death, with blindness and affliction!” B. “God, &c.” M. “This generous person* loveth the generous.” B. “God, &c.” M. ” And an admirable palace is built for him †.” B. ” God, &c.” M. ” And its columns are incomparable jewels,” B. ” God, &c.” M. ” Instead of palm-sticks and timber:” B. “God, &c.” M. “And it has a thousand windows that open: “B. ” God, &c.” M. ” And before every window is Selsebee'l ‡.” B. “God, &c.” M. “Paradise is the abode of the generous.” B. “God, &c.” M. “And Hell is the abode of the avaricious.” B. “God, &c.” M. “May God not cause me to stop before the door of an avaricious woman, nor of an avaricious man:” B. “God, &c.” M. “Nor of one who measures the water in the jar:” B. ” God, &c.” M. “Nor who counts the bread while it is yet dough:” B. “God,&c.” M. “And if a cake be wanting orders a fast:” B. “God, &c.” M. “Nor who shuts up the cats at supper-time:” B. “God, &c.” M. “Nor who drives away the dogs upon the walls.” B. “God, &c.” M. “The world is brightened.” B. ” God, &c.” M. “And the damsels have adorned themselves.” B. “God, &c.” M. ” And the old women tumble about.” B. “God, &c.” M. “And the married man hath added to his wife eight others.” B. “God, &c.” M. ” And the bachelor hath married eighteen.”—This cry is continued until somebody in the house gives a present to the Moona'dee; the amount of which is generally from ten fud'dahs to a piaster; but many persons give two piasters; and grandees, a kheyree'yeh, or nine piasters. * The person before whose house the announcement is made. † In Paradise. ‡ A Fountain of Paradise.

During this day, preparations are made for cutting the dam of the, canal. This operation attracts a great crowd of spectators, partly from the political importance attached to it; but, being always prematurely performed, it is now without much reason made an occasion of public festivity.

The dam is constructed before, or soon after, the commencement of the Nile's increase. The Khalee'g, or Canal, at the distance of about four hundred feet within its entrance, is crossed by an old stone bridge of one arch. About sixty feet in front of this bridge is the dam; which is of earth; very broad at the bottom, and diminishing in breadth towards the top, which is flat, and about three yards broad. The top of the dam rises to the height of about twenty-two or twenty-three feet above the level of the Nile when at the lowest; but not so high above the bed of the canal; for this is several feet above the low-water mark of the river; and consequently dry for some months, when the river is low. The banks of the canal are a few feet higher than the top of the dam. Nearly the same distance in front of the dam that the latter is distant from the bridge, is raided a round pillar of earth, diminishing towards the top, in the form of a truncated cone, and not quite so high as the dam. This is called the 'aroo'seh (or bride), for a reason which will presently be stated. Upon its Hat top, and upon that of the dam, a little maize or millet is generally sown. The 'aroo'seh is always washed down by the rising tide before the river has attained to its summit, and generally more than a week or fortnight before the dam is cut.

It is believed that the custom of forming this 'aroo'seh originated from an ancient superstitious usage, which is

mentioned by Arab authors, and, among them, by El-Muckree'zee. This historian relates, that, in the year of the conquest of Egypt by the Arabs, 'Amr Ibn El'A's, the Arab general, was told, that the Egyptians were accustomed, at the period when the Nile began to rise, to deck a young virgin in gay apparel, and throw her into the river as a sacrifice, to obtain a plentiful inundation. This barbarous custom, it is said, he abolished; and the Nile, in consequence, did not rise in the least degree during the space of nearly three months after the usual period of the commencement of its increase. The people were greatly alarmed; thinking that a famine would certainly ensue: 'Amr, therefore, wrote to the Khalee'feh, to inform him of what he had done, and of the calamity with which Egypt was, in consequence, threatened. 'Oma'r returned a brief answer, expressing his approbation of “Amr's conduct, and desiring him, upon the receipt of the letter, to throw a note, which it enclosed, into the Nile. The purport of this note was as follows.—“From 'Abd Al'lah “Om'ar, Prince of the Faithful, to the Nile of Egypt. If thou flowest of thine own accord, flow not: but if it be God, the One, the Mighty, who causeth thee to flow, we implore God, the One, the Mighty, to make thee flow.”—‘Amr dìd as he was commanded; and the Nile, we are told, rose sixteen cubits in the following night.—This tale is, indeed, hard to be believed, even divested of the miracle.

On the north side of the Canal, overlooking the dam, and almost close to the bridge, was a small building of stone, from which the grandees of Cairo used to witness the operation of cutting the dam. This building has become a ruin; and upon its remains is erected a large

tent for the reception of those officers who have to witness and superintend the cutting. Some other tents are also erected for other visitors; and the government supplies a great number of fire-works, chiefly rockets, to honour the festival, and to amuse the populace during the night preceding the day when the dam is cut, and during the operation itself, which is performed early in the morning. Many small tents, for the sale of sweetmeats, fruits, and other eatables, and coffee, &c., are likewise pitched along the bank of the isle of Er-Ro'dah, opposite the entrance of the Canal. The day of the cutting of the dam of the Canal is called Yo'm Gebr el-Bahhr, which is said to signify “the Day of the Breaking of the River”; though the word gebr, which is thus interpreted “breaking,” has really the reverse signification. The term Yo'm Wef'a el-Bahhr, or Wef'a en-Neel, before explained, is also, and more properly, applied to this day. The festival of the Canal is also called Mo'sim el-Khalee'g.

In the afternoon of the day preceding that on which the dam is cut, numerous boats, hired by private parties, for pleasure, repair to the neighbourhood of the entrance of the Canal. Among these is a very large boat, called the 'Ack'abah; one of the largest of those which navigate the Nile, and which are called 'ack'abs. It is painted for the occasion, in a gaudy, but rude, manner, and has two or more small cannons on board, and numerous lamps attached to the ropes, forming various devices, such as a large star, &c.: it has also, over the cabin, a large kind of close awning, composed of pieces of silk, and other stuffs; and is adorned with two pennants. It is vulgarly believed that this boat represents a magnificent vessel, in which the Egyptians used,

before the conquest of their country by the Arabs, to convey the virgin whom, it is said, they threw into the Nile. It sails from Boo'la'ck about three hours after noon; taking passengers for hire; men and women; the latter being usually placed, if they prefer it, in the large awning above mentioned. It is made fast to the bank of the isle of Er-Ro'dah, immediately opposite the entrance of the Canal. Most of the other boats also remain near it during the night, along the bank of the island; but some, all the evening and night, are constantly sailing up, or rowing down the river. In many boats, the crews amuse themselves and their passengers by singing, often accompanied by the darabook'keh and zoomma'rah; and some private parties hire professional musicians to add to their diversion on the river. The festival is highly enjoyed by the crowds who attend it; though there is little that a stranger would think could minister to their amusement: they seem to require nothing more to enliven them than crowds and bustle, with a pipe and a cup of coffee. In former years, the festival was always attended by dancing girls (who are now forbidden to perform), and by singers, instrumental musicians, and reciters of romances. In the evening, before it is dark, the exhibition of fire-works commences; and this is continued, together with the firing of guns from the 'ack'abah and two or more gun-boats, every quarter of an hour during the night. About twelve guns are fired on each of these occasions: the whole number fired at the night's festival of the present year was about six hundred. The fire-works which are displayed during the night consist of little else than rockets and a few blue lights: the best are kept till morning; and exhibited in broad day-light, during the
cutting of the dam. At night, the river and its banks present a remarkably picturesque scene. Numerous boats are constantly passing up and down; and the lamps upon the rigging of the 'ack'abah, and in other boats, as well as on the shore, where there are also many mesh”als stuck in the ground (several upon the dam and its vicinity, and many more upon the bank of the island), have a striking effect, which is occasionally rendered more lively by the firing of the guns, and the ascent of a number of rockets. The most crowded part of the scene of the festival at night is the bank of the island; where almost every person is too happy to sleep, even if the noise of the guns, &c. did not prevent him.

Before sunrise, a great number of workmen begin to cut the dam. This labour devolves, in alternate years, upon the Moos'lim grave-diggers (et-toor'abee'yeh) and on the Jews; both of whom are paid by the government: but when it falls to the Jews, and on a Saturday, they are under the necessity of paying a handsome sum of money to escape the sin of profaning their sabbath by doing what, the government requires of them. With a kind of hoe, the dam is cut thinner and thinner, from the back (the earth being removed in baskets, and thrown upon the bunk), until, at the top, it remains about a foot thick: this is accomplished by about an hour after sunrise. Shortly before this time, when dense crowds have assembled in the neighbourhood of the dam, on each bank of the Canal, the Governor of the metropolis arrives, and alights at the large tent before mentioned, by the dam: some other great officers are also present; and the Cka'dee attends, and writes a document (hhog'get d-bahhr) to attest the fact of the

river's having risen to the height sufficient for the opening of the Canal, and of this operation having been performed; which important document is despatched with speed to Constantinople. Meanwhile, the firing of guns, and the display of the fire-works, continue; and towards the close of the operation, the best of the fireworks are exhibited; when, in the glaring sunshine, they can hardly be seen. When the dam has been cut away to the degree above mentioned, and all the great officers whose presence is required have arrived, the Governor of the metropolis throws a purse of small gold coins to the labourers. A boat, on board of which is an officer of the late Wa'lee, is then propelled against the narrow ridge of earth, and, breaking the slight barrier, passes through it, and descends with the cataract thus formed. The person here mentioned is an old man, named Hhammoo'deh, who was serra'g ba'shee of the Wa'lee: it was his office to walk immediately before his master when the latter took his ordinary rides, preceded by a long train of officers, through the streets and environs of the metropolis. Just as his boat approaches the dam, the Governor of Cairo throws into it a purse of gold, as a present for him. The remains of the dam are quickly washed away, by the influx of the water into the bed of the Canal; and numerous other boats enter; pass along the Canal throughout the whole length of the city, and, some of them, several miles further; and return.

Formerly, the Sheykh el-Bel'ed, or the Ba'sha, with other great officers, presided at this fete, which was celebrated with much pomp; and money was thrown into the Canal, and caught by the populace; some of whom plunged into the water with nets; but several

lives were generally lost in the scramble. This present year (1834), three persons were drowned on the day of the opening of the Canal; one in the Canal itself, and two in the lake of the Ezbekee'yeh. A few minutes after I had entered my house, on my return from witnessing' the cutting of the dam, and the festivities of the preceding night (which I passed partly on the river, and partly on the isle of Er-Ro'dah), a woman, having part of her dress and her face, which was uncovered, besmeared with mud, passed by my door, screaming for the loss of her son, who was one of the three persons drowned on this occasion. The water entered the Ezbekee'yeh by a new canal, on the day preceding that on which the dam was cut. Crowds collected round it on this day, and will for many following days (I am writing a few days after the opening of the canal), to enjoy the view of the large expanse of water, which, though very turbid, is refreshing to the sight in so dry and dusty a place as Cairo, and at this hot season of the year. Several tents are pitched by it, at which visitors are supplied with coffee; and one for the sale of brandy, wine, &c.; and numerous stools and benches of palm-sticks are set there. The favourite lime of resort to this place is the evening; and many persons remain there for several hours after sunset: some, all night. There are generally two or three story-tellers there. At all hours of the day, and sometimes even at midnight, persons are seen bathing in the lake; chiefly men and boys, but also some young girls, and even women; the latter of whom expose their persons before the passengers and idlers on the banks in a manner surprising in a place where women in general so carefully conceal even their faces; though most of these
bathers are usually covered from the waist downwards. It often happens that persons are drowned here.

On the day after the cutting of the dam, the Moona'dee continues to repeat his first cry; but uses a different form of expression in stating the height of the river; saying, for instance, “four from sixteen;” meaning, that the river has increased four ckeera'ts (or digits) from sixteen cubits. This cry he continues until the day of the No'roo'z, or a little earlier.

On the No'roo'z, or Coptic new-year's-day (10th or llth of September), or two or three days before, he comes to each house in his district, with his boy drest in his best clothes, and a drummer and a hautboy-player; repeats the same cry as on the Wef'a; and again receives a present. Afterwards he continues his former cry.

On the day of the Salee'b (or the Discovery of the Cross), which is the 17th of the Coptic month of Too't, or 26th or 27th of September, at which period the river has risen to its greatest height, or nearly so, he comes again to each house in his district, and repeats the following cry.—“In uncertainty*, thou wilt not rest: nor in comparing † wilt thou rest. O my reproacher ‡, rest! There is nothing that endureth! There remaineth nothing [uncovered by the water] but the shemma'm § and lemma'm ‖ and the sown fields and the anemone and safflower and flax: and may my master such a one [naming the master of the house] live, and see that the * Doubting whether the Nile will rise sufficiently high. † That is, in comparing the height of the river at a particular period in the present year with its height at the same period in preceding years. ‡ O thou who hast said to me, “Why dost thou not bring better news?” § Cucumis dudaim. ‖ Mentha Kahirina.

river has increased; and give, to the bringer of good news, according to a just judgment. Ab'oo Redda'd* is entitled to a fee from the government; a fee of a sheree'fee † for every digit of the river's increase: and we are entitled to a fee from the people of generosity; we come to take it with good behaviour. The fortunate Nile of Egypt hath taken leave of us in prosperity: in its increase, it hath irrigated all the country.”—The Moona'dee, on this occasion, presents a few limes and other fruit, to the rich, or persons of middle rank, and some lumps of dry mud of the Nile, which is eaten by the women, in many families. He generally receives a present of two or three or more piasters. His occupation then ceases until the next year. * The Sheykh of the Mickya's, or Nilometer. † A gold coin, now become scarce. Its value, I am informed; is about a third of a pound sterling, or rather less.

CHAPTER XIV. PRIVATE FESTIVITIES, &c.

As the modern Egyptian does not become a housekeeper until he is married (and not of necessity then; for he may live with his wife in the house of his or her parents), his first marriage is generally the first event which affords him and his wife an occasion of calling together their respective friends to a private entertainment. Whenever a great entertainment is given on any occasion of rejoicing, it is customary, for the persons invited, to send presents (such as I have mentioned in describing the ceremonies attendant upon a marriage), a day or two before. The husband always has his separate party, generally in the lower apartment or apartments of the house; and the wife entertains her female relations and friends in the hharee'm, or upper apartments. It is also the usual custom for the wife to entertain her guests (among whom no males are ever admitted, excepting very young boys) during the six middle hours of the day; and for the husband to receive his guests afterwards; after sunset, or after the 'esh'ë prayers: but sometimes his guests assemble while the wife is engaged with her own party in the hharee'm.

On these occasions, the female singers called 'Awa'lim (or 'A'l'mehs) are often hired to amuse the company. They sit in one of the apartments of the hharee'm; generally at a window looking into the court. The wooden

lattice-work of the window, though too close to allow them to be seen by persons without, is sufficiently open to let them be distinctly heard by the male guests sitting in the court or in one of the apartments which look into it. In many houses, there is a small elevated apartment, or closet, for the 'Awa'lim, called toockey'seh (which I have before described), adjoining the apartment in which the male guests assemble (as well as another adjoining the principal saloon of the hharee'm), screened in front by wooden lattice-work, to conceal these singers from the view of the men.—The dancing-girls (Ghawa'zee, or Gha'zee-'yehs) are also frequently hired to attend on the occasions of private festivities. They dance (with unveiled face) before the men, in the court; so that they may be seen also by the women from the windows of the hharee'm; or perform in an apartment in which the men are assembled; or in the street, before the house, for the amusement only of the women. When they or the 'Awa'lim perform for the entertainment of a party, one of the friends of the host usually collects for them small sums of money upon the tambourine, or in a handkerchief, from the guests: but sometimes, the host will not allow this custom to be observed. The contributions are called noockoo't. It is the general practice for the person who gives the entertainment to engage the Ghawa'zee for a certain sum: he receives the noockoo't; which may fall short of, or exceed, the promised sum: in the former case, he pays the difference from his own purse: in the latter case, he often pockets the surplus. Or he agrees that they shall receive all the noockoo't, with, or without, an additional sum from himself. In some parties, where little decorum is observed, the guests dally and sport with these dancing-girls in a very licentious
manner. I have before mentioned (in a former chapter), that, on these occasions, they are usually indulged with brandy, or some other intoxicating liquor, which most of them drink to excess. It is a common custom for a man to wet, with his tongue, small gold coins, and stick them upon the forehead, cheeks, chin, and lips, of a Gha'zee'yeh. When money is collected for the 'Awa'lim, their servant, who is called kkalboo's, and who often acts the part of a buffoon, calls out, at each contribution, “Such a one has given so many mahhboo'bs, or kheyree'yehs “—turning a few piasters into a much larger number of gold coins of considerably greater value; or, if gold be given, exaggerating the sum in the same manner. This he does to compliment the donor, and to stimulate the generosity of others. His mistress, or another of the 'Awa'lim, replies, “'Ock'ba le-'an'dooh” (” May he have the like [rejoicing]”—or “May he have a recompense”).—The guests are also often entertained with a concert of instrumental and vocal music, by male performers (A'la'tee'yeh), who sit in the court, or in the apartment in which the guests are assembled. Two dik'kehs (or high wooden sofas) are often put together, front to front, in the court, and furnished with cushions, &c., to form an orchestra for the musicians; and a lantern is usually placed in the middle. The A'la'tee'yeh generally receive contributions from the assembly for whose entertainment they perform, like the 'Awa'lim; their khalboo's calling out to them in the same manner after each gift.

But performances of a different kind from those above mentioned are more common, and are considered more proper, on the occasions of private festivities. These are the recitals of a khut'meh (or of the whole of the Ckoora'n),

by three or more fick'ees, who are hired for the purpose; or of a zikr, by a small party of fackee'rs*. That the, khut'meh may not be too fatiguing to the performers, the fick'ees relieve each other by turns; one only chanting at a time; and each, usually,chanting a roob'a. They generally come to the house a little after the 'asr, and get through the greater part of their task before the guests assemble: one of them then chants more leisurely, and in a more musical manner: after him, in the same manner, another; and so on. Sometimes a khut'meh is performed in the day-time, and after it, in the evening, a zikr. It is a rule that the zikr should always be performed after sunset. * These customs remind us of St. Paul's advice to the Ephesians, chap. v., ver. 19; which shows the antiquity of social pastimes of this kind. The Egyptians highly enjoy the religious love-songs of the moon'shids at zikrs.

In Egypt, persons who habitually live with the utmost frugality prepare a great variety and profusion of dishes for the entertainment of their friends. But very little time is devoted to eating. The period of conviviality is mostly passed in smoking, sipping coffee, drinking sherbet, and conversing: the Turks, however, generally abstain from smoking during the recital of the Ckoor-a'n; and the honour which they pay to the sacred book on every occasion has given rise to a saying, that “God has exalted A'l 'Osma'n [i. e, the race of 'Osma'n, or the 'Osma'nlees] above other Moos'lims because they exalt the Ckoor-a'n more than do others.” In these parties, none of the guests ever attempts to amuse his companions, except by facetious conversation, or sometimes by telling a story; though all of them take great delight in witnessing the performances of the hired dancers,

musicians, and singers. The Egyptians seldom play at any game, unless when only two or three persons meet together; or in the privacy of their own families. They are a social people; and yet they but rarely give great entertainments. Festivities such as I have described above are very unfrequent: they occur only on particular occasions which really call for rejoicing. Excepting on such occasions, it is considered improper to hire dancing-girls to perform in a house.

The marriage-festivities I have described in a former chapter: I therefore proceed to give an account of the festivities which follow a marriage; and shall do so in the order of their occurrence.

On the seventh day (Yo'm es-Sooboo'a *) after a marriage, the wife receives her female relations and friends during the morning and afternoon; and sometimes, the husband entertains his own friends in the evening; generally hiring persons to perform a khut'meh or a zikr. It is a custom of husbands in Egypt to deny themselves their conjugal rights during the first week after the conclusion of the marriage with a virgin bride; and the termination of this period is a due cause for rejoicing †—On the fortieth day (Yo'm el-Arba'ee'n) * The Sooboo'a after the birth of a child is celebrated with more rejoicing: and therefore, in speaking of the Yo'm es-Sooboo'a, the seventh day after childbirth is generally understood. † It was not such a festival as this alone that is alluded to in Genesis xxix., 27, and in Judges xiv., 12. It was, and I believe is still, the custom of wealthy Bed'awees (and such was Laban) to feast their friends seven days after marriage (as also after the birth of a male child); and every respectable Moos'lim, after marriage, if disappointed in the expectations he has been led to form of his wife, abstains from putting her away for about a week, that she may not be disgraced by suspicion; particularly if it be her first marriage.

after the marriage, the wife goes, with a party of her female friends, to the bath. Her companions return with her to her house, about the 'asr; partake of a repast, and go away. The husband, also, sometimes receives visitors in the evening of this day, and again causes a khut'meh or zikr to be performed.

The next festivities in a family are generally those consequent on the birth of a child.—Two or three or more days before the expected time of the delivery, the da'yeh (or midwife) conveys, to the house of the woman who requires her assistance, the hoor'see el-wila'deh, a chair of a peculiar form, upon which the patient is to be seated during the birth*. This chair is covered with a shawl, or an embroidered napkin; and some flowers of the hhen'na-tree, or some roses, arc tied, with an embroidered handkerchief, to each of the upper corners of the back. Thus ornamented, the chair (which is the property of the da'yeh) is conveyed before her to the house.—In the houses of the rich, and of those in easy circumstances, the mother, after delivery, is placed on a bed, and usually remains on it from three to six days: but poor women, in the same case, seldom take to a bed at all; and after a day or two, resume their ordinary occupations, if not requiring great exertion. * See Exodus, i, 16.

On the morning after the birth, two or three of the dancing-men called Khow'als, or two or three Gha'zee'yehs, dance in front of the house, or in the court.—The festivities occasioned by the birth of a son are always greater than those on account of a daughter. The Arabs still show relics of that feeling which often induced their ancient ancestors to destroy their female offspring.

A few days after the birth, generally on the fourth or

fifth day, the women of the house, if the family be of the middle or wealthy classes, usually prepare dishes of moofet'tuck'ah, kishk, liba'beh, and hhhil'beh; which they send to the female relations and friends. The first of these consists of honey with a little clarified butter* and oil of sesame †, and a variety of aromatics and spices pounded together: roasted hazel-nuts are also added to it ‡. The kishk has been described in a former page §. The liba'beh is composed of broken or crumbled bread, honey, clarified butter, and a little rose-water: the butter is first put into a saucepan over the fire; then, the broken bread; and next, the honey. The dish of hhil'beh (or fenugreek) is prepared from the dry grain, boiled, and then sweetened with honey over the fire. * Semn. † See'reg. ‡ Some women add another ingredient; not when it is to be sent to friends; but for a particular purpose, which is, to make them fat: they broil and mash up a number of beetles in the butter; and then add the honey, &c. This has been alluded to in the chapter on the Domestic Life of the Women. § In a note to the second paragraph of the preceding chapter.

On the Yo'm es-Sooboo'a (or Seventh Day) after the birth of a child, the female friends of its mother pay her a visit. In the families of the higher classes, 'Awa'lim are hired to sing in the hharee'm; or A'la'tee'yeh perform, or fick'ees recite a khut'meh, below. The mother, attended by the da'yeh, sits on the koor'see el-wila'deh, in the hope that she may soon have occasion for it again; for her doing this is considered propitious. The child is brought, wrapped in a handsome shawl, or something costly; and, to accustom it to noise, that it may not be frightened afterwards by the music, and other sounds of

mirth, one of the women takes a brass mortar*', and strikes it repeatedly with the pestle, as if pounding. After this, the child is put into a sieve, and shaken; it being supposed that this operation is beneficial to its stomach. Next, it is carried through all the apartments of the hharee'm, accompanied by several women or girls; each of whom hears a number of wax candles, sometimes of various colours, cut in two, lighted, and stuck into small lumps of paste of hhen'na, upon a small round tray. At the same time, the da'yeh, or another female, sprinkles, upon the floor of each room, a mixture of salt and seed of the fennel-flower †; saying, as she does this, “The salt be in the eye of whoever does not bless the Prophet ‡!” or, “The foul salt in the eye of the envious §!” This ceremony of the sprinkling of salt ‖ is considered a preservative, for the child and mother, from the evil eye. The child, wrapped up, and placed on a fine mattress, which is sometimes laid on a silver tray, is shown to each of the women present, who looks at its face, says,” O God, favour our lord Mohham'mad! God give thee long life!” &c., and usually puts an embroidered handkerchief, with a gold coin (if pretty or old, the more esteemed) tied up in one of the corners, on the child's head, or by its side. This giving of handkerchiefs is considered as imposing a debt, to be repaid by the mother, if the donor should give her the same occasion; or as the discharge of a debt for a similar offering. * Ho'n. † Hhab'beh so'da. ‡ “El-milhh fee 'eyn el' lee ma' yesal'lee 'a-n-neb'ee.” Yesal'lee is for yoosal'lee; and 'a-n-neb'ee, for 'al'a-n-neb'ee. § El-milhh el-fa'sid fee 'eyn et-hha'sid. ‖ Rushsh el-milhh.

The coins are generally used, for some years, to decorate the head-dress of the child. After these noockoo't for the child, others are given for the da'yeh. During the night before the sooboo'a, a water-bottle full of water (a (do'ruck in the case of a boy, or a ckool'leh in that of a girl) is placed at the child's head, while it sleeps, with an embroidered handkerchief tied round the neck. This, with the water it contains, the da'yeh takes, and puts upon a tray, and presents it to each of the women; who put their noockoo't for her (merely money) into the tray.—In the evening, the husband generally entertains a party of his friends, in the manner usual on other occasions of private festivity.

During a certain period after childbirth (in most cases, among the people of Cairo, forty days; but differing according to circumstances, and according to the doctrines of the different sects) the mother is regarded as religiously impure *. The period here mentioned is called Nifa's. At the expiration of it, the woman goes to the bath. * In like manner, the Jewish law pronounces a woman unclean during forty days after the birth of a male child; but double that time after bearing a female child. See Leviticus, xii., 2, 4, 5.

The ceremonies and festivities attendant upon the circumcision of a boy are the next that I shall describe. —In most cases, the boy about to be circumcised (who is called moota'hir) is paraded through the streets in the manner which has been related in a former chapter; that is, if his parents be of the middle or higher class of citizens: but most of the learned, people of religious professions, fick'ees, and some rich men, in Cairo, prefer performing a ceremony called Sira'feh, of which the following account will convey a sufficient notion.

The schoolfellows of the moota'hir, all drest in their best clothes, or in burrowed clothes if they have none of their own good enough, which is generally the case, repair, a little before noon, to one of the principal mosques, as that of the Hhasaney'n, or the Az'har, or that of the sey'yideh Zey'neb. Thither also go the men and the women and many of the female friends of the family of the moota'hir, with the moota'hir himself; and sometimes about six sha'wee'shes (or sergeants) of the Nackee'bel-Ashra'f, The barber who is to perform the operation also attends, with a servant bearing his hheml (or sign), which has been described in the account of the more common ceremonies of circumcision. All these persons, with some others who will presently be mentioned, having assembled in the mosque, wait there until after the noon-prayers, and then depart in procession through the streets to the house of the moota'hir's parents. The first person in the procession is the barber's servant, with his hheml. He is sometimes followed by five or six fick'ees, chanting a lyric ode (moo-wesh'shahh) in praise of the Prophet. Then follow the schoolboys, two, three, or four abreast. The foremost of these boys, or half their number, chant, as they pass along,—“O nights of pleasure! O nights of joy!“— The other boys then take up the strain, adding,—“ Pleasure and desire, with friends assembled! “—Then, again, the former,—“Favour, O our Lord, the Perspicuous Light”—then, the latter, “Ahh'mad *, the Elect, the chief of Apostles!”—Thus the boys continue to chant the whole of the way. Behind them walk the male relations of the moota'hir. These are followed by about six boys; three of them bearing each a silver * A name of the Arabian Prophet.
scent-bottle (ckoom' ckoom) full of rose-water or orange-flower-water, which they occasionally sprinkle on some of the spectators; and each of the others bearing a silver perfuming-vessel (mib'khar'ah), in which benzoin, frankincense, or some other odoriferous substance is burning. With these boys walks a sack'cka, bearing, on his back, a skin of water covered with an embroidered napkin: he gives water, now and then, in brass cups, to passengers in the street. Next follow three servants: one of these carries a silver pot of coffee, in a silver 'a'z' ckee (or chafing-dish suspended by three chains): another bears a silver tray, with ten or eleven coffee-cups, and zurfs of silver: the third carries nothing: it is his office, when the procession passes by a well-dressed person (one sitting at a shop, for instance), to fill, and present to him, a cup of coffee: the person thus honoured gives the servant something in return: half a piaster is considered amply sufficient. The sha'wee'shes occupy the next place in the order of the procession. Sometimes they are followed by another group of boys with ckoom'ckooms and mib'khar'ahs. Next follows a boy bearing the writing tablet of the moota'hir, hung to his neck by a handkerchief: it is ornamented for the occasion by the schoolmaster. Behind the boy who bears it walks the moota'hir, between two others. He is dressed either as in the zef'feh before described (that is, in girl's clothes, with the exception of the turban, and decked with women's ornaments) or simply as a boy; and holds a folded embroidered handkerchief to his mouth. The women follow him, raising their shrill cries of joy (the zugh'a'ree't); and one of them is constantly employed in sprinkling salt behind him, to prevent any ill effects from an evil eye, which, it is thought, some person may
cast, at the lad from envy. In this order and manner, the procession arrives at the house.—On halting' before the door, the foremost of the schoolboys sing,—“Thou art a sun! Thou art a moon! Thou art a light above light! “—The others add,—“O Mohham'mad! O my friend! O thou with black eyes!”—They enter the house repeating this address to the Prophet; and repeat it again after entering'. The young boys go up stairs: the others remain below. The former, as they go up, repeat,—“O thou his paternal aunt! O thou his maternal aunt! Come! prepare his sira'feh.”—On enter-ins the cka”ah, or principal apartment of the hharee'm, a Kashmee'r shawl is given them to hold: they hold it all round; and the ornamented writing-tablet is placed in the middle of it. The 'aree'f, or head boy of the school, who (together with the moota'hir and the women) stands by while they do this, then recites what is termed khoot'bet es-sira'feh: each clause of this is chanted by him first, and then repeated by the other boys. It is in unmeasured rhyme; and to the following effect.

” Praise be to God, the Mighty Creator!—the Sole, the Forgiver, the Conservator!—He knoweth the past and futurity,—and veileth things in obscurity.—He knoweth the tread of the black ant,—and its work when in darkness vigilant.—He formed and exalted heaven's vault,—and spread the earth o'er the ocean salt.—May He grant this boy long life and happiness,—to read the Ckoor-a'n with attentiveness;—to read the Ckoor-a'n, and history's pages,—the stories of ancient and modern ages.—This youth has learned to write and read,—to spell, and cast up accounts with speed:—his father, therefore, should not withhold—a reward of money,

silver and gold.—Of my learning, O father, thou hast paid the price:—God give thee a place in Paradise:— and thou, my mother, my thanks receive—for thine anxious care of me mom and eve:—God grant I may see thee in Paradise seated,—and by Mar'yam * and Zey'neb † and Fa'timeh ‡ greeted.—Our fackee'h § has taught us the alphabet:—may he have every grateful epithet.—Our fackee'h has taught us as far as 'The News ‖':—may he never his present blessings lose.—Our fackee'h has taught us as far as 'The Dominion': — may he ever be blest with the world's good opinion.— Our fackee'h has taught us as far as ' The Compassionate ':— may he ever enjoy rewards proportionate.— Our fackee'h has taught us as far as ' Ya'-Seen ':— may his days and years be ever serene.—Our fackee'h has taught us as far as ' The Cave ':—may he ever the blessings of Providence have.—Our fackee'h has taught us as far as ' The Cattle':—may he ne'er be the subject of scandalous tattle.—Our fackee'h has taught us as far as 'The Cow':—may he ever be honoured, in future and now.—Our fackee'h amply merits of you—a coat of green, and a turban too.—O ye surrounding virgin lasses!—I commend you to God's care by the eye-paint and the glasses —O ye married ladies here collected! * The Virgin Mary. † The daughter of the Ima'm 'Al'ee. ‡ The daughter of the Prophet. § Vulgo fick'ee. ‖ This and the following words distinguished by inverted commas are the titles of chapters of the Ckoor-a'n, which the boys, as I have mentioned on a former occasion, learn in the reverse order of their arrangement, after having learned the first chapter. The chapter of “the News” is the 78th: the others, afterwards named, are the 67th. 55th, 36th, 18th, 6th, and 2d. The looking-glasses. This is said to amuse the ladies.
I pray, by the Chapter of ' The Ranks *,' that ye be protected!—O ye old women standing' about!—Ye ought to be beaten with old shoes, and turned out!—To old women, however, we should rather say—Take the basin and ewer; wash and pray.” * The 37th chapter of the Ckoora'n.

During the chanting of these absurd expressions, the women drop, upon the ornamented writing-tablet, their noockoo't; which are afterwards collected in a handkerchief. The boys then go down, and give the noockoo't to the fick'ee below †.—Here, the moota'hir is now placed on a seat. The barber stands on one side of him, and the servant who holds the hheml on the other. The hheml is rested on the floor; and on the top of it is placed a cup, into which the guests put their noockoo't for the barber.—The female visitors dine in the hharee'm; and then leave the house. The boys dine below; and go to their homes. The men also dine; and all of them, excepting those of the family, and the. barber and his servant, take their leave. The barber then conducts the moota'hir, with one or two of his male relations, to a private apartment; and there performs the operation; or sometimes this is done on the following day. About a week after, he takes the boy to the bath. † What follows this describes the ceremonies which are performed both after the sira'feh and after the more common zef'feh of which I have given an account in a former chapter.

The next occasion of festivity in a family (if not the marriage of a son or daughter) is generally when a son is admitted a member of some body of tradesmen or artizans. On this occasion, a ceremony which I am about to describe is performed in certain cases; but not on admission into every trade: it is customary only

among carpenters, turners, barbers, tailors, book-binders, and a few others. The young man having become an adept in the business of his intended trade, his father goes to the sheykh of that trade, and signifies his wish that his son should be admitted a member. The sheykh sends an officer, called the nackee'b, to invite the masters of the trade, and sometimes a few friends of the candidate, to be present at the admission. The nackee'b, taking in his hand a bunch of sprigs of any green herb, or flowers, goes to each of these persons, hands to him a sprig or-little piece of green *, or a flower, or leaf, and says— “For the Prophet, the Fa't'hhah”:—that is, “Repeat the Fa't'hhah for the Prophet”:—both having done this together, the nackee'b adds,—“On such a day and hour, come to such a house or place, and drink a cup of coffee.”—The guests thus invited meet (generally at the house of the father of the young man, but sometimes in the country), take coffee, and dine. After this, the nackee'b leads the young man before the sheykh; states his qualifications; and then desires the persons present to recite the Fa't'hhah for the Prophet; which done, he girds the young man with a shawl over his outer coat; and ties a knot with the ends of this girdle. The Fa't'hhah is then recited again, generally for the sey'yid El-Bed'awee, or some other great saint; and a second knot is tied. Then, a third time the Fa't'hhah is recited; and a bow is tied. The young man is thus completely admitted. He kisses the hand of the sheykh, and that of each of his fellow tradesmen; and gives the nackee'b a small fee.—This ceremony is called shed'd el-wel'ed (the binding of the youth); and the person thus admitted is termed meshdoo'd, or bound. * 'Oo'd miya'z.
There remain only to be described the ceremonies occasioned by a death. These will be the subject of a separate chapter, here following, and concluding my account of the manners and customs of the Moos'lims of Egypt.

CHAPTER XV. DEATH, AND FUNERAL RITES.

WHEN a learned or pious Moos'lim feels that he is about to die, he sometimes performs the ordinary ablution, as before prayer; that he may depart from life in a state of bodily purity. It is common, also, for a Moos'lim, on a military expedition, or during' a lung journey, especially in the desert, to carry his grave-linen with him. Not unfrequently does it happen that a traveller, in such circumstances, has even to make his own grave: completely overcome by fatigue or privation, or sinking under a fatal disease, in the desert, when his companions, if he have any, cannot wait for his recovery or death, he performs the ablution (with water, if possible or, if not, with sand or dust, which is allowable in such case), and then, having made a trench in the sand, as his grave, lies down in it, wrapped in his grave-clothes, and covers himself, with the exception of his face, with the sand taken up in making the trench: thus he waits for death to relieve him; trusting to the wind to complete his burial.

When any one of the eminent 'Ool'ama of Cairo dies, the moo-ed'dins of the Az'har, and those of several other mosques, announce the event by chanting from the ma'd'nehs the cry called the Abra'r; the words of which I have given in the account of the customs observed

during Rum'ada'n, in the second of the chapters on periodical public festivals, &c.

The ceremonies attendant upon death and burial are nearly the same in the cases of men and women.— When the rattles in the throat, or other symptoms, show that a man is at the point of death, an attendant (his wife, or some other person) turns him round to place his head in the direction of Mek'keh, and closes his eyes. Even before the spirit has departed, or the moment after, the male attendants generally exclaim, “Al'la'h! There is no strength nor power but in God! To God we belong; and to Him we must return! God have mercy on him!” while the women of the family raise the cries of lamentation called wel'wel'eh, or wilwa'l; uttering the most piercing shrieks, and calling upon the name of the deceased. The most common cries that are heard on the death of the master of a family, from the lips of his wife, or wives, and children, are “O my master*!” “O my camel †!” that is, “O thou who broughtest my provisions, and hast carried my burdens,” “O my lion‡” “O camel of the house §!” “O my dear one ‖!” “O my only one !” “O my father**!” “O my misfortune ††!” —The clothes of the deceased are taken off as soon as he has ceased to breathe; and he is attired in another suit, placed on his bed or mattress, and covered over with a sheet. The women continue their lamentations; and many of the females of the neighbourhood, hearing the conclamation, come to unite with them in this melancholy task. Generally, also, the * Ya'tee'dee. † Ya' gem'elee. ‡ Ya' seb”ee. § Ya' gem'el el-beyt. ‖ Ya 'ez'zee. Ya' hhee'letee. ** Ya' aboo'ya. †† Ya' dahh'wel'ee (for da'awet'ee).

family of the deceased send for two or more nedda'belli (or public wailing-women *); but some persons disapprove of this custom; and many, to avoid unnecessary expense, do not conform with it. Each nedda'beh brings with her a ta'r (or tambourine), which is without the tinkling plates of metal which are attached to the hoop of the common ta'r. The nedda'behs, beating their ta'rs, exclaim, several times, “Alas for him!”—and praise his turban, his handsome person, &c.; and the female, relations, domestics, and friends of the deceased (with their tresses dishevelled, and sometimes with rent clothes), beating their own faces, cry in like manner, “Alas for him!”—This wailing is generally continued at least an hour. * See '2 Chron. xxxv., 23, Jer. ix., 17, and Matt, ix., 23.

If the death took place in the morning, the corpse is buried the same day †; but if it happened in the afternoon, or at night, the deceased is not buried until the following day: in this case, the nedda'behs remain all the night, and continue the lamentation with the other women; and a fick'ee is brought to the house to recite chapters of the Ckoor-a'n during the night; or several fick'ees are employed to perform a complete khut'meh. † The Egyptians have a superstitious objection to keep a corpse in the house during the night after the death, and to burying the dead after sunset; but the latter is sometimes done: I have witnessed one instance of it,

The mooghus'sil (or washer of the dead) soon comes, with a bench, upon which he places the corpse, and a bier ‡. The fick'ees who are to take part in the funeral ‡ It is hardly necessary to state that the corpse of a female is always washed by a woman.

procession (if the deceased were a person of respectable rank, or of the middle order) are also now brought to the house. These, during the process of washing, sit in an apartment adjoining that in which the corpse is placed, or without the door of the latter apartment; and some of them recite, or rather chant, the Soo'rat el-An'a'm (or 6th chapter of the Ckoor-a'n): others of them chant part of the Boor'deh, a celebrated poem in praise of the Prophet. The washer takes off the clothes of the deceased; which are his perquisite. The jaw is bound up; and the eyes are closed. The ordinary ablution preparatory to prayer having been performed upon the corpse, with the exception of the washing of the mouth and nose, the whole body is well washed, from head to foot, with warm water and soap, and with leef (or fibres of the palm-tree); or, more properly, with water in which some leaves of the lote-tree (nubck, or sidr) have been boiled. The nostrils, ears, &c., are stuffed with cotton; and the corpse is sprinkled with a mixture of water, pounded camphor, and dried and pounded leaves of the nubck, and with rose-water. Sometimes, other dried and pounded leaves are added to those of the nubck. The ankles are bound together, and the hands placed upon the breast.

The kef en, or grave-clothing, of a poor man consists of a piece, or two, of cotton *; or is merely a kind of bag. The corpse of a man of wealth is generally wrapped first in muslin; then, in cotton cloth of thicker texture; next, in a piece of striped stuff of silk and cotton intermixed, or in a ckoofta'n of similar stuff, merely stitched together; and over these is wrapped a Kashmee'r shawl. * The kef'en is often sprinkled with water from the well of Zem'zem, in the Temple of Mek'keh.

Funeral Procession.
The corpse of a woman of middling rank is usually clothed with a yel'ek. The colours most approved for the grave-clothes are white and green; but any colour is used, excepting blue, or what approaches to blue.— The body, prepared for interment as above described, is placed in the bier, which is usually covered over with a red or other Kashmee'r shawl. The persons who are to compose the funeral-procession then arrange themselves in order. The more common funeral-processions may be thus described.

The first persons are about six or more poor men, called Yemenee'yeh; mostly blind; who proceed two and two, or three and three, together. Walking at a moderate pace, or rather slowly, they chant, in a melancholy tone, the profession of faith (” There is no deity but God: Mohham'mad is God's Apostle: God favour and preserve him!”); as follows—

or sometimes, other words. They are followed by some

male relations and friends of the deceased, and, in many cases, by two or more persons of some sect of durwee'shes, bearing the flags of their order. This is a general custom at the funeral of a durwee'sh. Next follow three or four or more schoolboys; one of whom carries a moos' hhaf (or copy of the Ckoora'n), or a volume consisting of one of the thirty sections of the Ckoor-a'n, placed upon a land of desk formed of palm-sticks, and covered over, generally with an embroidered kerchief. These boys chant, in a higher and livelier voice than the Yemenee'yeh, usually some words of a poem called the “Hhashree'yeh,” descriptive of the events of the last day, the judgment, &c.; to the air here noted.

The following is a translation of the commencement of this poem.

* [I assert] the absolute glory of Him who createth whatever hath form; * ' A-l-eba'd is a vulgar contraction, for 'al'a-l-'eba'd.—It will be observed (from the specimen here given, in the first two lines) that this poem is not in the literary dialect of Arabic. And reduceth his servants by death: Who bringeth to nought [all] his creatures, with mankind: They shall all lie in the graves:

The absolute glory of the Lord of the cast*: * Literally, “the two easts,” or “the two places of sunrise:” the point where the sun rises in summer, and that where it rises in winter. The absolute glory of the Lord of the west †: † Or, “the two places of sunset.” The absolute glory of the illuminator of the two lights; The sun, to wit, and the moon: His absolute glory: how bountiful is He! His absolute glory: how clement is He! His absolute glory: how great is He! When a servant rebelleth against Him, He protecteth.'

The school-boys immediately precede the bier, which is borne head-foremost. Three or four friends of the deceased usually carry it for a short distance: then three or four other friends bear it a little further; and then these are in like manner relieved. Behind the bier walk the female mourners; sometimes a group of more than a dozen, or twenty; with their hair dishevelled, though generally concealed by the head-veil; crying and shrieking, as before described; and often, the hired mourners accompany them, celebrating the praises of the deceased. Among the women, the relations and domestics of the deceased are each distinguished by a strip of linen or cotton stuff or muslin, generally blue, bound round the head, and tied in a single knot behind: the ends hanging down a few inches‡. Each of these also carries a handkerchief, usually died blue; which she sometimes holds over her shoulders, and at other times twirls with both hands over her head, or before her face. The cries of the women, the lively chanting of the youths, and the ‡ In the funeral-scenes represented on 1he walls of ancient Egyptian tombs, we often see females with a similar bandage round the head.

deep tones uttered by the Yemenee'yeh, compose a strange discord.

The wailing of women at funerals was forbidden by the Prophet; and so, also, was the celebration of the virtues of the deceased. Mohham'mad declared, that the virtues thus ascribed to a dead person would be subjects of reproach to him, if he did not possess them, in a future state. It is astonishing to see how some of the precepts of the Prophet are every day violated by all classes of the modern Moos'lims; the Wah'ha'bees alone excepted.—I have sometimes seen mourning women of the lower classes, following a bier, having their faces (which were bare), and their head-coverings and bosoms, besmeared with mud*. * This was a custom of the ancient Egyptians: it is described by Herodotus, lib. ii., cap. 85.—Passengers in the streets and roads, when a corpse is borne by to the tomb, often say,—“God is most great! God is most great! This is what God and his Apostle have promised: and God and his Apostle have spoken truth. O God, increase our faith and submission!”—The women, pointing with the finger at the bier, say,—“I testify that there is no deity but God.”

The funeral-procession of a man of wealth, or of a person of the middle classes, is sometimes preceded by three or four or more camels, bearing bread and water to give to the poor at the tomb; and is composed of a more numerous and varied assemblage of persons. The foremost of these are the Yemenee'yeh, who chant the profession of the faith, us described above. They are generally followed by some male friends of the deceased, and some learned and devout persons who have been invited to attend the funeral. Next follows a group of four or more fick'ees, chanting the Soo'rat el-An'a'm

(the 6th chapter of the Ckoora'n); and sometimes, another group, chanting the Soo'rat Ya'-Seen (the 36th chapter); another, chanting the Sco'rat el-Kalif (the 18th chapter); and another, chanting the Soo'rat ed-Dookh'kha'n (the 44th chapter). These are followed by some moon'shids, singing the Boor'deh; and these, by certain persons called As-hha!b el-Ahhza'b, who are members of religious orders founded by celebrated sheykhs. There are generally four or more of the order of the Hhezb es-Sa'da't; a similar group of the Hhezb Esh-Sha'zilee; and another of the Hhezb Esh-Shaara'wee: each group chants a particular form of prayer. After them are generally borne two or more half-furled flags, the banners of one or other of the principal orders of durwee'shes. Then follow the schoolboys, the bier, and the female mourners, as in the procession before described; and, perhaps, the led horses of the bearers, if these be men of rank. A buffalo, to be sacrificed at the tomb, where its flesh is to be distributed to the poor, sometimes closes the procession.

The funeral of a devout sheykh, or of one of the great 'Ool'ama, is still more numerously attended; and the bier of such a person is not covered with a shawl. A wel'ee is further honoured in his funeral by a remarkable custom. Women follow his bier; but, instead of wailing, as they would after the corpse of an ordinary mortal, they rend the air with the shrill and quavering cries of joy called zugh'a'ree'l; and if these cries are discontinued but for a minute, the bearers of the bier protest that they cannot proceed; that a supernatural power rivets them to the spot on which they stand. Very often, it is said, a wel'ee impels the bearers of his corpse to a particular spot.—The following anecdote, describing

an ingenious mode of puzzling a dead saint in a case of this kind, was related to me by one of my friends.— Some men were lately bearing the corpse of a wel'ee to a tomb prepared for it in the great cemetery on the north of the metropolis; but, on arriving' at the gate called Ba'b en-Nusr, which leads to this cemetery, they found themselves unable to proceed further, from the cause above mentioned. “It seems,” said one of the bearers, “that the sheykh is determined not to be buried in the cemetery of Ba'b en-Nusr: and what shall we do?” They were all much perplexed: but being as obstinate as the saint himself, they did not immediately yield to his caprice. Retreating a few paces, and then advancing with a quick step, they thought, by such an impetus, to force the corpse through the gate-way; but their efforts were unsuccessful; and the same experiment they repeated in vain several times. They then placed the bier on the ground to rest and consult; and one of them, beckoning' away his comrades to a distance beyond the hearing of the dead saint, said to them, “Let us take up the bier again, and turn it round quickly several times till the sheykh becomes giddy; he then will not know in what direction we are going, and we may take him easily through the gate.” This they did; the saint was puzzled as they expected; and quietly buried in the place which he had so striven to avoid.

The biers used for the conveyance of the corpses of females and boys are different from those of men. They are furnished with a cover of wood, over which a shawl is spread, as over the bier of a man; and at the head is an upright piece of wood, called a ska'hid. The sha'hid is covered with a shawl; and to the upper part of it,

Bier used for the conveyance of the corpse of a female or boy.
when the bier is used to convey the body of a female of the middle or higher class, several ornaments of female head-dress are attached: on the top, which is flat and circular, is often placed a ckoor's (the round ornament of gold or silver set with diamonds, or of embossed gold, which is worn on the crown of the head-dress): to the back is suspended the suf'a (or a number of braids of black silk with gold ornaments along each, which are worn by the ladies, in addition to their plaits of hair, hanging down the back). The bier of a boy is distinguished by a turban, generally formed of a red Kashmee'r shawl, wound round the top of the sha'hid; which, in the case of a young boy, is also often decorated with the ckoor's and suf'a. The corpse of a very young child is carried to the tomb in the arms of a man, and
merely covered with a shawl; or, in a very small bier borne on a man's head.

In the funerals of females and boys, the bier is usually only preceded by the Yemenee'yeh, chanting the profession of faith, and by some male relations of the deceased; and followed by the female mourners; unless the deceased were of a family of wealth, or of considerable station in the world; in which case, the funeral-procession is distinguished by some additional display. I shall give a short description of one of the most genteel and decorous funerals of this kind that I have witnessed: it was that of a young, unmarried lady.—Two men, each bearing a large, furled, green flag, headed the procession,preceding the Yemenee'yeh, who chanted in an unusually low and solemn manner. These fackee'rs, who were in number about eight, were followed by a group of fick'ees, chanting a chapter of the Ckoora'n. Next after the latter was a man bearing a large branch of nubck (or lote-tree), an emblem of the deceased*. On each side of him walked a person bearing a tall staff or cane, to the top of which were attached several hoops ornamented with strips of various-coloured paper. These were followed by two Turkish soldiers, side by side: one bearing, on a small round tray, a gilt silver ckoom'-ckoom of rose-water; and the other bearing, on a similar tray, a mib'khar'ah of gilt silver, in which some odoriferous substance (as benzoin, or frankincense) was burning. These vessels diffused the odour of their contents on the way; and were afterwards used to perfume the sepulchral vault. Passengers were occasionally sprinkled with the rose-water. Next followed four men, each of whom bore, upon a small tray, several small * This is only borne in funerals of young persons.

lighted tapers of wax, stuck in lumps of paste of hhen'na. The bier was covered with rich shawls; and its sha'hid was decorated with handsome ornaments of the head; having, besides the suf'a, a ckoos'sah alma's (a long ornament of gold and